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WID
october 1, 1Yr0
hovrrto endthe'wa,r inViet Na,rn
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How To End the War in Vietnam:
A Symposium of Sorts
t(
page
16:
Los Tintos Indios
T
Women Strike for Equality
al
page 8:
page 21:
page 22:
page 25
page 29:
A Casualty Report
Page 32:
Letters
1
tr
tt
k
Organize Don't Burglarize
S(
S
Reviews
b
Poems
Ci
d
C
E
Front cover design: Burt LeVitsky
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Back cover photo: Kenneth McAllister
C
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l.inda Wood
Mike Wood
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IN IHE PROVINCES
Denis Adelsberger (Box 7 417 , Atlanta, Ga.)
Ruth Dcar (5429 S. Dorchester, Chicago, Ill.)
Paul Encimer (c/o Venice Draft Resistance,
73 Market St. No. I [, Venice, Calif.)
Seth lroldy (2232 Elandon Dr., Cleveland Heights. Oh.)
Erikr Gottfried (4811 Nh l07th. Serattle, Waslr.98l25)
Paul & Becky .lohnson (Somervhcre in New Merico)
Waync Hayashi (1035 tJniversity Ave., Rm. 203.
Hcrnrrlulu, lli. 96822)
Rose [.aBelle (713 NE Adams, l\'linneapolis. i\ln.)
Timothy Lange (1045 l4th St., Boulder, Co.)
Mark Nlorris (3808 Hamilton St., Philadelphia. Pa.)
Paul Obluda (544 Natoma, San Francisco, Ca. 94103)
Volurne Vl, Number 16.
I
October. 1970
k
-
CL'W'
d
s.
s
peace and freedom
throrrgh nonviolent action
339 Lafayette Street
New York, New York 1OO12
Telephone (2121 228-0270
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I
n
WIN is publislred twice-montlrly (except July, August, and January
when it is publislred monthly) by the War Resisters League ln
cooperation with tlle New York Workshop in Nonviolence.
Subscriptions are $5.00 per year. Second class postage paid at New
York, N.Y. 1OoO1. lndivlclual writers are responsible f or opinions
expressed and accuracy of facls given. Sorry manuscripts cannot be
returned unless accompanied by a self-addressed, stamped envelope.
Printed in U.S.A., WIN is a member of the Underground
Syndic.rte and Liberation News Service.
Press
c
d
h
d
I
I
t
n
I
DRAFT BOARD RIP.OFF
IN ROCHESTER, N.Y.
Over the Labor Day weekend, in
Rochester, New York, raids were carried out simu ltaneously at the off ices
of four, local draft boards, the F.B.l",
and the United States Attorney, all located in the Rochester Federal Buil-
ding. A] the four local draft
boards,
1-A files were destroyed, as were cri-
tical portions of the cross-reference
system. At the U.S. Attorney's office.
files were destroyed, and at the F.B.l.
f
iles and weapons were disrupted.
Eight pacifists were arrested leaving
the Federal Building at 4:15 A.M., after the destruction had been completed, on the morning of September 6.
They are being held on charges of breaking and entering a federal building,
and destroying government. property
valued at more than $100. Bail has
set at $100,000 for each of the eight.
The eight who were. arrested are:
Suzanne Williams. a former staff member of New England C.N.V.A., and recently released from federal prison for
destroying draft files in Boston; DeCourcy Squire, also formerly of New
England C.N.V.A.; Joanie Nicholson,
'of the New York 8, who destroyed
files of draft boards in the Bronx and
Oueens last August; Ted Glick, of the
East Coast Conspiracy to Save Lives,
raided draft complexes in Philadelphia
and G.E. offices in Washington, D.C.
in February; Frank Callahan, an aspi-
ring renaissance man; Wayne Bonnekemper, a.fugitive from iustice (on a
WIN DECALS BANNED
AT AIR FORCE BASE
"security officers at Shepard Air
ders to remove from all base vehicles
decals showing the American flag with
a peace symbol overprint." said a UPI
dispatch August 19. "Any civilian at
Shepard with such a decal on his automobile will be escorted to the main
gate and asked to leave. The orders include books, jackets and personal belongings of the airmen."
The decals described above can be
obtained from WIN-75d apiece, three
in San Francisco, Concerned Academy
Graduates recently opened an office in
in Washington and launched a campaign
for
$2'
-J.P.
,,HARD HATS NOT ALL
STORMTROOPERS"
So stated the placard
carried by Wal-
ter Stack, a hod carrier for the past
15
years, as he recently rode the length of
San Francisco's Market Street wearing
his own hard hat. (Stack, a former seaman. is the brother of Joe Stack with
whom I recall being clobbered one day
by goons on the New Orleans water-
front back in 1936
as we were distributing union literature.)
Where he started his ride, there was
a large concentration of construction
workers, but he reports no sign of hos-
And the next morning when
ment of the group, as, "immoral tools
of an immoral government," and condemned for prosecuting draft resisters,
harassing the Movement, suppressing
dissent, and locking people in cages.
The group felt that they treasured life,
liberty and human dignity, more than
the property that is used to compromise these values.
mistake and get out of Vietnam."
Among the group's membership are
of West Point, Annapolis
Air Force Academy. -J.P.
125 alumni
and the
DRAFT BOARD
ENDS PROTEST
The Door County (Wisc) Selective
Service Board No. '16 agreed finally to
end its protest and continue calling
for induction.
The board had voted unanimousf y
Aug. 1 0 not to draft any men beyond
August until violators of SelectiveService laws were apprehended and prosecuted.
The board had said it would refuse
to induct men because "it was an injustice to the honest citizen who reports for induction to fulfill his military obligation to permit the violator
to escape without penalty."
Milwaukee Journal
turn to papSO
Please
to work-his picture was in the
paper-there was a lot of kidding but,
as he said "lt was all very friendly and
congenial and nobody went into the
came
issu es.
"
nation's newspapers gleefully reported
the hard hats' pro-war demonstrations
in New York last May. But they gave
very little attention to the fdct that at
U.S. Attorney have been assaulted,
These offices were described in a state-
to convince Americans that "the only
honorable peace now is to admit our
he
sister from lthaca.
instance that the offices of the F.B.l.
.now have a group opposing the
war in lndochina. Organized in June
The slogan on Stack's placard is
true, concerning San Francisco. The
of
.
.
Force Base began today enforcing or-
demo rap); Jane Meyerding, a former
student; and Joe Gilchrist, a draft reAlthough draft f iles destruction has
become commonplace, this is the first
AND EVEN MILITARY
ACADEMY GRADUATES..
the same time in San Francisco 53 local
building and metal trades officials were
arnong the signers of a full page newspaper ad concluding "We want a cease
fire-Now!
We want out of CambodiaNow! We want out of Vietnam-Now!
We've had it!" ln fact every AFL-ClO
county Central Labor Council in the
Bay area was joined in censuring Nixon "for his deception, dishonesty and
violation of our Constitution." -J.P.
YOU...
Can support WIN by sending
in news, articles, photos, poems, pictures.
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HOWTOEND THE WAR IN VIETNAM #1
Brad LYttle
ISicILATE
THEFCIFIEESCIF FASGISMT
EXPCISE GCIFIPtrIEATE
LIBEItALISM,
HEIGiHTEI\T ANTT - IM]'EFIIALtsr GolNsc rclusr\rEss,
SCILIDIFYMASS PCI\,VEFI
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Ihe weakest link in the chaiq of Amerioan in.rperialism
was Vietnanr and is now Indochina. The U.S. is close to
defeat in that area. Those voices in the ruling circies who
argue that the U. S. will never suffer its "first" defeat are
quite prepared to pursue military victory through nuclear
power and gamble the risk of a third rvorld war. They n-ray
even "seize the time" to effect preemptory nuclear strikes
at China. They are prepared to institute military fascism at
horr-re ar.rd justify ali with the need to "Save American lives",
the same rationale that was olfered twenty-five years ago to
justify the Hiroshima-Nagasaki atomic bornbings. A military
coup by tliis section of the American ruling class is an irnrnediate danger in the period ahead.
But within the ruling class there are powerful interests
wlto are prepared to accept def'eat in Indochina just as they
they were .able to retreat in the lace of defeat in China, Korea, and Cuba. They did miscalculate in Vietnam' For them,
it was a nristake, only in the sense that they did not foresee
the trenremdous will to resist forged by the movements for
national liberation in h'rdochina. They assumed that a more
sophisticated military-political approach than the French
were able to advance would result in a relatively quick seizwe of South Vietnam. Now they see the futility of this
strategy. McGeorge Bundy stated it over two years ago.
Clark Clifford has put it even more bluntly in his Life
article a.fter the Cambodian invasion. Averill Harriman is
The Moratorium personified. The Eastern Establishment
wants out! It wants an end to the war because it is not
prepared to seek miiitary victory at the risk of waging a
world nuclear war, in which the U. S. industrial complex
would be militarily vulnerable to destruction for the first
time. It wants out because American investments in Europe
are becoming increasingly jeopardized by the imbalance of
payments, and the consequent devaluation of the dollar econor.ny. The Euro-Soviet detente may also signal a whole new
commercial and trading relationship ieading to tire isolation
of American interests. lt wants out because the war has led
to an intcnse process of radical anti-imperialist consciousness among youth, blacks, and women irr this country-as
well as among similar groups, including young workers, in
.J
"western allied" countries overseas. lt wants out because of
the developing revolutionary consciousness arnong blacks
and Chicar.ros internally which necessitates a big carrot at
home, instead ol the big stick in Indot-hina. They call it a
policy of establishing new priorities for America. Thls di
vision and polarization within the ruling groups of our
country provjdes the popular struggle against the war with
rerl opportunilies.
As the October 15th Moratorium so clearly evidenced,
those ruling groups who wish to cut bait in Vietnam must
l-rave the people in the streets. They need a peace movetnent
they can call their own, and they nearly got it. lt would be
single issue, anti-communist and slow on the qr-restion of
withdrawal from Indochina. They would love an Old SANE
with the likes of Homer Jack and Norntan Cousins clothed
in the youth culture of a Gene McCarthy children's crusade.
For they only want people in the streets for the time it
takes to sing "give peace a chance"-and then all hearts are
to turn to door beil ringing and the election of an anti-war
Congress. They are the chief proponents of the Princeton
Plan.
In the face of the potential thrust toward military fascism, this section of the ruling class provides a sustaining
power check whicl-r allows Vietnar.n to be a major poiitical
and Congressional issue, opens the streets to the people and
maintains a climate of rrredia opinion congenial to the growth
of a majority movement to end the war. At tirnes, it is even
cornpelled by outspoken pressures of youth and blacks to
yield on the political repression of anti-war militants and
and black revolutionaries. F-inaliy, it has opened the labor
movement up to the issue, recognizing fu1l weli that the inflationary character of the war and the drop in real income
for American workers could lead to a process of intense
radicalization among the rank and file of labor. While the
forces of military fascism l.nove to mobilize the most racist
sectior.rs of labor in the construction ir-rdustry as storm troopers, the forces of corporate liberalisrn seek to move industrial workers into an anti.comnlunist, single-issue, moderately
toncd peace nrovement.
The strategy of popular forces struggling to end U.S.
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imperial aggression in Indochina should be based on the
principle of a united front among those who are opposed to
militarism, racism, sexism and fascism. The strategy must be
based on the development of a broad, mass rlovement
which stands for the right of national self-determination,
struggles against chauvinism in its racial, national and masculine forms, and practices a policy of political non-exclusionism. It must wage a principled fight against political and
military policies which are genocidal in consequence. T'he
main tasks of the mass based political front would be to
isolate the forces of tnilitary fascisr.r'r, expose the cooptalion
efforts of corporate liberalism, heighten an anti-imperialist
consciousness, and initiate tactics tl'rat consolidate mass
power, legitimate widespread involvement, intensify direct
resistance
to
established authority, cLtltivate international
solidarity witl-r the Indochinese and defeat U.S. irnperialism
in Southeast Asia.
There is an iinn'rediacy to the question of tactics because
popular forces in the United States are in a strategic position
to help prevent nuclear escalation of the war abroad arrd
political supremacy of military fascism at home. Ordinarily,
one might look to the youthful and restive groups in the
American working class as the key force in tl.re development
of a powerful resistance movenlent in the United States.
In the long run, that is where we must look for the development of a socialist revolution in America. But our
immediate task is to defeat the forces of imperialism where
it is the weakest, and where it ls perpetrating a blatant
policy of military genocide against the revolutionary aspirations of the Indochinese people. ln the short run, it is im6
perative that we move fast with those forces who are prepared to legitimate the will to resist and heighten the consciousness to strike. Given a majority movement against the
war, we must prevail among progressive forces in the estaLr.
lished clergy to move rapidly in the development of nonviolent direct mass action against the imperial policies of military genocide in Indochina. Marching tactics should sti1l be
used periodically to surface mass dissent and heighten antiwar consciousness, but the current period calls for the widescale diffusion of mass nonviolent civil disobedience comparable in scope and quality to the civil rights movement of
of the early sixties.
Massive nonviolent direct action impiies that rnany people will get hurt and sonte may die, that was the case of Birmingharn ar.rd Selma. Those who went South kriew that they
it will take the lives of rnany of our
friends and comrades before we are able to wield the leverage of mass international opinion and disruptive internal
turrnoil to bring the war machine to a halt in Indochina.
The powerful appeal of nonviolent mass disobedience is that
the cause is so just as to risklife itself. Backed by the moral
thrust of committed clergy, nonvioient direct mass action
provides a powerful tactical alternative to both liberal polifaced death. And,
tics and clitc violence.
Indiscriminate acts
of
trashing and targeted acts of
bombing usually turn the people to the very forces of .reaction, those quilk to offer the remedy of law and order. The
premature developn.rent of physical warfare in the United
States on the part of popular forces would subject the
movement to intense repression if not fascism. lt would
compel liberal sections of the ruling class to succumb to the
hardJine military in closing off the streets, shutting up the
media,.and putting an end to political debate. It would help
consolidate a mass base for fascism in the working class
where the greatest potential support for political dem6cracy
now exists.
The use of direct physical violence by sections of the
morement-who place themselves above the people represent
a clear and present danger to the growth oi popular'forces.
Infantile leftism has never frightened ruling groups, rather,
it has enabled them to consolidate power quickly. Little
wonder that it is the ranks of elite-minded revolutionaries that
are most infiltrated by agents and provocateurs of the police.
The tactical actions of popular forces should be designed
to
widen the divisions within the ruling class and unifyiheien_
dencies within the people. Violent actions by small elites
have just the opposite result.
The present divisions within the anti-war movement over
tactical questions is a serious danger. In my opinion, the
Socialist Workers Party, and its youth afiiliate, the young So
cialist Alliance, made a profound error in prematurely initi_
ating a new anti-war coalition committed to a singlj issue,
marching tactic approach. They are creating a divisiveness
throughout the country and are lending themselves to a pG
tentially anti-communist role. In their search for broad re_
spectability via legal, peaceful, orderly demonstration,
they
will be contrasted to the "illegal, vi-olent, and disorder#,,
types, i.e., communists, who seek to destroy the system.
The Trotskyists must come to understand ihat forms of
nonviolent resistance can imply direct mass action based
upon a powerful moral appeal to the American conscience.
Nonviolent direct action may at times include a mass mobil_
ization marching tactic-and, most often would if the action
was
to be of
mass character. The setting
of a mass demon_
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stration target shouid hardly become the basis for bringing
a new anti-war coalition sttucture into being.
The Strategy Action Conference in Milwaukee was called
for the primary purpose of establishing a "working unity",
at the cornmunity level, alnong progressive and democratic
forces in the country. Concerned with the interreiationship
of the issues of imperialism, rnilitarisnt, racism, sexism, and
fascism, representative $oups a.lso looked forward to unified national actions which could help bring the war to an
end. The political cornposition of the Strategy Action Conlerence was excellent in many respects, but the sense of distrust and local parochialism which prevailed made it difficult for the begir-rnings of a solid united front to emerge. As
a result, a political void exists where there should be profound and broad unity. When the ruling class is divided, the
people must be united, otherwise they cannot hope to prevail.
One goocl consequence
of the Strategy Action Confer-
ence was the appeai by Rev. Ralph Abernathy to the August
Convention of S.C.L.C. for a "new march on Washington to
bring the Pentagon to a ltalt" and "tie up the whole Washir.rgton scene, if necessary." S.C.L.C. should not go it alone'
It shouid be joined immediately by progressive clergy organizations, women, student and labor groups. It is imperative
that S.C.L.C. initiate the formation of a pro tem unity
council and delegate to it the responsibility for the formation of severa.l task groups to plan the Washington action in
great detail for the spring of 1971. Meanwhile, the pattern
ofnonviolent disruptive mass actions should proceed against
Vietnam military targots around the country. Every effort
should be made to stop the flow of war personnel and materials to Vietnam. The struggle against Universjty complicity with the military must be intensified. The National
Action Group and/or the New Mobe should give serious consideration to the inrmediate implementation of the Brad
Lyttle proposal to "shut down the Pentagon" in conjunction with a solid month of decentralized anti-war activity in
October.
The American movement should also issue a call for actions of international solidarity among progressive forces
throughout the world during October leading to the development of a firm international antl-imperialist united front
against U.S. aggression in lndochina.
Finally, we will get nowhere without a national coordinating structure. This structure must constitute a broad
political front-based upon essential unity on the issues of
militarism, racism, sexism, and fascism-and moved by the
immediate demand to effect the total and unconditional
withdrawal of American forces and hardware from lndoChina..A working cot.nmittee of representative national and
regional groups should be empowered to convene a delegaied, miss conference leading to the establishment of a
broadly based democratic front of popular forced committed to tl-re struggle against in.rperialisln, militarism, racism,
sexism and tascism. The conference should be held no later
than the July 4th weekend, 1971. lt will take ne-arly a full
year to prepare for the conference. A national coordinating
council, or central committee, must emerge which serves the
people, and is accepted and supported by the people'
ln sum, the basic division within the American ruling
class and the unified resistance of the Indochinese people
provide significant opportunities for the anti-war movement
in the U.5. First of ;l1, we must move to establish a broad,
united front against the war. Second, we must press the
struggle against genocide and move progressive clergy to active leadership roles. Third, nonviolent direct ntass action,
legitimated by clergy leadership, must be set in motion as a
m-ajor tactical step in the prevention of nuclear war abroad
and fascism at home. Fourth, the month of October should
be viewed as a time of concentrated international solidarity
with the Indochinese people. Decentralized demonstrations
and actions should proceed around the country at the same
time that a "shut the Pentagon" project is initiated' Fifth, a
a pro tem council to implement the S.C.L.C. Washington
Aciion in Spring, l97l should be formed immediately for
practical organizing purposes. And, finally, preparations
ihould get underway for a mass delegated conference by
July, 1971, leading to the establishing of a popular, democraiic front oriented to the struggle against imperialism,
militarism, racism, sexism, and
fascism.
* I would like to refer readers to two earlier
_sidney peck
papers on this
topic:
(1.) "strategy and Tactics of the Anti-War Movement"
'ly'ew
Politics, Sumr.ner, I 968.
(2.) "The Anti-War Movement and Radical Politics" Iy'ew
Politics, Spring, 1970.
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THE STI\IGiLE ISEiI.JE APPFICIAGH
HOW TO END THE WAR IN VIET NAll{I #2
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----
-
-
I n. ,rur*. Los Angeles police attack on the Chjcano
Moratorium Against the War in Vietnam August 29 underlined the interrelationship between the imperialist aggression
in lndochina and the racist, capitalist oppression at home.
It also underlined the continuing, imperative need to build
a massive movement against the Vietnam war capable of relating to and buttressing the struggle against oppression at
home. The Chicano Moratorium Against the Vietnam War is
a living example of this.
The question of what next for the antiwar movement has
been debated since the very inception of the movement
against the Vietnam war. Inevitably, any continuing debate
will bring a restatement of previous arguments. But there are
also significant new developments which shed light on old
arguments and help to resolve ln the concrete issues which
previously were considered primarily in the abstract.
The piincipai new fact in the situation, I believe, is that
opposition to tlie war has developed to a qualitativeiy new
stage. It reaches into and affects every layer and stratum of the
American people.
It is no longer simply the stude'nts who are against the war.
Opposition is virtually unanimous in the Black and Third
World comn-runities. It has assumed major proportions among
GIs, as reflected in the widespread wearing of the peace symbol by combat troops and by the proliferation of GI underground papers at bases here and abroad.
end, a serious examination demonstrates, opposition of
a significant cliaracter is beginning to crystalize and surface
within the organized trade union movement.
If there was any question about the massive character of
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the opposition to the war, the question was definitely answered
by the campus explosion following the Cambodian invasion
and the Kent-Augusta-Jackson events last Mav. In a number
of key aspects this explosion was historic. It involved the
biggest student strike in U.S. history, embracing more students
on more campuses than any previous action cn any issue'
The near spontaneous movement of students on campus
after campus to open up the schools as antiwar universities,
rather than simply shut them down and disperse, was also of
the deepest import. Moves to secure control of campus facilities-moves that proved astonishingly successful in a number
of areas-and the attempt to use these facilities to build the
antiwar movement and.reach out to the surrounding communities-expressed a political consc.iousness among students
that goes significantly beyond the issue of the war. The students asked: In whose interest shall the university be run and
by whom shall it be contlolled?
The growing antiwar sentiment has been buttressed by
the development of a general radicalization-an unprecedented
questioning about the social system responsible for the host
of evils we now endure and a growing realization that the
struggles around these issues are interrelated and relate to the
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The most dranratic example of this swiftly mounting radicalization is the development of the women's liberation movement. It questions what had been deemed the eternal verities
regarding the family and the status of worlen. The big turnout irr New York and elsewhere for the Aug. 26 Women's
Strike offered inspiring testimony to strength and potential of
this movement.
Long overdue, there is the fact of the beginnings of significant motion among the white workers. The totaliy unexpected postal strike, and the near-crippling of industry and
government resulting from it, were like a flash of heat lightning in suggesting the power of organized labor when it
moves. And the futile effort by the powerful General Electric trust last year to smash the electrical unions provided one
more proof of the capacity of the workers to defend their
interests when they see and understand the attack.
A11 of the foregoing may appear at first glance to be un-
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related to the issue under discussion-what next for the antiwar movement? But there is a direct and significant relationship which can be summarized in the statement that the
opportunity to build a mass movement against the war is now
greater than ever and just as urgent as ever.
It should be quite plain since the extensiolt of the war
into Cambodia that U.,S. imperialism intends to hang on in
Southeast Asia as long as it is able. Any notion that the war
was virtually over and that it was simply a matter of time
before Washington carried through the process of extricating itself were totally dispelled by the attack Nixon ordered.
Washington will not get out of Indochina one day sooner
than the lndochinqse revolution coupled with a powerful
American antiwar movement compel it to.
This reality is gaining increased recognition and, along
with the increased general radicalization, offers the opportunity to extend the movement against the war to significant
new constituencies. But this will be achieved only if the
movement to end the war proceeds on the basis of a sound
and realistic perspective.
The need for a single-issue approach remains key. Immediately after the massive Washington demonstration of last
Nov. 15, the sponsoring New Mobe yielded completely to the
multi.issue forces within it, drastically changing its course.
The Radical Caucus, joining forces with a sector of the Mobe
officers, transformed the New Mobe into a "multi-issue",
"radical" formation. The attempt was made to broaden and
extend tl-rat kind of coalition with the Strategic Action Conference in Milwaukee this past June.
For nine.months, the advoeates of building a multi-issue,
"anti-imperialist" coalition have had full opportunity to demonstrate in life the validity of the approach. The fact that
the Strategic Action Coalition, ostensibly organized in Cleveland, never got off the ground and that the New Mobe is
virtually extinct provides rather somber verification of the
utopian quality of that particular approach.
Meanwhile, the single-issue approac.h is also being tested
in life with the current efforts to build the National Peace
Action Coalition which was lauched by a Cleveland conference
also held in June. Here the picture is much brighter. NPAC is
becoming increasingly broad and drawing in forces never
previously invoived in the antiwar movement.
It is noLmerely of symbolic importance that the National
Alliance of Postal and Federal Employees, at its August nationai convention, voted to endorse NPAC and to support the
Oct. 31 demonstrations against the war being organized by
the body. This is, to my knowledge, the first tirne that a national ur.rion has officially endorsed an antiwar demonstration.
A similar manifestation of the increasing labor was the
endorsement of NPAC and the Oct. 31 action by Patrick Gorman, secretary-treasurer of the influential Amalgamated Meat
Cutters & Butchers Workrnen.
Recognition of the viablility of the new coalition is indicated by the adherence of a number of antiwar activities
long associated with the Mobe. These include such figures
as Abe Bloom and Helen Gurewitz of the Washington Mobe:
Kather.ine Canrp, president of the Women's International
League for Peace and Freedom, and others.
But does the growth of such a single-issue coalition, dedicated to organizing massive demonstrations for immediate
withdrawal, just mean continuous marching and little more?
No. It certainly does include continued marching because
continued marching is necessary to keep the opposition to the
war visible, growing and capable of keeping the pressure on
Washington a pressure to which the administration is in fact
compeiled to respond" The massive eruption of protest in response to Cambodia was responsible for the withdrawal of
U.S. ground troops.
But the marching also means son.rething else. N{ass demonstrations have proven the organizing vehicle for involving
people in the antiwar movernent and-equally important for
those of us committed to revolutionary social change-have
helped set significant numbers on the road to a geneially radical outlook.
Mass actions around the demand for immediate withdrawal constitute effective acts of solidarity with the Vietnamese revolution and by the same token strike significant
blows at U.S. imperialisrn. Time and again the Vietnamese
have expressed their appreciation that this is the case.
But this does not mean, as some critics mistakenly argue,
a mindless repetition of the withdrawal demand without any
effort to relate it to other social issues and particular constituencies. Creatively applied, it is the most effective way of
reiating the war to other key social issues. Again, the Chicano
Moratorium provides an excellent example of how a singleissue mass movement against the war can be utilized as a
focus for involving the Chicano community in struggle on
an issue of crucial relevance for them while at the same time
carrying them into motion on other related issues-particularly those of their own oppression and of the need and right to
control their own communities.
What next for the antiwar movement? Concretely, building
the Oct. 31 demonstrations against the war into the most
massive possible ones-involving labor, GIs, the Third World
communities and everyone that wants the U.S. out now.
Doing this, I am convinced, will prove a significant contribution to fighting against this monstrous, genocidal war and to
building a movement for the abolition of the system responsible for that
war.
Harry Ring
(Harry Ring is editnr of The Militant, a Trotskyist weekly
reflecting the viewpoint of the Socialist lUorkers Party. )
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That is the note on my desk, reminding me to get in nry
article "How To End the War" before WIN's deadline. Its
accidental humor applies, however, to the whole discussion.
The fact is no one really knows how to end the war, or we
"know" how to do it only in an abstract and unreal wayi.e., "il' everyone stopped fighting the war would end or
"if''
we had a socialist government the war would end. Un"ifs" are possible ot the moruent. At
happily none of those
the moment the peace movement really does not know how
to end the wat now.
It is easy for me to play wise man in this particular set of
articles since before writing nrine I read through the other
two. My first impression is the following:
"The savage continuing in-rperative underlines the im-
perialist buttressing so obvious in ruling circles. Inevi-
tably the repressed struggle against repression
becomes
the key crisis in tl're 1'orces of coalition. Millions of struggies,
collectively perceivcd as individual, but theoretically
massed as isolated, runs directly contrary to the develop-
t2
ment
of
desperation. The Third World proliferates
through saturation intervention, truly representing itself
as the strongest link in a weak chain, while the ruling cir-
cles stand revealed as being equal, but less so than before.
But neither can it be sald to be invincible, necessitating,
as any serious examination will demonstrate, a massive
shift toward revolutionary rhetoric."
Which is to say that it is probably as hard to write interesting political analysis as it is to write an interesting text
for a book on mathematics or economics. The problemand this applies particulariy to Harry Ring's article is that
the use of jargon can hide the fact that (l) the conclusions
to which one arrives have nothing to do with the reasons
set forth or (2) one really isn't saying anything at all.
Wrile I do not think Sid Peck's article is free of jargonin fact it is loaded with it-Peck has something significant
to say on at least t\&o counts. First, he understands tl.rat tl're
Establishment is actually divided internally and while he
rnakes no allou'ance for tl.re role that simple decer,cy may
SW
izer
bor
clu
pea
nlu
not
soc
onl
fror
Net
bed
rep
mu
tica
soc
SW
have played
it
in creating that division, at least he undersfbnds
exists. Second, he does argue persuasively against either
random terrorism and trashing
or the abiorption of
(grven their conception
such party would iend
achieve a "rcal" socialist rcvolution.
Now in lact I don'1 thjnk the SWp is opposed to a nrulti.
issue pcacc group. I3ul it wants to control tiiat group. as it
the
movement into the Democratic party. He is among tl.re very
few theorists of the trovement who understand thit civil dii_
obedience is not necessarily limited to small acts of witness
but can be massive, and who, at the same time, understands
that even mass civii disobedience needs to be given some po_
litical form. (I think there is no doubt that the ..mass dele_
gated conference he urges for July of 1971 would hope_
firlly do the job the Ne\^,politics Convention of unhappy
Chicago merrory failed to do-create a new party)
Gener4lly, I agree with peck, and readers who want to
track down his two earlier articles in Neu,politics can get
them by writing : NewPolitics, 507 Fifth Ave., NyC 10017.
My really sharp disagreement is with Harry Ring of the So_
cialist Workers Party and I think the real issues should be
up front and not obscured, as I feei they are by his article.
Some background is needed. The SW? is an organization
committed publicly through its writings and actions to
of their own role in history) any
to bc re lormist and woul
controls thc Peace Action Coalition which i1 sct up in opposition to New Mobe. Tite dernand to broadc.n iirc nrove.-
ment is not a dcrnand being put f'orward sinrply i.ry cxtrernc
"1eftlelt" and "ultralclt" raclicals. Truc, tliey do Ccnanrl
that evcry peace denrorrstration includes ali 57 cssentiai
revoiuiionary points, r.ro I'natter how obscure tltosc points
nright bc to the gcneral public. No. the clentand 1br a deepcr
and urore radical prograll colncs l-ront witltin tlrc lreart ol
the nrovenrent. The pacilists, the blacks. thc wclntcr.r,s
groups, the broad student nlovcntcnt thcsc detnand a iirller program. Nclt just "pcacc now!',, hu1 .,clrangc: Arne rican
society, liberate tlic poor. end racisnr, e tc.,' No black lcader
in his riglit nrind is going to be involvcd vcry long irr a pcace
nrovelrent that does not speak out olr racisnt. WellaLc
a
Marxist-Leninist-Trotskyist view of social change. They are
decent, determined, intelligent, and often .ourugiom petple.
In World War II a number of their leaders ,.r. irrpiiron.a
for opposing entrance into what they termed a capitilist war.
ln my view (and they would dispute this) their concept of a
socialist society is anti-civil libertarian. More important tbr
the discussion at hand, they view themselves not as part oi.
.
E
E
:
f
;
B
a broader movement but as a kind of theoretical vansuard *
for that movement. Their organization is frankly ..d"en:o- !
cratic-centralist" which means that, after full internal dis_ B
cussion, when a decision has been reached, it applies across -r
the board to all SWP members and they are not supposed to
to disagree with that "line" of policy in public. This nreans
that an SWP or YSA group will have veiy much the sanre
position in Seattle, in Atlanta, in Chicago and in Boston.
This has to be contrasted with the loose. anarchic wav
in which the War
*ry
]
Resisters Leaguc functions. No member
is ever bound to take an action he doesn,t agree with, and
the public positions or actions
of the \\,RL differ
a great
deal from one part of the country tc the other. The same
kind of inforn ality is true of FOR, AFSC, WSp, etc. In the
long run this is a great strength, but in the short run it
means that even an organization as relatively small as the
SWP, because it acts in unison, can have very real impact.
Harry Ring writes a long article explaining how iadical_
ized people have become, how much fermeni there is in la_
bor, among blacks, students. etc. Therr at the end he concludes that this en-,ergence of radical attitudes means the
peace movement must limit itself to one issue Vietnam. It
must not discuss Vietnam in terms of irnperialism, it must
not link it with the youth culture and its demands for a new
society, etc. Only one slogan-"immediate withdrawal,'.And
only one tactic mass demonstrations.
Why is the SWP fighting so hard to keep the movement
from deepening its program? Why aiA tney withdraw fror.r.r
New Mobe when New Mobe experirnented with civil diso_
bedience and linked the peace issue to economics, racism,
repression, etc.? For what I think is a very simple reason. A
multi-issue coalition may provide the basis for a new ..pol!
tical formatlon" of some kind, in fact, it may mean a new
socialist party. But such a party would not be guided by the
SWP, it would not have the "proper analysis,,, and therefore
kp
rights workers, the poor they are not drawn to a program
simply caliing for "withdrawal" because there are other, far
more urgent, problems in their own lives.
So, it is inevitable that if the "Peace Actlon Coalition"
stays afloat this fall that it will broaden its progrant and the
SWP will not oppose that, because it dominates PAC. The
is in a very odd position of using the "let's-keepthe-movement-to-this-one-demand-which-unites-us-all" pioy
to rally the moderates around its new grouping, putting the
Trotskyists in the position of being the most moderate of
radicai groups in sight. But that is only tenrporary, because
if New Mobe did fall apart (and it hasn't, despite Ring's
cheerful death notice), I can guarantee tl.rat PAC would then
move to the political Left to pick up tl-re pieces. This is not
the first time the SWP has made a play at taking over the
SWP
fT lS ABsolorEly
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the SWP says "the movement must limit itself to one issue
only-withdrawal" and tlien turns around and says in informal discussions that "obviously something in American society is basically wrong and the peace tnovelrent, limited to
this one issue, cannot deal with it-join the SWP (or YSA)
and work for a more fundamental change. After all, Vietnam
is ortly a symptom, etc."
It is surely incredible for the SWP to argue at this time
and place in history that the rnassive pgace movefirent is
going to collapse, splinter and vanish ifit responds to the demands of its own constituency. I repeat: without that broadening of a program, the movement will remain isolated
from Blacks, Chicanos, workers, and students. A"'iimited
program" may be great for "round one", as with the Chicano Nloratorium, but if Harry Ring thinks he could now
sell the Chicano community in Los Angeles on another
march limited to that single demand he is crazy. That demonstration was a very important first step toward involving that community, but after the impact of the riot that
occured in Los Angeles it is certain that next time around
the Cl-ricanos themselves would insist on adding more radical
demands.
It is a tactical
rnistake to push a movement too
far before it is ready, but it is no less a mistake to mis-read
the hour and try holding back a movement when it is prepared to go much further.
Finallv, one has to ask Harly Ring what he expects wiil
really stop the war. He talks about marches and more marches, about educating people and more educating of them.
But if Nixon did not respond to the million in Washington
last November, and if Congress could still defeat the McGovern-Hatfield bill after the tremendous unrest caused by
Cambodia-Kent-Jackson, what does he propose for an encore? Governments are never happy about large demonstrations, but they are raleiy overthrown by them. We could
drive Johnson from office but we couldn't stop the war.
There is the simple fact that people can become disillusioned with the "annual march", that wars can go on and
marches get smaller, that the kind of elite terrorism Ring
(and Peck and I) deplore will take place precisely because
the movement does nothingbut match.
The Trotskyists played a vital role in helping to build the
movement and in helping create massive, orderly peace
marches and rallies. But their present decision'to pull out
of New Mobe and set up rheir own framework is a real
is a real movement fuckup, it means a kind of political
movement and, just at a moment when the movement
is weakened and confused, it has chosen not to work within
it in a fraternal way, but to withdraw altogether and create
a new framework it can controi.
Ring makes his own motives perfectly clear when he
writes. with charming frankness, that "Mass demonstrations
have proven the organizing vehicle for involving people
in the antiwar movement and-equally important for those
of us comrnitted to revolutionary social change-have
helped set significant numbers on the road to a generally
radical outlook." Now where do people acquire that "generally radical outlook" if the movement limits itself just to
repeating the demand for withdrawal? Obviously not from
the movement, but from the contact with the Trotskyists
within the movement who have effectively used it for what
we used to call "an arena for recruiting". On the one hand
peace
t4
guerilla war all across the country. This is a step backward
for the movement as a whole, and in the long run it will
leave the SWP more isolated than before.
Finally
I
indicate again my general agreement with Sid
Peck's suggestions for action and add that the movement
must learn there is no magic way to end the war tomorrow.
I do know, however, how to resltl the war. I know that
even though I can't stop the war tomorrow I can refuse payment of taxes, that I can help close down the draft system,
that I can put my body on the line. This is aiso a kind of
politics. David Miller burning a draft card was both individual witness and also a political act. Neil Haworth jailed for
non-cooperation with IRS was making a personal witnessand helping build tax resistance into a movement. Bill
Brakefield's decision to "desert openly" by taking sallctuary
at City College in New York was personal witness-and
helped build the military resistance which is now a political factor. I know that none of these individual actions
can
ofn
indir
nten
who
lvar,
G
endir
uatir
sing
econ
sive
can end the war.
I know
we need to build toward the kind
of movenrent Peck outlines. But I know that without
these
individuhl acts of resistance there cannot be such a nloventent. So, unlike the Trotskyists and the other moderates
who wiil rnarch endlessly and do nothing, trying to end tl're
war, our job isjust to resist, to resist again, to resist steadily.
(P.S. One of the lactors pushing the government toward
ending the war ls preciseiy the degree to which the continuation of the war does radicalize the pubiic, lcading increasing numbers of people to link the war with the American
economic systerl, linking that system to a generally repressive and militaristic foreigr.r policy everywhere in the worid,
linking one issue to another. The SWP with its "one issue"
siogan guts the movement, leaves it impotent, unable to
frighten the government into any significant change. This is
so obvicrus thal I knov, Harry Ring understands this, and
when he argues hrr a linrited, gutless, single issue program I
it is bccause the SWP is more concerned with
nraintaining the peace rnovement as a recruiting ground than
with endir-rg thc war. After ai1, a radicalized movement that
dealtwith a range o1 issues would leave tire SWP to one side.
Who warts to join the Trotskyists if there is a broader,
healthier, less sectarian movemeltt in existence?)
David McRevnolds
nlust assurne
t
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ak
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LosTintoslndios
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About two years ago a group of men in a Spanish-speaking glietto in Brooklyn got together and began to work
to improve the living conditions and mental outlook of the
Puerto Ricans in their area. Jose Flores, Joe Denis,
Dominick Mcredo, Tito Estrada, and John Casanova
cleared the rats and garbage fiorn a lot on Columbia
Street in Brookiyn, begged donations of boards from the
locai lumber yards, and bfi)t a placita similar to little
parks to be found in every town in Puerto Rico, where pee
pie:meet and hold fiestas. The men building this park
woiked at jobs during the day and so could only work in
the evenings and on weekends. They called themselves
Los Tintos Indios.
Wren the city got a whif of what Los Tintos were doing
the NY Commissioner of Parks offered to allocate them
$30,000 and were going to build a concrete park with
swings in piace of the placita. The city's offers were rejec-
ted and at the present time the placita is being expanded
by the people to suit themselves. It was named after one
of the boys in the neighborhood who was sent to Vietnam:
La Placita de Gabriel. Gabriel Cordona, who was a member
of Los Tintos, said before he left, "When I get back I want
to watch the trees light the winds." But he did not come
al
t}
si
tl
p
w
back alive.
The idea of Los Tintos lndios is to educate the Puerto
Rican people in their neighborlroods so that they can stop
being submissive to oppression, can realize who their enemies are, and become aware that we should not light each
other but shouid contribute help to each other. It is with
this spirit of conrrnunity effort Jose Flores, Joe Denis, and
their fiiends hope to unite their people into a spirit which
wi-ll stop the crushing, depersonaiizing war on poverty and
make a chance for the forgotten few.
tl
ti
tl
Jr
1i,
fe
si
tc
hr
tl
in
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Jose says, "I feel that the Young Lords and Black panthers and any other extreme radical group are very necessary. They are the ones that open up the eyes of the
people by focusing attention on the rights of the movement
and why we have to have this movement." He feels that
there has to be another way to get things you want besides violently. "There is already a constant battie against
the people who are for the peolple." The power of the people comes with a paint brush, a hammer; with sweat and
work."
Ending the war in Vietnam cannot be a central issue for
these people since they have to focus their attention on
the war that goes on in their streets, though they realize
that they are losing potentiai leaders to the Vietnam war.
Jose has indicated we must first help our people to equa-
lity
and self respect through education. With education, he
feels, our people cannot be brainwashed or forced into the
situation of our parents and grandparents who, partiy due
to language problems, humbied themselves to Americans
here. The majority of the imitators of the second and
third generations are giving up their cultural heritage to
imitate the success of their oppressors. The drive of Los
Tintos is to restore pride in our cultural heritage among
the Puerto Rican people here so that we may begin to
pave our own way in a society of oppressors.
Los Tintos are now completing an outdoor theater to
be named after Dona Antonia Denis, one of the first freedom fighters for Puerto Rican civil rights in the U.S. A
play is being written for the theater based on the life of
Dona Antonia Denis. She had helped hundreds of people
including Herman Badillo, but when she died in 1968 she
was so poor that people had to ask for contributions to
bury her. The Theater is located on a l/z acre lot which
was cleared in a month and a half by Los Tintos, neighbors
and Youth Corps kids.'The construction is being done in
c_ooperation with a Puerto Rican group from Jersey City.
Among them is Ricci Diaz, a sister who is very active in
Puerto Rican cornmunity activities in Jersey City.
The first play to be perlormed in the theater will be
"Golden Streets" written by Piri Thornas ( author of
Down These Mean Streets'). It will be directed by Miriam
Colon and will be played by the Puerto Rican Traveling
Theater. I will be there and it will be a glorious moment
in my life to be able to be there experiencing a dream
come true.
-Belinda Rey
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Twenty-five thousand women demonstrated on Fifth
Avenue ir.r New York City bn August 26th, the 50th anniversary of the passage of the women's suffrage amendment.
The day's actions, sponsored primarily by the National Organization for Women in alliance with other feminist
groups, lncluded "dialogues" with civic officials, "tot-ins"
where women attempted to durnp their children into the
laps of the city fathers to dramatize the need for 24-liour
child care, a rally in support of the Equal Rights .,\mendment, and a victory pafiy at the end of the day (at $5 a
head, or $3 for students and "hardship cases".) The event
was publicized as a strike, but as time went on, it became
clear that this was ftrr propaganda purposes only. In reality,
the main activities took place after workng hours (this was
a concession to women in the planning committee who com:
.9
6
o
tr
.9
U
plained that actions during working hours would not be
well-attended and might jeopardize the jobs of working wo
men who decided to take part. So, wolrlen were encouraged
to "do their own thing" on or off the job: talkingto other
women during the day, wearing buttons, syrnbolicalJy stop
ping work for a period of time, or taking the entire day
off . It all cuhninated in a march and ral1y in tire evening, both of which attracted much attention frorn the
media and spectators, sympathetic ar.rd liostile. The march
was spiced with a lot of militant enefgy and slsterly good
feelings, and practically everyone was astonished at the
turn-out: a mixed bag of radical feminists, reform feminists
from NOW, and some men. Most significant, though. was
the presence ot'a few young workrng women, blacKs, housewives, and older women who marched while their sisters
from the ,.$arne offices, same neighborhoods, sanre backgrounds, ridiculed them from the sidelines. The cxistence of
these women on the sidelines opens up serious qr-restions
about the women's strike and about,the problem of building a strong wonten's movement.
Before it happened most of the radicals in women's liberation viewed the women's strike with extreme skepticism
at best, at worst, hostility and disapproval. Some groups
decided to ignore the strike altogether, choosing to concen-
t9
trate on the ongoing work of organizing wofiren rather than
expend energy on one day's events. Others thought that as
long as the strike was being called, we shouid use it to focus
as much attention on radical demands as we could. The
three basic demands of the strike: free abortion on demand,
free 24-hour community-controiled child care, and equality in education and ernployrnent opportunities were designed to mirrimize controversy within the coalition but
radicals thought that they did not go far enough. The style
in which the strike was organized and publicized was offensive to most radicals (fund-raising parties in East Hampton)
and considered counter-productlve in the long run of building a ferninist ntovement. Questions which have plagued
the radical movefitent in this country for years are now causing confusion among wotnen's liberationists: with whom do
radicals ally themselves, when do we participate in coalitions
and when don't we, what is the value of one-shot actions,
such as a symbolio strike. as opposed to or.rgoing work (are
the two mutually exclusive or do they supplement one another?) It is probabiy too early in thc devclopment of the
women's movement to have pat answers to these questions.
However, actions that are as geared to the rnedia as was the
women's strike, actions organized by prirnarily white middle and upper-middle-class women such as Betty Friedan,
Gloria Steinem, and socialite Ethel Scull-women who don't
bear the brunt of either class, race, or sexual oppression and
yet say they speak for all women-must be subjected to critical analysis by radicals seeking to broaden the scope of
the women's movemen t.
As the anti-war movement has sadly learned, spectacular
not a strong, ongoing movement
make. The proof of that is in the day-to-day struggles women engage in. NOW's suggestions that we can now carry
the struggle to the next stage, that we no longer need concentrate on raising cdnsciousness, that we must go now to
the legislative and judicial branches of government for redress indicates a reformist and liberal approach to a problem whose roots are deep in an economic system and cannot be solved by piecemeal legislative reform. (Which is not
to say that legislative reform doesn't have a place in a broader fight.) Do they really think that the passage of an Equal
Rights Amendment (even leaving aside the fact that the
ERA would abolish the few laws that protect women workers from exploitation) will significantly change the condition of most women's lives an oppression which buttresses
an entire economy that the power structure has no intention
of getting rid of?
One of the arguments among the march coordinators was
over the route of the march. According to the NY Times,
mass demonstrations do
Friedan wanted the march to start further uptown from
Columbus Circle where it did start out, because she
"didn't want the worren of Harlem to be ieft out." What
Friedan doesn't realize is that it wouldn't make any difference-the women of Harlern were left out, and only one
thing will keep that frorn happening again: a higher degree
of consciousness about class and race on the part of the
women in the movement now, in both theory and practice,
in addition to a relinquishing of the privileges which come
along with being white and middle class. How many poor
and working wonten have been asked wl-rat they think of
the women's liberation movement and responded by complaining that it's nice but doesn't relate to their problems'l
This is the difference between equality and liberation. By
calling for equality, middle class feminists demonstrate their
ignorance and lack of involvement with the lives of working
men, or they wouldn't be calling for equality, but for basic
changes in the society that would better the lives of both
poor women and menSome of us have learned that the,rhetoric of the women's
liberation movement was in fact wrong, that there are concrete differences that prevent us from all being sisters-that
may prevent us from building a feminist movement which
crosses class and race lines. For example, women who seek
higher positions of power (in the name of equality) in a
society that can only exploit the majority of women and
men are not doing anything to improve the lot of anyone
but themselves. Women who have the option of hiring other
women as secretaries or maids cannot possibly understand
or work to find solutions to the problems of the women
they employ. As their bosses, they are the problern. Women who persist in seeking the attention of the media and
being recognized as leaders-at the expense of other women
who have not had the same opportunities to speak and write
and whose confidence in their own abilities is undermined
by these supposed "leaders"-do nothing to democratize
and strengthen a movement. Women who look as if they
just emerged from the pages of Vogue only alienate the wo-
men who buy and read the fashion magazines for daydreaming escape and can never have the clothes they advertise. A woman whose consciousness about class leads her to
angrily refer to the men who hooted her out of an all male
bar as "lower class men who have hangups about their masculinity," as did NOW vice president Lucy Komisar, only
exacerbate divisions between women. Women who organize
a strike and do not even consult the unions that represent so
many working women in New York and other cities, show
how much respect they have for union women and how
much working women are even a part of their consciousness.
There are lessons to be learned from the history of the
early feminist movement which will help us deal with divisions within the movement today. A reading of the history
of the suffragists will disclose that in their ardor to obtain
suffrage, middle class, white suffragists appealed to the race
and class prejudices of Northern males by suggesting that
through female suffrage, black and poor white men could be
outvoted and kept down. Middle class women sold out their
working class sisters for the vote, and as a result feminism
died and took fifty years to be reborn. The women's liberation movement will fail if it doesn't openly confront the
issues that divide women, as well as build strength upon
those things we all have in common.
What diversity in participation there was in the August
26th "strike" is a sign that it may be possible to overcome
divisions and to struggle together as women. The sense that
maybe we are being taken a little more seriously than before momentarily blurred the lines that divide us. But if we are
going to come the long way we have to, baby, the middle
class women of NOW and those of the "radical" feminist
groups must accept the responsibility for changing. If they
can develop that consciousness, we can work together for
the liberation of all of us. If not, working class and classconscious women will have to establish an independent
women's movement of our own'
Maflyn Arbert
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The followirtg editrtrial is repinted.fronz On the Other
Side, the righton Delaware pacifistf activistf antiintperialist tri-weekly. (F'or a free sample copy write OTOS,
5 30 Tamara Circle, Newark, Delaware. )
-Ilds.
I
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I
Political maturity is the mainstay of any liberation strug- '
attempting to survive long enough to witness social attitude change as a result of its' efforts. Because of the wide
divergence of con.u.nittment to that cirange, some in the movement practice more political maturity than others. Although
this is understandable, and perhaps even healthy at this point
ir.r history, continued political immaturity can lead to
group destruction as a resuit of two emerging tendencies.
Elitism and parochialism are both poor substitutes for
firm political ideology. Elitism on the one hand is caused by
g1e
urrbending dogmatism which ignores the larger mass, while
on the other hand, parochiaiism is a result of self-imposed
isolation and a refusal to acknowledge the struggle of others.
At the recent anti-war rally in Rodney Square, Wilmingtoh
on Aug. 7th, both tl'rese attitudes emerged forcefully. This
den"ronstration, not planned for the people, faiied to reach
people looking for democratic alternatives to present day
society. lt was not designed to, and therefore did not address
itself to the problems facing the people, (Southeast Asia, racisrn, inflation) but instead was an opportunity for out of
town "heroes" to trumpet a iittle self praise.
For those not familiar with the rally, and we don't think
anyone iocally is clear as to what was supposed to happen,
we'li touch briefly on the events prior to the rally. As most
people now know, the Deiaware draft boards were not
ripped-off by local people. A group from New York, unwilllng or unable to undertake low keyed community organizing, took it upon themselves to show us in Delaware the
'correct' way. Ignoring local movement groups already at
work in the area, these 'liberators'burst upon the scene, did
their thing, then spiit back into hiding. No follow up was
undertaken by the group, and nobody locally was prepared
to fill in with the increase in draft counseling an action like
this necessitates. Tl're OTOS collective, already spread thin
with their own surlmer project, nevertheless did manage to
print and distribute 2,000 leaflets to Wilmington area males.
This was all the follow up,done locally.
The group, wishing to surface in Wilmington, contacted
the Wilmington Anti-War Corr.rmittee (WAWC). The committee, inactive since last March, agreed to organize for the rally.
Plans were made in such secrecy, that some members of the
committee were left in the dark. Catholic Peace Fellowship
undertook the N.Y. organizing, while individuals were contacted in Philadelphia. The OTOS collective on the fringe
knowledge-wise, decided not to actively organize untii more
information was forthcoming concerning rally plans. In
liglit.of this decision, the charges of over organizing, leveled
at Philadelphia people and the OTOS collective, seern ludi-
bugbrize
crous at best. At tiris point, OTOS stopped all orgrnizing
for rhe ra1ly. It was clear that local people were going to be
ignored, and the rally, rather lhan commemoratlng the 25th
anniversary of Hiroshima and Nagasaki as bil1ed, would be a
lesson in seif righteous attitudes lor ending the war in Southeast Asia.
The rally was a dismal failure. Only about 25 of the near200 people were from Delaware. The rally was conceived.
organized and conducted, not for the benefit of the community affected, but for the hand picked out-of-staters who
take the easy tactics of elitism. Treating Delawareans like re-
ly
lics from the original American revolution, the rally was reminiscent of the way white liberals dictated policy to SNCC
rank and filers during the rnid-sixties. The main out of town
speaker, William Stringfeliow, failed to sl.row, as did also the
"internationally known folk singer." Dan Berrigan, faurous
draft fiie destroyer, was arrested the following day at Stringfeilow's place, atier it was rumored that he might show in
Wilmington. The mood prevailing at the ral1y was onc of
"well, we started the job, now you 1oca1 people go out and
finish boards 3-4-&5. We showed you how, so what are you
waiting for?"
Throughout the raily, the WAWC, sponsor of tlie ral1y,
was pushed into the background. In a very confusing and
strange move, six members o1 the committee stepped forward on the following Monday and ciaimed responsibility
for the raid. This was three days after 100 peoplc had olainted
responsibility at the rally sponsored by the WAWC! This
ciearly points to the manipulative actions and secrecy the rai
raiders employed.
The rally was liiled as a memorial to the victinis of the
A-Bombs; in reality it was a lesson in parochialism. It served
to point out the absence of true revolutionary love for the
people, as tl-rey claimed by their action. \Ye rnuSt not let elitism tear down what we have struggled long and l-rard to
build up. We can't afford to lose sight of our,goal througl"r
the fostering of bad poiitics. We rnust mee t this criiicisrn at
with revolutionary love and understanding,'and then rise to
the task at hand. We will struggle we will win.
Some of us find draft file destruction counterprod.uctive.
Rather than being an aid in building a serious nonviolent
movement, it has furnished a catalog of what flot to do.
I have been particularly dismayed by the c'laints of nonviolence mode by the draft file destroyers. Surely nonviolence entails rnore thon being groovy ond ovoiding the physical injury of human beings. The beauty and strength of nonviolence is that it enables us to wage a struggle wlthout dehumanizing ourselves or our opponents. This involues lbllctwship with our comrades, confrontation with our opponents.
The draft file superstars cut themselues off from this whole
dimension of nonviolent action.
r,lark il'[orris
7
They-the oldtimers-did their best to keep up
.
good relations with the town;I've seen them warn storekeepers not to cash checks for this or that supposedly fellow
freak, and make good with their last dollar a debt somebody
had run up with a phoney credit card, and try to explain to
newcomers that you have to wear pants when you go to the
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AQa^stra,Ity
ft^eport
There won't be many names in this news story. If you already know tl.re place or the people involved, there's no need;
and if you don't, they wouldn't add much to your understanding of the situation. It's just one of those tiny towns
in northern New Mexico with a common Spanish name, and
just a bunch of freaks, most of whom have lost tl-reir surnames anyhow, and probably changed their first names to
something considered either more appropriate or less likely
to invite pursuit by parents or police.
The one name I do know ir-r ful1 is Michael Press;that's
because I read it in the papers. I knew him, but not well.
We had friends in common, in tlte L.A. Resistance, who told
him to look us up, and so he did, a ntonth or so ago not
more than a couple of weeks before it happened.
Michael Press, long dark lrair and beard, somewhere in
his early 20's, talkative, laughed easily, wouidrt't squash a
bug, found dead at the Kingdonr of Ileaven on the morning
after Hiroshima Day. Shot in the back. Refused to fight in
one war, only to fall a victim in another that he didn't know
had been declared.
Now I'll have to tell you about the Kingdom. lt wasn't a
communo, it was open land, bought by a New York doctor
for his dropped-out son, and decded to God. Hence the
narne. I say "was" because within 48 hours of Micliael's
death, all but two or three of the population-which fluctuated between 20 and 60, with the weather-had gathered
up tireir scanty possessions and vanished. Many didn't go
far, but they went. The land remait.ts, and is still as lovely
as a lar.rdscape out of Tolkien, but if ar.ryone's there it's most
likely narcs, looking for more grass plants-they found 425,
and made rnuch of it in the local rnedia: dirty dope-crazed
hippies, they had it coming to thern.
I wisli I could describe that land to you, that's the most
important part of this story, but when I close my eyes and
try to see it, all I get is a picture ofnarcs in nylon suits wandering through the scrub oak, stumbling around the dozens
of holes in the ground that now won't ever be the foundations of anything, stubbing their toes on pitiful I'reaps of
fleld stone. laboriously gathered, or scrounged boards. The
Kingdorn lasted elevcn months, I guess;it was never a co111-
munity in any true sense of the word, except possibly during
the winter, when stnall numbers and a great of deal hardship made it so. Otherwise, it was a rural crash pad, with
refugees from the contlnunes and bad city scenes drifting
through constantly, spreading bad vibes both through the
Kingdorn itseif and ir.r the nearby town. Those who stayed
did so because they were touglr, because of the land's hoid
on thent, because they couldn't quite get it together to
acquire land of their own.
22
!
post office, snd that all the empty houses arot nd beiong to
sorneone, you can't just break in and take things . . .we11, it
didn't work, it wasn't enough.
Okay, I'11 try to explain the town. Spanish of course,
formerly Penitente, and like all of this region, it has steadily
gone down in the census ever since the paved roads brought
in the cash economy in the '30's, and the wars took the
young men out and showed them the glories of urban civilization. Those wiro stayed abandoned traditibnal subsistence
farrning, too, and took to running beef cattle on what used
to be their brothers' or cousins' 3Gor 4Gacre shares. Cattle
bought pickup trucks and chain saws to cut Christmas trees
with, and cash from that bought rnore cattle. The land suffered
much worse that it had with four or five times the present
population. Orchards went to ruin, family gardens went out
of styie. You just jump in your pickup and drive 60 miles
to the city once a week, and buy all kinds ofcanned and
frozen stuff. It's so much easier than the old way . . .
F
Seven of these local people are now in jail or out on
bond for the events that climaxed with the kilting of Michael
Press. There were three consecutive nights of terror, and besides murder, the charges include rape, kidnapping, assault,
you name it. I knew five of these people by sight, two well
enough to call them friends; one gave us a pig, another
cond they caught this one cat, and they marched him down
the road and right through town at dusk, with everybody on
their porches watching, with a shotgun at his back, and they
pointed him down the highways and told him he'd better
never come back, and nobody said a word to stop it. . . .
And don't you try to tell me it was just a local thing, either;
there was about 30 of these guys running around with a gun
in one hand and a beer can in the other, and a lot of them
we'd never seen before . . ."
That from someone who was there through it all;
this, from someone who lived there last winter, to whom I
sent the news:
"It sounds as though it was another, different
version of'Easy Rider', an object lesson in fear and total
nonsense. I could write about this all day, but the understanding is past; so is the action . . ."
I can't doubt that most of the town was complicit,
at least to the extent that they knew pretty much what was
happening, and didn't choose to interfere. The rape and
beating were somehow reported, a cop came out from the
city, found no one willing to press charges, and marked it
"Case closed". That same night, Michael got it. I wonder if
there'11 be any witnesses at the trial, and also whether this
will show other Chicanos how easy it is to run out a bunch
of freaks-very few long-hairs out here want anything to do
with the law, and a 1ot, for reasons iike the draft and probation
violations, simply can',t afford to get involved officially.
Twenty days have passed between the event and this
attempt of mine to write about it. Twenty days of mulling
over, talking with people, waving at neighbors as we pass
it
plowed our garden-all right, he was paid for that, but he
pulled me out of a ditch once, and we've bought each other
beers. If there's a war on here, as l've said, they're not the
Enemy.
,
xq
;
We visited the parents of a pair of the alleged culprits last week; nearly 80 years old, speaking very broken
English, they've been kinder and more helpful to us and all
the other freaks around these parts than anyone I can
think of. She's a herbalist, has never been to a doctor in her
life, taught us the wild edible and medicinal plants, gave us
locally grown seeds for our garden. Her grandmother, she
says, was born in the room where I'm writing this. She wept,
she couldn't understand it, it must've been the drinking, and
she asked us to pray for her sons. I would, too, sincerely,
if I could only remember how.
*
"You can't believe the newspapers or the D.A.'s
office, man-the whole fuckin' town was in on this. The se-
on the road and wondering what they really think and knowing they know I'm wondering. "The understanding is past,,,
all right, but I can't help the wondering. If certain of the
people who left the Kingdom earlier this year could have
stayed, I'm pretty sure it wouldn't have happened;but then,
there was the rustling.
The hides and heads of three cows were found in
fields around here earlier in the summer. No good to point
out that most of the people at the Kingdorl were vegies,
or that any freak together enough to slaughter and butcher
would sure as hell flnd use for tire hide, too. The facts, as
the town understgod them, were clear: no rustling up here
in 3Godd years, then the heepies come, and three cows,
just like that.
Sure, it's not that sirnple. lt's not merely the rustling, or any visible aspect ol the culture-clash: hair, nudity,
dope, what have you. What's being attacked by us, the dropouts, is the whole system of values tlie Chicanos have opted
for. And they may not be able to articulate this, but they
can sense it, and resent it. They see us leaving the cities,
eagerly buying or renting the old homesteads they want to
get away from, imitating the lifestyles of their grandparents,
and it's confusing for them, to say the least;like Dylan's
Mr. Jones they don't know what it is, but they begin to sus-
23
pect that something may have gone wrong, somehow, out
there in the Great World, and they're too late, they,re gonna
get screwed--again. Which, as we see it, is of course true.
None of the Chicanos I know will talk about causes.
beyond the supposition that the assailants were crazy, or
drunk. But some of the few nonJonghair Anglos (that,s anyone who's not Chicano) have been heard to murmur that the
"ringleaders"*whoever they may be-spouted a militant
"Brown Power" line. This may be the paranoia of any tiny,
guilt-ridden minority, I don't know. I certainly wouldn,t
believe, without thorough proof, the vague rumor that
Alianzistas were in any way involved; but the t.nere notion,
once released, shoves us immediately into the crux of the
whole problern: the land out here, and who it belongs toor, more accurately, who belongs to it.
Tijerina's Nianza, the Land Grand Movement as
it's usually referred to by the English-speaking, is but one
(and that the lower-class) arm of an amorphous Chicano
Rights Movement tha! bears a great deal of comparison to
in fact, was largely modeled on the Black Movement;and
since they're roughiy a decade behind the Blacks, right now
what's mostly happening is what sociologists like to call
"upward pressure," the movement of educated Chicanos
into white-collar positions formerly occupied by Anglos:
schoolteacl,ers, welfare workers, legal and political clerks and
bureaucrats. And I know I'll get a clobbering for saying it,
but nothing much has been happening for the past couple of
years, at least that makes the papers, with the Alianza per se:
For several reasons, most.importantly, the poor Chicano
doesn't want land, he'wants money, and all the consumer-trip
stuff that rnoney bulzs. Naturally, it blows his mind when a .
1ot of freaky-looking Anglos (but Anglos nevertheless) come
in and tell him by word and deed that the money-trip is
burnt out, the only enduring values reside in the land.
The Alianza, in any case, was never able to organize
in the area we're talking about-too poor, too independent,
too Penitente (if you don't know what that meafls, spend a
couple hours in a good library;it's much too complicated
for a footnote), or whatever. And in no sense could it be
maintained that the influx of hippies has, or even threatens
to, crowd the Chicanos out. This region is sparsely populated
by anyone's standards.
Which brings us back to what's happening with the
freak scene out here. The communes are dead, irr case you
hadn't heard. Oh, sure, a lot of them are still there, physically,
but that's not what's happening. New Mexico's not what's
happening, either, uny-oie, foi which those of us left are
fr
F
H
entirely grateful. The thundering herd seems to be ireaded
for British Columbia and other parts of Canada, and we wish
them well, but it's iikely to be a long, cold winter up there
without food stamps.
The typical freak who's left out here is tough, and
stubborn, and quite soured on the notions of love and community. More often than not, he's armed, and his back's to
the canyon wail, and his attitude is, "I've been pushed around
long enough, motherfucker you'd better bury me or let me
be, I'm not being pushed any farther." If he's not armed
with guns, he's into magic, for much the same purpose. That,s
how he feels towards the Man;towards his Chicano neighbors, his feelings are very much mixed, and wary. The Land
Grant idea is apt not to impress him after all, "Who the
fuck was the king of Spain, anyway?" but one Alianza slogan surely does: Ia tierra les pertenecen a los que la trabajan
(the land belongs to those who work it), if by working it
you don't mean ripping it off for cash with cows and Christmas trees, but rather existing in tune with its natural rhythms
and limitations, and taking a living from it that disturbs
none of,its other constituents. He knows he's outnumbered,
and he realizes there's no sense in telling anyone who hasn't
tried it that the city trip is sure death. As for the Movement,
and what it means by revolution, he's counting on there
being time enough for him to get it together, get dug in, and
survive, so that he or his children can pick up the pieces
afterwards. If there are going to be any pieces, that is. Meanwhile, all he asks is to be left alone. lt's no easy life, but the
land gives him strength and a grim kind ofhope.
The style is a wierd blend of the hip and the hill-
billy. He's tried communes, he's tried open land: too damned
many hassles. Somehow, somewhere, he'll find a corner no
one else wants too badiy, where he can do his thing. Maybe
he'll have a partner or two, as well as an old lady and the
kids; otherwise, he's a private in a one-man army. Anarchism
in extremis.
ln all his traits, adrnirable or otherwise, he is more
and more like the frountaineer Chicano he replaces. Gente
con el corazon en la cabeza was Lorca's phrase for the Spanish Gypsies, but it applies at least as well to the proud, fiercely independent, rugged folk who dug in up here in these
green, guarded valleys a century and a half ago: people with
their hearts in their heads. Or, as we would put it, really farout dudes who sure as hell got it together.
What remains in doubt is whether the modern
Chicano and the digging-in freak can slide past each other at
this crarnped point in history without a serious collision.
-Paul Johnson
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this charge were quite profound. First, it meant that political repression was even worse in Vietnam than most sensitive American radicals and liberals realized. Second, it tended
to show that there was a broad-based opposition to the
Thieu-Ky regime which was not only not communist but
which did not even regard itself as part of the PRG. Finally,
it showed that the U.S. government's unqualified support of
the Thieu-Ky regime was based on an unthinking mistrust
SAIGON, U.S.A.
Alfred Hassler
Fellowship Books
From time to tin're I have gone to stores that'specialize
in light-weight camping gear. The salesmen at these stores
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are extremely paternalistic, which is not surprislng in view
of the awe in which they are held by so many of their
customers. Some light-weight gear salesmen take a quick
look at you and then tell you exactly what kind of tent,
climbing boots, compass, and everything else you need. If
:they say you need the XYZ Brand and you resist by asking
to see the ABC Brand, they will look at you as though you
were some incredible square, ask if you have ever been on
the trail before, and perhaps even blandly assert that you
are asking to see something that doesn't exist.
It \as occurred to me that some of the leaders of the
American radical movement may have spent some time in
the light-weight camping gear business. Lots of them push a
particular tactical or ide ological position with the same unqualified self-assurance, and never mention the alternatives
or even insist tl'rat the alternatives don't exist. In June 1969
the National Liberation Fror.rt of South Vietnam announced
its transformation into the Provisional Revolutionary Government (PRC) just a little less than a decade after the
NLF had been forined by the Viet Cong as its political
manifestation. Almost immediately, all sorts of leaders of
the American radical movement started proclaiming how
we just hatl to support the PRG. Dave Dellinger said this at
the Noven-rber Mobilization, and Marty Jezer heartily endorsed it in WIN (December 15, 1969). There seemed to be
almost general agreement that only"left-liberals","5queamish
Moratorium types", or solne other variety of less-than-trueradical could possibly disagree. Morever, few saw any need
to discuss the nature of either the PRG or the other forces
in Vietnam that are struggling against the Thieu-Ky dictatorship.
Even before reading Alfred Hassler's Saigon, U.S.A., I
had some suspicion that the PRG was not the whole story
as far as South Vietnamese opposition to the Thieu-Ky
dictatorship is concerned. Since I am an American and not
Vietnamese and indeed have not even spent part of my life
in Vietnam I reasoned that I couldn't be in a position to
choose between the PRG or the PNF (Progressive National
Force) or what-not. After all, if I were Vietnamese and
not American, the SMC (Student Mobilization Committee)
might be the only left student group I would have heard of,
and for that matter I might think that all pacifists were
Seventh Day Adventists. (After all, so many of our medics
in South Vietnam are.)
Alfred Hassler's book shows that the opposition to the
Thieu-Ky dictatorship is far broader than the PRG. The
book is an outgrowth of the "U.S. Study Team" sent to
South Vietnam by a group of well-known churchmen in
June 1969. The organizers of the Study Team had been
quite shaken-up by the assertion of the Buddhist monk,
Thich Nhat Hanh, that there were at least 20,000 non-NFL
political prisoners in South Vietnam. The implications of
as well as communists, that it was indeed
based on a mistrust of everyone outside the tiny ruling
clique we are supporting.
Hassler's actual text centers on two overall themes. First,
it surveys and places in context the "Study Team's" grim
observation of political suppression in South Vietnam.
Particular attention is given to the Study Team's visit to
political prisons. It undoubtedly helped build the current
concern with Vietnamese prisons, "tiger cages", etc. Second,
there is Hassler's analysis of the non-NLF opposition to the
of non-communists
Thieu-Ky dictatorship, or what is generally called the
"Third Force". In addition to Hassler's text, the book
includes over a hundred pages of useful documents, in-
of
the Buddhist Socialist Policy, and protest statements of
cluding the report of the U.S. Study Team, the statement
various South Vietnamese students, teachers, etc.
The most important contribution of Hassler's book is
its
discussion
of the "Third Fotce".
Those South Viet-
namese who consider themselves part of the Third Force
evidently. see the solution to South Vietnam's problems
neither in a continuation of the Thieu-Ky dictatorship nor
in an unequivocal victory for the PRG. They reject both the
American presence in Vietnam and the communism practiced by the PRG. Hassler's book is important since few
Americans have heard of the Third Force and since Hassler
feels that even those who have heard ofthe Third Force do
not understand it very well.
Hassler explains that it is extremely difficult for an outsider to get accurate information about a grouping like the
Third Force since so many people associated with it live in
constant fear of imprisonment or worse for talking publicly.
Some people have seen the Third Force as an attempt at
compromise between the Thieu-Ky dictatorship and the
PRG which could be used as a ploy by the United States in
to maintain its
in Vietnam.
of the Third Force is a
complete misunderstanding. He conceives of the Third
order
presence and power
Hassler feels that this conception
Force as a radical alternative to either the rightist military
dictatorship run by Thieu-Ky or the Stalinist dictatorship
that many people fear could emerge from an unqualified
PRG victory.
Hassler is careful to point out that the Third Force is
emphatic in its insistence on the withdrawal of American
power from Vietnam. According to Hassler, the Third Force
feels that though it has serious and fundamental disagreements with the PRG (at least as the PRG is p.resently constituted) it does not just dismiss the PRG. In fact, it feels
that if the United States would remove its presence from
South Vietnam the various forces struggling for control,of
the country would eventually resolve their differences.
Indeed, especially on a personal level there are many close
contacts between members of the PRG and adherents to
the Third Force. Despite fundamental differences, the Third
Force sees those in the PRG as their brothers.
Hassler is bitter that the struggle of the "Third Force",
which has been overwhelmingly nonviolent, has not gotten
more press coverage in this country and has not received
more support from the American radical movement. He
25
was especially struck by the lack of coverage or support for
the nonviolent demonstration that took place in Saigon in
January 1969 which drew over 500,000 people. He was also
quite moved by all those who have died or who are in tiger
cages for the cause. On the failure of the American movement to support these people Hassler wrote:
The saddest thing of
and their elders, (who are) not only struggling for freedom and peacq but also insisting that the well being of
man demands that such struggles be carried on nonviolently, have not won the ardent support of their comrades in the West. It is hard to imagine anything more
alt (is) that these heroic youths
tragic.
There are, I think, a number of reasons that the Third
Force may not have received more attention or support in
this country. For one thing, most Americans believe in
violence and consequently take someone who carries a gun
more seriously than someone who doesn't. In fact, many if
not most, American pacifists, although they have personally
renounced the use of violence, still believe that violence
works. And so they play the role of the "hard-boiled
realists" and assume that the PRG can accomplish more
with violence.
Another reason that the Third Force has received less
attention than the PRG might be that it is so much less
organized and rigid in structure than the PRG. The few
political structures that the PRG has, such as the "Buddhist
Socialist Bloc" (BSB), and the "Progressive National Force"
(PNF) are loose organizations. Moreover, the vast majority
of the Third Force probably does not particularly identify
with a formal political structure at all. It is hard to stop
thinking in terms of the traditional categories of powerpolitics. In this country we are constantly told that the only
way to stop the Nixon adrninistration would be to play
power-poiitics in the Democratic Party or at least to form
an equally massive and centralized Third Party. It is consequently not surprising that those people in South Vietnam
who as Hassler depicts them are tired of being the pawns of
either of the two best known blocs seeking power are so
frequently overlooked.
The most important reason (at least within the radical
movement) that the Third Force has been neglected, I t'eel,
arises out of the outrage so many people feel against what
our government has done to a small country that never
meant us any harm. The trouble with the "Third Force" is
that, even if it didn't offer the U.S. an easy way out of
Vietnam, it would still be easier than a victory for the PRG.
Lots of people feel that it would only corrupt our country
further if it could avoid the humiliation of defeat. They feel
the only way our country will ever learn how'misguided its
policies have been is for it to suffer for its misdeeds. Otherwise our country could become even more convinced that
the violence it has'carried out in Vietnam has worked.
Hassler expresses some sympathy for this sentiment.
However, he would much rather see the war over and the
South Vietnamese ftee, than try to teach America a lesson.
And politically, he thinks we have to allow our government
a face-saving way out. Consequently, he feels that we should
tbrgo trying to teach our country more of a lesson than it
has already learned. After all, it has suffered terrible blows
"s
is questionable whether
ch
humiliation is a good teacher. Instead, as Tex Ritter's song
"God Bless America Again" illustrates, ordinary Americans
may react to the attempts to undermine our country's
pr
to its
complacency. Moreover,
it
pride by becoming even more stubbornly opposed to change.
Hassler, in short, believes that we should be more interested
in ending the war and lltting South Vietnam alone than in
either humbling our country or vindicating ourselves. I must
confess that this attitude impresses me as being exceptionally mature.
I think I disagree with Hassler on one point. He seems to
me to go further than saying that if what the South Vietnamese really want is the Third Force, that is what they
should have. The whole horrible fallacy of the Vietnam war,
it seems to me, is the belief that Americans can know what
is right for the Vietnamese. Those who support the Nixon
administration think they know what is right for the Vietnanlese. The Mobilization leaders, who tell us we should
support the PRG, seem to feel that they know what is right
foi the Vietnamese. Unlike the Nixon administration and
unlike at least some of the Mobilization leaders who support the PRG, Hassler does not suggest that we support violence to help our favorite faction win in South Vietnam'
However, he still implies that we should somehow try to
help the Third Force to power. Certainly, the Third Force
seems, from what I've read in Hassler, to be the group that
would be most appealing to nonauthoritarian radicals. However, isn't the whole point of ending American imperialism,
ur
w(
1y
tu
AS
w
be
Nt
tir
th
th
fe(
ev
of
an
ca
th
th
to
o{
sp
pr
fil
SU
SE
w
pe
n(
at
re
TI
in
(c
our realizing that the destinies of other peoples are really
their business and not ours?
Henry
Boss
ic
THE PHOBLEM OF PRISONS
there is a great deal of value in this
David F. Greenherg
Nationa! Peace Literature Service,
book. One of the things that Greenberg
points out, whiih I think is of special
interest to those readers who are facing
AFSC, 1970
40 pp., $ .75
Greenberg begns his book bY call-
ing for the abolition of prisons. He
bases this call for abolition on a "careful consideration of prisons, their effects on inmates, and the relationship
they have to the societY at large."
This book is a reasoned, concise presentation of those "careful considerations".
I suspect that manY WIN readers
will find Greenberg's analysis of prison
somewhat elementary. Nevertheless,
26
a
prison term and are considering
"organizing" within prison, is that
many prison inmates have a set of
values that "coincides with those of
society." They believe in the American
Dream and, finding themselves either
ill-equipped or ill-inclined to make
their way into it through "legal"
means, they elect to steal their waY
into it.
There was basically only one Point
at which I found myself in disagreement with Greenberg.As
nus
of kwisburg
a
recent alum-
Penitentiary,
mY
feeling is that Greenberg Puts too
much emphasis on what irrmates will
be able to accomplish from the inside.
Any approach that tries to make fundamental changes in prisons within the
context ofour present society is doomed to failure. Prisons will change only
with the radical restructuring of the
political, social and economic institu-
tt
ol
lx
ul
\\
A
el
a1
tions on which this nation is based,
and such a restructuring cannot be
a
done from within prison.
Meanwhile, Greenberg finds himself
b
on the horns of a dilemma that all of
us who seek to abolish the prison system must face. Any attempt at prison
reform is fraught with danger, as Greenberg makes clear by pointing out that
d
S
n
S(
r
n
"Solitary confinement is a reform
by Quakers, who thought it
urged
would help wrong-doers repent." Usual-
ly, when one works to reform
an institution, that reformation is based on the
assumption that the basic institution is
worth saving. No such assumption can
be made about the prison system.
Nevertheless, the prison system continues to function, thereby affecting
the lives of thousands of inmates and
their families. I think we have to
recognize this and work for reforms
even as we work for abolishment.
Greenberg comes to the same conclusion: "In the meantime, a number
of reforms could be instituted to improve the situation of those in prison,
and bring closer the day when prisons
can be eliminated." He suggests that
the most desirable reformJ are those
that "help a prisoner to keep his head
together and thereby resist the efforts
of the prison system to break his
spirit, and those which will give the
prisoner weapons that he can use to
fight the prison system." The ten
suggested reforms that Greenberg presents are, for the most part, consistent
with those criteria.
Though there is no bibliography, a
perusal of Greenberg's extensive footnotes will provide many books and
articles for those interested in further
reading on the subject. Greenberg's
The Problem of Prisons, is an excellent
introduction.
-
Donald Baty
Lawrence S. Wittner: Rebels
Against War: The American
Peace Movement, 1941-1900
(Columbia University Press, Ig69)
When I first heard that someone had
written a history of the modern American peace movement, I thought that
the news was too good to be true. Lots
of us have been interested in what the
movement was like before we got involved how it protested World War II
universal military training, the Korean
War, and atmospheric atomic testing.
A book like Wittner's history would
essential reading even
an adequate job. As
if it
be
were only
it is, Wittner
has
done a trememdous job, about as good
a job that could be done with existing
sources. There are gaps in Wittner's
book. However, this is because we do
not yet have good enough primary
sources to make a definitive history of
modern American peace movement.
Wittner's history is billed as beginning in 1941. Actually, one of the best
and longest chapters in the book is the
opening one on the peace movement in
the thirties. Wittner really begins more
or less where his teacher, Merle E. Curti, left off in his classic history of the
American peace movemer.t Peace or
lUar: The Ameican Struggle 16361936.- (W.W. Norton and Co., 1936) In
the thirties the peace movement was
very popular. Especially in the early
thirties, peace was as respectable as the
environment is today. Establishment
clergymen, student leaders, educators,
and even statesmen vied with one another in their denunciation of war and
their praise of peace.
The pro-peace sentiment of the thirties extended beyond lnere words. On
Aprtl 12, 1935 an estimated 60,000
college students participated
in
a
'ostrike" against war. Over 12,000 Americans signed WRL's pledge: War is
a crime against humanity. We therefore
are determinednot to support any kind
of war and to strive for the removal of
all causes of war." Many others signed.
the Oxford Oath announcing that they
would refuse military service. Franklin
D. Roosevelt summed up the sentiment
of this all too easy era for the peace
movement when he said: "I am a pacifist. You my fellow citizens are pacilists, too."
The peace movement of the thirties
was as superficial as President Roose-
velt's remark. When World War Il
came it simply collapsed. In peace time
it is easy to be for peace or even to be
a pacifist. As Ammon Hennacy put it:
"Being a pacifist between wars is like
being a vegetarian between meals."
When the drums of World War II began to beat, most of the pacifists and
peace lovers turned out to be of the
F.D.R. variety. As two pacifistswho kept
the faith later reflected: "Perhaps no
war has ever produced so many individials who at one time or another had
vowed never to fight again, and then
with the first trumpets found reasons
as to why this war was different."
Although the pacifist movement was
hard hit by the Second World War, it
survived better than the peace movement more generally. This was especially true of the more radical pacifist
groups. Broadly based peace coalitions
and umbrella groups were the hardest
hit. However, W.R.L. enrolled the most
members in its history in the year just
before the war. The pacifists who were
sticking it out felt all the more need to
position existed to World War II in
comparison with World War I, the percentage
of CO's imprisoned quadrup-
pled.
The chief witness of the peace move-
ment during the Second World War
was the CO's in prison and in Civilian
Public Service camps. There were also
a few small demonstrations. Typical
of these was one organized by Dave
Dellinger in 1943. Thirty or forty pickets descended on Washington. They
weren't arrested, but police seized their
signs. When they leafletted the following week, some of them were arres-
ted for their selective service law vio-
lations. This was a very difficult time
for the peace movement. Even the
slightest expression of peace sentiment
drew condemnation. For example, the
F.O.R. published a pamphlet written
by Vera Brittain
condemning saturation bombing which was denounced by
over 200 articles in the establishment
press.
The post-war peace movement arose
out of the bombing of Hiroshima and
Nagasaki in the last days of the war
in August 1945. Although 90% of the
American public approved of our use
of the atomic bomb, it had a traumatic effect on a significant minority.
The coming of peace and the shock
of the atomic bomb brought about a
brief reemergence of a broad-based
peace movement. The focus of this
movement was that we must have ..one
world or none". Several books advo.
cating "world government"
became
best sellers, inciuding Clarence Streit,s
Union Now (first published in 1939)
and Wendell Wilkie's: One World
(1943). Soon afrer il.s formation in
1941 , as a result of the merger of organizations, United World Federalists,
an umbrella organization advocating
world'government, had 17,000 dues
paying members in 200 chapters. fu
the end of 1948 it had 40,000 members. Six U.S. Senators (including Thomas Dodd, state chairman of UWF in
Connecticut) openly advocated world
government and another dozen privately said they favored it.
The world government movement
following the Second World War, like
the peace movement in the thirties,
trememdous superficial success. However, there was again a problem of it
being just a little too easy to be for the
right things, especially since most of
the schemes for world government
be-
join together for mutual support.
A1-
though considerably less general
ing discussed were crudely rigged for
op-
American domination. Clarence Streit's
27
scheme would even have denied mem-
bership in the world government to
countries that weren't "democracies."
Consequently, when the drums began
to beat again in June 1950, with the
beginning of the Korean War, the world
government movement of the late forties even outdid the peace movement
of the thirties in turning hawkish. UWF
chapters in -about thirty cities ran
newspaper advertisements asserting:
"United World Federalists are wholeheartedly behind our nation in this and
every fight that may darken the nation's future."
Far more significant than the world
"Anti-communist feeling and hysteria make it far more difficult to get a
hearing for the pacifist position now
than at any time during World War Il".
The end of the Korean War in 1953
saw no end to the decline in the peace
movement. In fact, Wittner feels that
the movement continued to decline
through l956. ln the closing pages of
government movement in practical ac-
Rebels Against lilar Wiltner begins to
discuss the revival of the peace movement that began in 1957. One reason
that the peace movement finally began
to recover in 1957 was the dramatic
success that nonviolent action was having in the civil rights movement. Paradoxically, radical pacifists, who had so
complishment was the movement against Universal Military Training
(UMT) initiated by pacifists in 1947.
Radical pacifists protested the pro-
little
movement in the decade following the
second World War, had a catalytic effect on the civil rights movement. The
posed legislation by destroying or
success
tional Council Against Conscription
was established as a nerye center and
clearinghouse for a large variety of organizations opposed to the proposed
legislation. The UMT bill despite the
fan-fare with which the Truman administration introduced it and the support of the U.S. Chamber of Com-
these years, however, helped pave the
way for the revival of the peace movement that began in 1957.
The influence of radical pacifism on
the civil rights movement under the
leadership of Martin Luther King, Jr.
was unprecedented. At least since the
time of John Woolman (1720-177.2)
American pacifists have been concerned with not just peace but with
returning400 to 500 draft cards. The Na-
merce and most veterans groups, never
got out of the House Rules Committee.
Pacifists were able to win on this issue because of broad liberal support,
the opposition to UMT of almost every
major religious and labor organization
in the country and because the Republican controlled Congress was hostile
to the Truman administration.
A final activity of the peace movement in the late forties was the Henry
Wallace for President campaign of
This movement died with Truman's
decisive upset victbry over Dewey.
Truman's victory was especially impressive since he had third party oppG
sition not only from Wallace, but also
for the Dixiecrats and from Norman
Thomas. Wallace received only 1,157,
000 votes and Thomas only 140,000.
Strom Thurmond, the Dixiecrat candidate, received
1
,1
69,000 votes.
The beginning of the Korean War
in 1950 saw the peace movement decline abruptly from its brief revival in
the late forties. This was the time that
Joseph McCarthy became a powerful
,force in America. Never in modern
times was the peace movement in a sadder state. WRL dwindled to a tiny core
and FOR lost 3,000 members-about
a quarter of its total. FOR's journal,
Fellowship, observed late
28
in
1950;
success
in
building the
peace
of the civil rights movement in
the positive use of nonviolence for socchange. However, before the mo-
ial
dern civil rights movement, this was
little more than a dream. The underground railroad, for example, was a
way of freeing a few slaves rather than
a strategy to end slavery nonviolently.
Beginning with the first Freedom Ride
1947 a number of World War II CO's
became active in the civil rights movement and especially in CORE. Since
Wittner's subject is the peace movement he is not able to go into this very
deeply. An excellent account is Jim
in
Peck's Freedom Ride.
The success of nonviolent direct ac-
tion in the civil rights movement provided the peace movement with a boost
by making this technique for
social
change better understood. The growing
nuclear capability of the Soviet Union
gave the p.ac. tnor.ment a new winning issue. This was especially true
since Russia had exploded its first HBomb less lhan a year after we had ex-
ploded ours. Americans also started
worrying about the poisoning of the atmosphere from atomic testing.
The Committee for Nonviolent Action (CNVA) dramatically brought the
issue of atomic testing to public atten-
tion with civil disobedience at
domes-
sites and the voyages of the
"Golden Rule" into the Pacific test
sites. At the same time the National
Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy
tic test
(SANE) organized mass rallies and ran
newspaper advertisements against fur-
ther nuclear testing. Finally, in July
1963 the Kennedy administration
signed the test ban treaty with Russia
banning all but underground nuclear
tests. However, the test ban did not be-
come effective until October since
there were still a few tests the n-rilitary wanted to make before they'were
willing to close up shop with complete
assurance that they knew enough to
destroy the world properly.
It is easy to exaggerate the strength
of the peace movement in 1960, the
year in which Wittner closes his narra-
lt
is true that the campaigns of
and
SANE were paving the waY
CNVA
tive.
for the test ban treaty. However, the
test ban treaty would come only after
testing- was militarily obsolete and
when there was widespread liberal concern about poisoning the atmosphere.
Consequently, by ),963 it was no harder to be for the test ban than it had
been to be for peace in the thirties.
The movement did have a larger following than at any time since the thirties. li did have a firmer commitment
to direct action and tl.re experience of
the early civil rights movement behind
it. However, it was still powerless to
achieve a major redirection of American foreign policy.
We are now a decade later than 1960.
The peace movement is stronger than
most peaceniks could have hoped ten
years ago. It is, ofcourse, also true that
our problems are grimmer than most
T
Hi
would have guessed. Moreover, the deep
divisions of the peace movement and the
devastating effect a few violence freaks
fir
hadin alienating us from potential
friends, undoubtedly encouraged Nixon to invade Cambodia and has helped
sti
have
hir
Hi
for
an
make it possible for him to withdraw
American troops only as quickly as he
deemed appropriate.
And so the peace movement still
has a lbng way to go. It is difficult to
assess our success in opposing the Vietnam War. We have not been able to
WT
any quicker than Washington
mi
stop
it
has apparently decided
it
should
be
be
stopped. However, we just might
able to prevent the next one. At least,
we have a fighting chance especially if
we can learn from our failure despite
our strength in the struggle to end the
Henry Bass
war in Vietnam.
of
Le
of
ev
so
th
F(
te
ell
fr'
Central Park
Manhattan children
hands
tiny
grimy
sweaty
.,
their
hands
have made
"i]
:, i
her finger bright
Alice astride
the shiny toadstools
over and under
ch
.,j
'f
.-:-
'.Ir
i
ildren
their laughter
the Mad Hatter
"Dont box his nose"
shiny too
-Michael Cbrr
The Forest Stacks
H
Dwarfs
interland
Temple cleaning
doing floor kanji
finding heavenly kings
hiding under stumps
Hiking mud hills
stamping the back roads
for
the mop slapped pop
the crapper door
Sakaki dosn't knock
gomen
rebirth
of the life
myth
A brief visit
then Snyder and Sakaki
honda popping hillward
with a dwarf potted pine
Leafing through the forest stacks
waiting
of
for the reawakening
gurus from golden ages
ever reborn
soon to spring from old molds
matted humus
the rotting leaves and
nasai
"Your mop's too wet
slop swells the temple floors."
and the feeling
Snip the limb strangling wires
the roots
in mountain soil
release
needles
Forest floor I read you
teach me green slugs
elk horn moss and potato
bugs
Let green shoots find light
pushing through my blood mass
spreading weeks and blossoms
mine too
-Michael Corr
o..changes
Contlnued lrom PaP 3
INDIANS AGAINST
EXPLOITATION FORM
IN NEW MEXICO
For the first time in its 49 year old
history the normal functioning of the
annual Gallup lnter-Tribal lndian Cere-
monial was upset by picket lines and
leafleting. Approximately 50 youthful
lndian protesters representing many
rest are non-lndian businessmen of
Gallup.
Ceremonial officials feel that the
dances performed by the lndians are
done with dignity. The lndians Against
Exploitation feel that some of the traditional dances are very sacred and are
done out of context of time, place and
atmosphere over the oblections of the
traditional I ndian people.
Besides being culturally exploited,
the lndians Against Exploitation feel
different tribes and pueblos from all
over the country united to form a
that their people are being exploited
economically. The majority of the businesses in Gallup are non-lndian
group called lndians Against Exploita-
owned, and in particular, the non-lndiN
o
c
,F
.ntrxlsr
s
rr{&{! E{risn K ]lli*s}is
i l:iii...
1.11lrJll&r, ..ri: i1
6
o
6
clair
Mississippi or New Jersey will
start something very like it: a labor of
ofr
ta or
rebellious love, a fiery candle lit because darkness calls forth light, For
our part we hope Blick Mountain Press
runs on forever. Write them for a list
*D. McRof their reprints.
WAR TAX RESISTER
ARRESTED
Robert G. Muncaster, a Montgomery, Alabama businessman was arrested Sept. 1 on charges of willful failure to file Federal income tax returns,
lnstead of filing he had told the government that federal taxes are being
I talked with Mrs. Muncaster and
she said that they have a form that
they are distributing for draft and tax
resisters. This form "puts the governsupport their illegal acts. Mr. Muncashas also been convicted of aiding
his son in refusing to register for the
ter
wages
Eight protesters were arrested and
charged
with unlawful assembly. Their
loudspeaking equipment was consficated because they weren't issued a perN mit ot use such equipment in the
o
E streets of Gallup. The lndians Against
6 Exploitation filed a countersuit stating
.9 that their rights under the First Ao
mendment had been violated. Named
tion and gathered in Gallup, New Mex- in the countersuit were the Gallup District Attorney. a police court judge, the
ico to demonstrate.
The annual four day event which is Gallup City Attorney, the Gallup Chief
always staged during the second weekof Police and the McKinlev County
end of August consists of parades, Sheriff.
craft exhibits, traditional dances and
-Sigfredo Martinez
an all-lndian rodeo. During this time
lndians and tourists by the thousands
city of Gallup (population 15,000). The city has adopted
the title of the "lndian Capital of the
World" and publicizes the Ceremonial
as the "Greatest Living Tribute to the
American lndian". This year's atten-
THE BLACK MOUNTAIN
converge on the
One
of the
PRESS
nice things about the
movement is Black Mountain Press, up
in Vermont. (Fulladdress. Black Moun-
tain
Box 1, Corinth, Vermont
05039): They do a terrific job of miPress,
dance was 35,000.
meographing-their letterhead comes
The lndians Against Exploitation
felt that the lndian people have very
little to say in the decisions of the
in four colors-and quietly keep issuing sound anarchist materials, inclu-
Ceremonial. Of the 21 members on the
Ceremonial Association's'board of di.
rectors, only six are lndian and the
ding a wide range of reprints and some
8 x 10 two-color posters (called "micro-posters"). No national office organized Black Mountain Press and it
-Robert Calvert
draft.
iur?
vtw
the
Mur
,,Th
thin
caln
bacl
gas
s
I
T
like
r
CONTINUING RISE IN
DRAFT RESISTANCE
for their jewelry, pottery and
rugwork and then turning around and
selling the handmade crafts to tourists
for exorbitant prices.
ofa
used to finance an illegal war.
ment on notice" that they will not
an owned curio shops are charged with
paying the lndian craftsmen inadequate
ralll
probably won't last forever, but when
it goes, someone else, in South Dako-
Statistics released August 28 by Selective Service "presented official confirmation for what was already com-
mon knowledge-that draft
evasion,
both overt and hidden-hasrisen sharp-
ly during the Vietnam
war and is still
rising."
So stated an AP dispatch which o-
pened
with: "The
Selective Service
System says that prosecutions for draft
evasion have soared to 10 times their
level of f ive years ago."
*
The Michigan State Democratic Par-
ty convention on August 23 adopted a
resolution urging amnesty for all persons who have resisted or evaded the
draft either by going to jail or leaving
the
country.
-J.P.
past
takir
new
Edit,
but
Ralp
Mex
that
Capr
a
fer
and
briel
land
spen
Mari
just
spen
Coff
their
,sh ire
ping
vaca
idear
20,000 cHtcANos
IN PROTEST MARCH
Some 20,000 persons marched five
miles August 29 in an anti-war demonstration described by one newspaper as
"the largest Chicano-organized event in.
East Los Angeles." lt was sponsored
by the National Chicano Moratorium
Committee.
The march ended with a rally at La'
guna Park. At the conclusion of the
G
hom
(of
turel
cost
St.,
uals
cop\
tion
Tanl
sexu
rally, a police onslaught which they
claimed to be prompted by the looting
of a nearby liquor store, set off a night
of rioting in which 53 persons were injured and Ruben Salazar was killed.
"When
I
saw a sweep
got up on the platform,
Community spokesmen as weli as'
the National Mexican-American AntiDefamation Committee have called for
a federal investigation of the police
brutality and of the Salazdr killing.
I
of sheriffs moving in--an{
the people panicking," said Rosalio
Munoz. chairman of the Committee.
thing about dispersing. We tried to
SOUTH AFRICANS MAKE
CREDIT AGREEMENT
WITH ISRAEL
calm the people but they were pushed
back into the park buses. Then the tear
gas started."
signed an agreement with the lndustrial Developnlent Corporation of South
"The sheriffs gave no notification, no-
The Foreign Trade Bank of lsrael had
Africa establishing a line of credit
worth $1S-million for exports from
South Africa to lsrael, it was learned
this week.
Mr. David Golan, managing director
of the lsrael Bank, said the line of credit would be available for South African exports of capital goods and services. The interest rate would be six
per cent and repayment may extend up
to ten yeais,
Mr. Golan expects the full $15-million to be used within three years.
-News From South Africa
rested in the effort. Bail was set at first
for
$50,000 but later reduced to
$10,000 for each defendant. The Committee to Defend the Eight raised the
bail money, but court expenses are beginning to pile up. Why don't you send
some bread to them at Box 14058, Uni-
TAKING TIME
OUT .lt seems
.like everyone has been on vacation this
past month. Dave Dellinger is in Hawaii
taking in the island sun and writing a
new book. David Gelber, Managing
Editor of Liberation, is with Dellinger,
but he's only writing
postcards
Ralph DiGia just got back from New
Mexico (he saw a real rainbow, but said
that the air can kill you out there) and
Cape Cod . . .David McReynolds spent
a few weeks at conference in Europe
and then stopped off in lceland for a
brief rest. But there's no beer in lceland so none of us would be able to
spend much time there . . .Susan and
MarisCakarsand Linda and Mike Wood
just bought land in Upstate NY and are
spending their weekends grazing . . .The
Coffins got stuck in the mud (that is,
their Land Rover did) in New Hamp,shire, but they had a good time camping anyway . . .Hey, I didn't take my
vacation yet; who's got some good
ideas?
GAY DAYS . . .There are some new
homosexual publications out. Vector
(of SIR) is experimenting with pictures of nude men. A sample copy
costs a buck; write to Editor, 83 Sixth
St., SF 94103. For female homosex-
uals there's The Ladder. Get a sample
copy from Box 5025. Washington Station, Reno Nv. 89503 . . .An article in
Tangents Magazine deals with homosexuals and the draft. Send a dollar to
them at 3471/2 gn11u"nga Blvd, Holly-
wood 90028 . . .The Gay Liberation
Front in Los Angeles has formed a
"survival Committee" to help anyone
in trouble. The number to call is 213l
665-1881 any hour, day or night. lf
you send a donation they'll send you a
small card with information on what
to do if arrested. Sorry, no address given on the press release.
MOVING ON . .ln NYC a civil
lawsuit is being brought against the
Bureau of Special Services by about a
dozen lawyers' groups on behalf of var-
ious political groups. The suit will be
part of a campaign to expose the BOSS
as a secret police organization working
in the City . . .New York Moratorium
has been sending a van around to fairs
in New York State to promote the
peace business.
THE MIDWEST SCENE .Rich
Radbil reports that the air in Milwaukee is bad. Seems we heard something
like that in NYC too. He also says that
Sly and the Family Stone kept ,l00.000
people waiting when they were an hour
late to their concert. One local radio
is boycotting their records until they
apologize to the people of Milwaukee
for the inconvenience caused. Rich reports that the Milwaukee Journal said
Sly would not perform until
watermelons were provided for his family . . .
Eight people ripped off four draft
boards in rural Minnesota but were ar-
versity Station, Mpls., 55414.
lN BLACK AND WHITE . . .The second issue of Up From Under is out.
It's even better than the first. There's
nothing like a woman journalist to get
it together. Write for a sample copy and
please encfose sixty cents. lJp From
Under lives at our address . .lf you
dug the WIN issue on Sunrise Hill,
you'll like Life on a Kibbutz by Murray Weingarten. lt's short on religion,
long on community .Rick Hertzberg has done a really groovy book
called One Million. lt's got a million
dots in it with some of them marked
off to designate numerical facts. lt's
dedicated to John Beresford Tipton. I
know who that is; do you? Anyway, it
costs nearly four dollars and that's alot
of money for movement people. but
the book is alot of fun so it all balances out in the end . . .lf you read The
Magic Garden of Stanley Sweetheart
anfl didn't like it, you'll absolutely hate
the movie, Try to stay away from
both-they're
sexist porn at its worst . . ,
Ray Mungo's book, which was reviewed
in WIN a few issres ago is a good man-
ual for people who are going to form
collectives. After reading it the people
may decide not to form collectives . . .
RESIST in Boston has put out a good
high school packet with info on the
draft, women's liberation, abortion and
contraception and other valuable ideas
forhigh school organizers. lf you order
it from WRL (it costs a buck) we'll
throw in an organizing manual that
l've just written.
FINAL REMINDER . . .Keep the
news coming . . .Think peace.
-Wendy
3l
Dear WIN:
Two recent letters published in WIN require cornment.
Comrade Agatson's letter about the Gulf
Action Project was not entirely accurate.
-fhere
nas an inside action. About thirty peo
ple entered the meeting on proxies; somc set
off buzzers and sirens to disnpt the nrceting,
while others used parliamentary procedure to
thc same end. Third World guerrilla leaders
liom countries Gulf exploits were nominated
to the Board of Directors of Gulf, while Sam
Beuncs ol the Committee oI Returnccl Voluntecrs introduced a resolution providing that
lvhenever Guif entered into a contract with
tarily it is still my home; I haven't abandoned
the right to return to it, especially when I
left in panic for my life. Furthermore, the
rnajority of relirgees have been born since
1948, and whatevor blame rnight attach to
their parents (and in my opinion thcir sharc
is vcry small) cannot be attributed to them:
they are innoccnt sulTerets if anyone is.
Although it may be a useful rhetoricai
devicrc to regard Zionism as a Jewish national
liberation rnovement, seriou s difficultics adhcrc to this view. Not all Jews livc in Israel,,
many are not Zionists; Israeli leadcrs are not
spokesmen for Jews in the Galut, they ire
political ieaders of a nation-state. It is nonsense to speak of American or Russian Jews
as having bcen Iiberated in 1948. In addition,
it is highly questionable to spcak about any
the government of another country. the con-.
Gordon yaswen's SUNRISE HILL pOST- tract would go into effect only after approval
MORTEN{ in the August issue is a very valu- in a popuiar referendum in which all thc
adults of the country in question could vote.
rnovement as a movement for natron:rl liberable account for the community oriented.
Gulf's Chairman called this proposal "slanatiorr when its goals can be realized oniy
As a founder and present active member of
the very alive 14 year olcl May Vailcy Co-op derous" and refused to allow the stockholders through obliteratrng the national rights of
another people-in this case the Palestinians,
to vote on it.
comrnunity, I rvould add
. It seems aoparent here aqain that surroun- One aspect of the demonstration deserves whr:se clair.r.r to Palestine is no less solid than
that of Jews, whose main /egal claim to the
ding circun.rstanccs rather than members' particular comment, During the week prior
right of statehood rested on the imperiaiist
to the demonstration, every police station in
ideas. hopes and wili-determine how any
Baifour Declaration.
experirncnt will turn out and when. Had per- the city was leafleted at shift changes. The
To speak of "Israel's right to exist" strains
leaflet announced plans for tlre demonstration
secution. for example liom the Draft, preone's credulity. After each of three military
drivcn and kcpt the Sunrise founders together- including nonviolent civil disobedience, and
conflicts, [srael's borders have been larger
and if they had developed a united attitudb pointed out that the demonstrations were
than before the conflict began. Under these
not intended against policc, or perople with
and response to that pressure*communal
circumstances, Arab claims to exist wouid
living as part of the response to continued per- short hair, or the silent rnajority, but against
appear to take priority. ln any event, neither
that very small minority of rvealthy business.
secution. could have long endured. In other
the Pnlestine liberation groups nor the governwor(ls tire members would then have had
men who own and control the major instituments of most of the Arab states question the
bttlc aiternative to throwing in a1i their cash tions of the city, who deoide which laws are
right of lvaelis to exist; the governmenls
rescrffcs and cnergies and surrendering them- passed and enforced; the leaflet went on to
want a restoration of conquered land and
appeal to the class identity of the police, and
selves to group discipline.
peace, while the refugee groups demand a
f life in this manner became too diflicult asked them to join us. or failing that, to enbi-national state in which both Jer.vs and
with B, they would have rnovedon as a group force the laws impartially. The policc reArabs can live together in peace-a goal
sponded very favorably; almost all were wilto hopefully more hospitable conditions.
supported in the past by some notable Zionling to read the leaflet and discuss it, and
To understand the sucoess of religious
ists, including Martin Buber and Henrietta
communal groups one must go to their begin- tnost agreed with its contents, Some bought
Szold. This goal threatcns Israel's right to
rrings. There one will find long persecution our "Gulf Kills" buttons and wore them on
exist as a Jewish state, but not the right of
by the Establishment. But also the first mern- their uniforms' Ours was the filst demonIsraclis to live in Palestine as Jews, It corbers werc usually somervl-rat alike in originai stration not to bc marred by police violence.
rectly sees that no othcr solution adequately
status, vooation. religion, location and ethnic In my opinion the police were so gratified to
be treated as human beings who could be
takes into account the conflicting claims of both
orlgln.
parties; therefore, that no other solution is
There is, then, beautilul compensation in reached with our message that they were exLikely to lead to a just and lasting peace in
storc for those who collectively stnlggle long ceedingly open to this kind of approach. It
the Middle East.
and intensely against Establishment injustices . is a way of reiating to police that not only
and who arc otherwise in fortunate circum- I works to nuilify potentizrl police violence
o*,ori;,5:;:;rl:;:.
stances. If the heat of oppression or dire ne- but also works to win them over' On the bac€rssity doesn't rise enough to weld them into sis of our experience this tactic could be used
elsewhere profitably,
a communal community, it rnay at least
Sam Schwartz'letter on Israel raised a
forge a close knit cooperative one like that of
Dezu WIN:
' Thc American Federation ofTeachers.
number of important issues, but unfortunately
Anrish or Mennonitcs.
Had B known of the control of ciroum- speaks to them only in the rhetoric we have
AFL{IO, at its Convention in August initiaheard for so many years from standard Zionstances and also the history of the F-rench
ted a membership referendunr on the rvar in
Communities of Work (Claire Bishop's "ALL ist sources. While it may be simpiistic to speak Indochina to be voted on early this fall. A
about the Arab refugees being driven from
THINGS COMMON"), he might have prr>
favorable vote on this excellent statement by
posedtothosecommittedtoruralvocations- theirhomeland,itisnotentirelyinaccurate
the 205,000 members of the union would
either. Probably the most thotough study of
a very durable community: an incipient pro
have an important effcct on the labor moveducer-consumer cG.op, under his direction, this question was done in a Ph.D. thesis by
ment and consequently on thc war itself.
for production and use of subsistence goods, an Oriental Israr:li named Gabray, who conWe are norv preparing background hforetc.-with opportunity for the members to
cluded that while some Atabs did leave Pamation on the referendunr and the rvar rvhicli
gradually and cooperatively buy him out and lestine voluta-iily, in some parts of the counshould be extremely useful to tcachcrs in
try they were driven out, particularly toward
retire him irom management.
approaching their colleagues. Although rve have
Let us resist injustice harder and longer, the closing phases of the war. Many of those
'some 10,000 pcople on our rnailing list, we
who left "voluntarily" fled not so much becollectively with other like souls-knowing .
must reach additional teachers at every level
that there can bc at the end for us a beautiful cause their leaders urged them to leave, but
from kindergarten througli the Univcrsity.
communitarian reward. May Valley Co-op
rather from fear for their lives. The mass exWe urge any of your readers who are (or who
Community, near Seattle, is a good place to
odus occured only after several hundred
know) AFT members to pleaso get in touch
do so. The result could be a higher stage of
Arabs, mostly women and children, were
with us promptly as time is very short.
cooperation there among the valiant. Come massacred at Deir-el-Yassin by Zionist terrorRebecca Berman
join us in the resistance.
Teachers Committee for Peace
ists But the question of the voluntary characJohn Affolter ter of the emigration strikes me as being bein Vietnam
Benton, Wash. side the point. If I leave my home volun339 Lafoyette Street, NYC 10012
DezLr
WIN
32
Dear \{
I'm
draft b
SSS: hI
1970).
able",'
serious
in your
The
that wl
to you
war ma
time lo
either t
workinl
speciall
niks tr1
undersl
It
is
argume
are not
consid(
womer
.about
1
affectir
the wa
which
them a
jobs, i.
being
to
s
ever
the dra
Ift
much
lemem
home r
lies, clt
jobs of
1
beings
approa
wasa(
Dear
I
WI
butors
think
printir
r
Schwa
neighb
repeat
cy
and
Icr
they a
True,
I
sraeli
did no
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of
one
Cil
100%
ofagr
Th
Throv
shooti
sat
in
work
Fc
exiled
ialist"
bring
for th
) -.-
Dear Wendy,
Dear WIN,
I'm disturbed by your evaluation of the
I was astonishcd to read in the pages of
draft board clerks in your article "Visitirg
WIN an endorsement of the movie "Joe."
(Dovetales Sept. 15) Wendy claims it "does
SSS: harassment for the hell of it" (Sept. l,
1970)..You describe them as "totally unreach- more for thc love generation than any supposedly pro-movemcnt movie I've seen."
able", which, in my opinion, reflects both a
serious error in judgment and a tactical failure
It seems to mc that what the movie docs
is to reinforce everybody's prejudice ol everyin your attempts to reach them.
The tirst thing that you should realize is
body. Just as movies of the O1d West porthat while disrupting a draft board's procedures trayed the good guy on a white horse and
the villain on a black one, the characters
to you may mean a temporary halting of the
in "Joe" are equaliy flat and broadly drarvn.
war machine, to a draft board clerk it means
In "Joe" the villain has vulgar eating habits
time lost which must somehow be made up,
(catsup bottle on table, burps audibly) and
either by working harder and faster or by
working overtime. So, if the clerks aren't esthe good guys turn on.
specially delighted by the sight of some peaceIf your view of the world is that it is a
niks trying to gum up the works rt-s quite
simple matter of "them against us" you will
understandable,
love this movie. The world is morc oornpliIt is also important to understand that
cated than that.
arguments about the immorality of the war
The movi6 produces Joe, sets l-rim right
are not likely to sway these women. Such
before you and does.absolutely nothing to
considerations are a luxury for most working
explain who he is. What are the pressures, prowomen. If they want to hear any iuguments
blems, anxieties, hopes, fears of his life? Was
.about the war, they want to know how it is
he born rvith his uptight attitudes? This movie
affecting their own lives. Explain to them that had an opportunity to enlighten its audience
the war is creating the inflationary economy
with characters who rang with truth aud inwhich causes their financial problenls. Talk to
stead they gave caricatures, cartoons ol
them about the exploitative nature of their
"types" (Wendy herself: "'Joe'is the story of
jobs, i.e. how they are put in the position of
a hardhat /ype person").
being shit-workers and also having to listen
This movie aids in the polarization ol this
to everyone who comes in with a bitch about
country, does nothing to diminish it. It does
the draft, while the real culprits are elsewhere.
nothing to deepen one's understanding of
If they still tell you that they don't have
people who resist or activcly oppose the polmuch time to think about things like that,
itics of the Left.
remember that most of them probably go
Elaine Makowska
home after work, cook dinner for their families, clean the house, and perform all the other
jobs of a full-time housewife. They are human
Dear WIN:
beings with human problems, and should be
When I first came to Alaska I oxpected
approached as such. (By the way, my mother
ice and snow and real isolation from what's
was a draft board clerk during WW IL)
happening everywhere else irr the country.
Connie Sohodski
W1tat I found instead is very differcnt, Since
New York City
there are a number of Army bases in Alaska,
I expected much support of the military. lnstead, there is U.S.A.-the United Servicemen
of Alaska and their newspaper GREEN MADear Win:
CHINE. Instead of a State filled with redWIN exists at the mercy of the contrinecks (though there is a great number) there
butors to the War Resisters League. I do not
are a number ofgood people. Dope is plenthink that they want their money spent on
tiful, though expensive (except home-grown
printing jingoistic letters like Sammy
weed, and Alaska's growing season, which
Schwartz's cif Great Neck, L.I., an affluent
can produce 30 pound turnips and 4-foot
neighborhood. This letter is no more than a
lettuce, produces some fine stut'f.) and even
repeat of lies distributed by the Zionist agenpolitically there are interesting developments.
cy and the Israeli Government.
The two guys running for the Dc.mo. nomiI cannot go into every point, because "
nation for US Senate are both doves. Wenthey are all rvrong. One point I like to state.
dell Kay is running on the themes of
True, the Jordan government did not allow
Israelis to go to the Wailing Wall, so the Israelis "PEACE together" and "REtsUILD THE
FAITH". Joe Josephson is stressing the endid not allow the Jordanians to visit the Navironmental issues, Which can be dangerous
zarct. lt was an equal exchange of bitterness
in this st3te, since there is so much money to
of one to another.
be made from oil. And at the recent State
Cities, like Jaffa, Safat, Lud, Ramla, were
F-air I counted about 25 WRL broken riflc
lA0% Atab. Where are the Arabs? On a point
pins. Whoever wins the derno. nomination
of a gun they drove Arabs from their land.
nrns against a hawk Ted Stevens (rvho wanThey have massacred village after village.
ted nerve gas stockpiled in the state, etc.)
Throwing children in the wells of Dir Yasin,
and has.a decent chance of beating him. (did
shooting down women and children as they
you know that one of the two people rvho
sat in the trucks coming home from a days
voted against the Gulf of Tonkin resolution
work in the fields.
was from Alaska?) And on top of all that,
For the 22 years that the Arabs were
the state is beautyfull. Though we've had two
exiled from their homes the socalled "Socearthquakes in the past week, we've also
ialist" government of Israel, did not try to
had three displays of Northern Lights and
bring the refugees back home and compensate
stars that you can SEE. A pleasant relief
for their loss of lives
^o'"'i}if;'r"rkinsoff
Bronx, N,Y.
from NYC.
Brian Rogers
aking
do
Though lry ilrstant epicure type cookbooks tell n're that the ideal quick dinner is filet rnignon, most busy peaceniks resort to some vadation of the
soup-and-sandwich route. Come summer, here are two delicious cold soups
that are easy to make and not expen-
sive.
il
you prepare them in
season.
They are elegant enough for any party.
ft
nlueenRRY AMBRosTA
2% quarts water
thin cut peei of one lemon
stick cinnamon
cup sugar
sma11
%
cups (two boxes) blueberries
2 tablespoons cornstarch
.1
Simrner the berries and rind in the water for a few minutes until soft. Strain,
and force berries through a strainer or
puree in a blender. Return berries to
soup. Mix cornstarch in % cup water
and add to mixture, aiong with cinnamon and sugar. Simmer five minutes.
Chill until icy: serve with dollops of
sweetened whipped cream, dusted with
cinnamon. Serves ten as a soup, or
twenty as a punch.
frcuculaBER souP
I quart rich chicken stock
2% cucumbers
I
onion
2 teaspoons butter
'/z pint light crcam
(or 13 oz. can evap. milk)
4 or 5 fresh mushrooms
1 l4 tsp garlic powder
chopped chives
Heat stock to boiling. Peel and grind
the cucurnbers. Add both pulp and
liquid to stock. Let simmer ten minutes. Chop onion fine; saute in butter
until golden, not brown. Add to stock.
Add cream (or evap. milk). Slice the
mushrboms; saute, until just wilted, in
one teaspoon butter, using the same
fryrng pan you have iust used for onions. Add to the soup, rinsing the frying pan with a little stock. Add garlic
powder. Now taste for salt, pepper and
garlic; you may want to add more garlic.
Chi1l
until icy;
serve garnished with
chopped chives.
Dena Davis
*t
Dependable person seeks opportunity to
work, learn with People who make
clothes, iewelry, etc' in N.Y.C. or any
interesting place. Tirect of country life.
Any help appreciated. Michael cunninr
ham, Route 1, Box 4Og Winchester' KY.
classifieds
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dents through the school year, Write:
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hang
The Trumpet
a
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quiet political journal
1 year - g1
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but
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"The Riqht to be Lazv" by Paul Lafargue.
Written 6v Marx's son-in-law, this little pamDhlet is ai excellent antidote to the Marxism
ihat olorifies the work ethic. 48 pp., offset,
avail;ble f rom Solidarity Bookshop, c/o lWW,
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Iiterature
IIAVE BEEN INVADED BY TIIE TWENTY.FIRST
CENTURY. David McReynolds.
Selected essays fronr The Village Voice, lllN and elsewhcre,
plus new material, by our WRL Field Secretary. Introduction by Paul Goodman. Hardcover, 250 pp. 57.95
WIT
REVOLUTIONARY NONVIOLENCE. Dave Dellinger.
His selected essays from 1943
first-hand accourits
of
to the present,.
including
Cuba. r'nainland China. North and
South Victnan'r.
Hardcover. S7.50
UP AGAINST THE WAR. Norma Sue Woodstone interviews
anti-war activists rnany of whom have been to jai1, some ol
whonr such as Jill Boskey, Peter Kiger, Nlan Solornonow
are well known to WIN readers..paperback, 170 pp. 95 ii
or969
Put this clecal in your car wtndow and let the American
flag freaks know where yotr stand. The best idea since the
bumper sticker, it comes in patriotic red, white and blue.
Four and a quarter inches in diameter so that it can't be
missed at any speed.75l each, three for $2. Order from
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NONVIOLENT REVOLUTION. WR L-West.
kit of essays and training guides.
A carefully conrpiled study
s
1.50
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of Concerned Asian Scholars is this up-todate collection of
articles, fact shccls and bibliograpliy.
$1
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mimeographed. 31 pp. 2-5 I
LEAFLETS & LEAFLETING. A bricl n.ranual on the writing. preparation and distribution of Icallets. r'r'rimeographed.
1 pp. plus sample rnaterials.
2sd
emerge into the light with
rMN
tJlN ndr'aa^c
|JlN
nddda^c V)jue,
v)iue, ihdt Donrc L&1 De furn
& rr5l kzr:c iz
ur
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$y,uafr,rruthrort,
iolit polliat
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+o
tle
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5r. 'ton{h trral quWfiticl,lS
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BUTTONS
WRL broken rifle button
Nuclear Disarmament button
WRL BROKEN
each l0d; $l/15; $6/l0O
NFLE PIN in heavy rnetal.
$1
ND PIN black enamel on steol. $1
To:
WAR
RESISTERS LEAGUE
339 Lafayette Street, New York, N.Y. 1fi)12
items checked.
[ ] I enclose $-for
[ ] I enclose $ --contribution to the WRL.
I
Name
Address
*Ab
yJrN ilA64?ril€, 339 Lafayette St., t{YC 10012.
-4-
Zip
-1
M/!t
Lcrlle L poldy
I 2232 Elandcn Or'
Clevcland Hte OF{ 4{!"06
I
Win Magazine Volume 6 Number 16
1970-10-01