WID october 1, 1Yr0 hovrrto endthe'wa,r inViet Na,rn t , :.t1 s H rir o1 ar HOME FOLKS cf 0felia Alayeto Muilyn ;\lbert di Maris Cakars Susan Cakars Brucc' Christianson Donna Christianson Diana J. Davies Ralph Di(iia Karen Durbin .Ien [,.lodie Leah lrritz Neil [{aworth Hcndrick Ilcrtzberg Marty Jezer Peter Kiger Dorothy Lane Marty Lauritsen Burton LeVitsky .lackson MacLow Mary Maycr David McReynolds Peter Merlin Don Mochon Jim Peck [-ana l{ecves (Photos) Paul Rilling Igal Roodenko Wendy Schu'artz Connie Sohodski Bonnie Stretch Mayer Vishncr 1- menu ti S\, fi fi page J. Changes page 4'. How To End the War in Vietnam: A Symposium of Sorts t( page 16: Los Tintos Indios T Women Strike for Equality al page 8: page 21: page 22: page 25 page 29: A Casualty Report Page 32: Letters 1 tr tt k Organize Don't Burglarize S( S Reviews b Poems Ci d C E Front cover design: Burt LeVitsky 'o fi Back cover photo: Kenneth McAllister C E l.inda Wood Mike Wood ri a ir r IN IHE PROVINCES Denis Adelsberger (Box 7 417 , Atlanta, Ga.) Ruth Dcar (5429 S. Dorchester, Chicago, Ill.) Paul Encimer (c/o Venice Draft Resistance, 73 Market St. No. I [, Venice, Calif.) Seth lroldy (2232 Elandon Dr., Cleveland Heights. Oh.) Erikr Gottfried (4811 Nh l07th. Serattle, Waslr.98l25) Paul & Becky .lohnson (Somervhcre in New Merico) Waync Hayashi (1035 tJniversity Ave., Rm. 203. Hcrnrrlulu, lli. 96822) Rose [.aBelle (713 NE Adams, l\'linneapolis. i\ln.) Timothy Lange (1045 l4th St., Boulder, Co.) Mark Nlorris (3808 Hamilton St., Philadelphia. Pa.) Paul Obluda (544 Natoma, San Francisco, Ca. 94103) Volurne Vl, Number 16. I October. 1970 k - CL'W' d s. s peace and freedom throrrgh nonviolent action 339 Lafayette Street New York, New York 1OO12 Telephone (2121 228-0270 b it 0 I n WIN is publislred twice-montlrly (except July, August, and January when it is publislred monthly) by the War Resisters League ln cooperation with tlle New York Workshop in Nonviolence. Subscriptions are $5.00 per year. Second class postage paid at New York, N.Y. 1OoO1. lndivlclual writers are responsible f or opinions expressed and accuracy of facls given. Sorry manuscripts cannot be returned unless accompanied by a self-addressed, stamped envelope. Printed in U.S.A., WIN is a member of the Underground Syndic.rte and Liberation News Service. Press c d h d I I t n I DRAFT BOARD RIP.OFF IN ROCHESTER, N.Y. Over the Labor Day weekend, in Rochester, New York, raids were carried out simu ltaneously at the off ices of four, local draft boards, the F.B.l", and the United States Attorney, all located in the Rochester Federal Buil- ding. A] the four local draft boards, 1-A files were destroyed, as were cri- tical portions of the cross-reference system. At the U.S. Attorney's office. files were destroyed, and at the F.B.l. f iles and weapons were disrupted. Eight pacifists were arrested leaving the Federal Building at 4:15 A.M., after the destruction had been completed, on the morning of September 6. They are being held on charges of breaking and entering a federal building, and destroying government. property valued at more than $100. Bail has set at $100,000 for each of the eight. The eight who were. arrested are: Suzanne Williams. a former staff member of New England C.N.V.A., and recently released from federal prison for destroying draft files in Boston; DeCourcy Squire, also formerly of New England C.N.V.A.; Joanie Nicholson, 'of the New York 8, who destroyed files of draft boards in the Bronx and Oueens last August; Ted Glick, of the East Coast Conspiracy to Save Lives, raided draft complexes in Philadelphia and G.E. offices in Washington, D.C. in February; Frank Callahan, an aspi- ring renaissance man; Wayne Bonnekemper, a.fugitive from iustice (on a WIN DECALS BANNED AT AIR FORCE BASE "security officers at Shepard Air ders to remove from all base vehicles decals showing the American flag with a peace symbol overprint." said a UPI dispatch August 19. "Any civilian at Shepard with such a decal on his automobile will be escorted to the main gate and asked to leave. The orders include books, jackets and personal belongings of the airmen." The decals described above can be obtained from WIN-75d apiece, three in San Francisco, Concerned Academy Graduates recently opened an office in in Washington and launched a campaign for $2' -J.P. ,,HARD HATS NOT ALL STORMTROOPERS" So stated the placard carried by Wal- ter Stack, a hod carrier for the past 15 years, as he recently rode the length of San Francisco's Market Street wearing his own hard hat. (Stack, a former seaman. is the brother of Joe Stack with whom I recall being clobbered one day by goons on the New Orleans water- front back in 1936 as we were distributing union literature.) Where he started his ride, there was a large concentration of construction workers, but he reports no sign of hos- And the next morning when ment of the group, as, "immoral tools of an immoral government," and condemned for prosecuting draft resisters, harassing the Movement, suppressing dissent, and locking people in cages. The group felt that they treasured life, liberty and human dignity, more than the property that is used to compromise these values. mistake and get out of Vietnam." Among the group's membership are of West Point, Annapolis Air Force Academy. -J.P. 125 alumni and the DRAFT BOARD ENDS PROTEST The Door County (Wisc) Selective Service Board No. '16 agreed finally to end its protest and continue calling for induction. The board had voted unanimousf y Aug. 1 0 not to draft any men beyond August until violators of SelectiveService laws were apprehended and prosecuted. The board had said it would refuse to induct men because "it was an injustice to the honest citizen who reports for induction to fulfill his military obligation to permit the violator to escape without penalty." Milwaukee Journal turn to papSO Please to work-his picture was in the paper-there was a lot of kidding but, as he said "lt was all very friendly and congenial and nobody went into the came issu es. " nation's newspapers gleefully reported the hard hats' pro-war demonstrations in New York last May. But they gave very little attention to the fdct that at U.S. Attorney have been assaulted, These offices were described in a state- to convince Americans that "the only honorable peace now is to admit our he sister from lthaca. instance that the offices of the F.B.l. .now have a group opposing the war in lndochina. Organized in June The slogan on Stack's placard is true, concerning San Francisco. The of . . Force Base began today enforcing or- demo rap); Jane Meyerding, a former student; and Joe Gilchrist, a draft reAlthough draft f iles destruction has become commonplace, this is the first AND EVEN MILITARY ACADEMY GRADUATES.. the same time in San Francisco 53 local building and metal trades officials were arnong the signers of a full page newspaper ad concluding "We want a cease fire-Now! We want out of CambodiaNow! We want out of Vietnam-Now! We've had it!" ln fact every AFL-ClO county Central Labor Council in the Bay area was joined in censuring Nixon "for his deception, dishonesty and violation of our Constitution." -J.P. YOU... Can support WIN by sending in news, articles, photos, poems, pictures. 3 T :EffM wits --EG de1'ei argu( quitc pow( cvelt at Cl TE liom, tlre s justil -G- $ coup li v *. ;: a, Sr,f ET 7t dia tc B who tltcy rea, it f n i wl the t na tir soph were zurc stra t ['lar] .iS & artic The wanl prep worl ," wou time are payl I Y ll0lIl colll h%,, oll toa ffiwi i,{r** N ESS wel 5{,$ HOWTOEND THE WAR IN VIETNAM #1 Brad LYttle ISicILATE THEFCIFIEESCIF FASGISMT EXPCISE GCIFIPtrIEATE LIBEItALISM, HEIGiHTEI\T ANTT - IM]'EFIIALtsr GolNsc rclusr\rEss, SCILIDIFYMASS PCI\,VEFI I T rn Ihe weakest link in the chaiq of Amerioan in.rperialism was Vietnanr and is now Indochina. The U.S. is close to defeat in that area. Those voices in the ruling circies who argue that the U. S. will never suffer its "first" defeat are quite prepared to pursue military victory through nuclear power and gamble the risk of a third rvorld war. They n-ray even "seize the time" to effect preemptory nuclear strikes at China. They are prepared to institute military fascism at horr-re ar.rd justify ali with the need to "Save American lives", the same rationale that was olfered twenty-five years ago to justify the Hiroshima-Nagasaki atomic bornbings. A military coup by tliis section of the American ruling class is an irnrnediate danger in the period ahead. But within the ruling class there are powerful interests wlto are prepared to accept def'eat in Indochina just as they they were .able to retreat in the lace of defeat in China, Korea, and Cuba. They did miscalculate in Vietnam' For them, it was a nristake, only in the sense that they did not foresee the trenremdous will to resist forged by the movements for national liberation in h'rdochina. They assumed that a more sophisticated military-political approach than the French were able to advance would result in a relatively quick seizwe of South Vietnam. Now they see the futility of this strategy. McGeorge Bundy stated it over two years ago. Clark Clifford has put it even more bluntly in his Life article a.fter the Cambodian invasion. Averill Harriman is The Moratorium personified. The Eastern Establishment wants out! It wants an end to the war because it is not prepared to seek miiitary victory at the risk of waging a world nuclear war, in which the U. S. industrial complex would be militarily vulnerable to destruction for the first time. It wants out because American investments in Europe are becoming increasingly jeopardized by the imbalance of payments, and the consequent devaluation of the dollar econor.ny. The Euro-Soviet detente may also signal a whole new commercial and trading relationship ieading to tire isolation of American interests. lt wants out because the war has led to an intcnse process of radical anti-imperialist consciousness among youth, blacks, and women irr this country-as well as among similar groups, including young workers, in .J "western allied" countries overseas. lt wants out because of the developing revolutionary consciousness arnong blacks and Chicar.ros internally which necessitates a big carrot at home, instead ol the big stick in Indot-hina. They call it a policy of establishing new priorities for America. Thls di vision and polarization within the ruling groups of our country provjdes the popular struggle against the war with rerl opportunilies. As the October 15th Moratorium so clearly evidenced, those ruling groups who wish to cut bait in Vietnam must l-rave the people in the streets. They need a peace movetnent they can call their own, and they nearly got it. lt would be single issue, anti-communist and slow on the qr-restion of withdrawal from Indochina. They would love an Old SANE with the likes of Homer Jack and Norntan Cousins clothed in the youth culture of a Gene McCarthy children's crusade. For they only want people in the streets for the time it takes to sing "give peace a chance"-and then all hearts are to turn to door beil ringing and the election of an anti-war Congress. They are the chief proponents of the Princeton Plan. In the face of the potential thrust toward military fascism, this section of the ruling class provides a sustaining power check whicl-r allows Vietnar.n to be a major poiitical and Congressional issue, opens the streets to the people and maintains a climate of rrredia opinion congenial to the growth of a majority movement to end the war. At tirnes, it is even cornpelled by outspoken pressures of youth and blacks to yield on the political repression of anti-war militants and and black revolutionaries. F-inaliy, it has opened the labor movement up to the issue, recognizing fu1l weli that the inflationary character of the war and the drop in real income for American workers could lead to a process of intense radicalization among the rank and file of labor. While the forces of military fascism l.nove to mobilize the most racist sectior.rs of labor in the construction ir-rdustry as storm troopers, the forces of corporate liberalisrn seek to move industrial workers into an anti.comnlunist, single-issue, moderately toncd peace nrovement. The strategy of popular forces struggling to end U.S. ': {tr fi, 7EE tl c$ ,iif 3{o" firpkL ssloN s,F *t-lTl{Al- rlrs J ' t,- MaurY Englander co ha m€ co wl NC mi a( In it w( h art Th r. wi de \ ha I imperial aggression in Indochina should be based on the principle of a united front among those who are opposed to militarism, racism, sexism and fascism. The strategy must be based on the development of a broad, mass rlovement which stands for the right of national self-determination, struggles against chauvinism in its racial, national and masculine forms, and practices a policy of political non-exclusionism. It must wage a principled fight against political and military policies which are genocidal in consequence. T'he main tasks of the mass based political front would be to isolate the forces of tnilitary fascisr.r'r, expose the cooptalion efforts of corporate liberalism, heighten an anti-imperialist consciousness, and initiate tactics tl'rat consolidate mass power, legitimate widespread involvement, intensify direct resistance to established authority, cLtltivate international solidarity witl-r the Indochinese and defeat U.S. irnperialism in Southeast Asia. There is an iinn'rediacy to the question of tactics because popular forces in the United States are in a strategic position to help prevent nuclear escalation of the war abroad arrd political supremacy of military fascism at home. Ordinarily, one might look to the youthful and restive groups in the American working class as the key force in tl.re development of a powerful resistance movenlent in the United States. In the long run, that is where we must look for the development of a socialist revolution in America. But our immediate task is to defeat the forces of imperialism where it is the weakest, and where it ls perpetrating a blatant policy of military genocide against the revolutionary aspirations of the Indochinese people. ln the short run, it is im6 perative that we move fast with those forces who are prepared to legitimate the will to resist and heighten the consciousness to strike. Given a majority movement against the war, we must prevail among progressive forces in the estaLr. lished clergy to move rapidly in the development of nonviolent direct mass action against the imperial policies of military genocide in Indochina. Marching tactics should sti1l be used periodically to surface mass dissent and heighten antiwar consciousness, but the current period calls for the widescale diffusion of mass nonviolent civil disobedience comparable in scope and quality to the civil rights movement of of the early sixties. Massive nonviolent direct action impiies that rnany people will get hurt and sonte may die, that was the case of Birmingharn ar.rd Selma. Those who went South kriew that they it will take the lives of rnany of our friends and comrades before we are able to wield the leverage of mass international opinion and disruptive internal turrnoil to bring the war machine to a halt in Indochina. The powerful appeal of nonviolent mass disobedience is that the cause is so just as to risklife itself. Backed by the moral thrust of committed clergy, nonvioient direct mass action provides a powerful tactical alternative to both liberal polifaced death. And, tics and clitc violence. Indiscriminate acts of trashing and targeted acts of bombing usually turn the people to the very forces of .reaction, those quilk to offer the remedy of law and order. The premature developn.rent of physical warfare in the United States on the part of popular forces would subject the movement to intense repression if not fascism. lt would compel liberal sections of the ruling class to succumb to the hardJine military in closing off the streets, shutting up the media,.and putting an end to political debate. It would help consolidate a mass base for fascism in the working class where the greatest potential support for political dem6cracy now exists. The use of direct physical violence by sections of the morement-who place themselves above the people represent a clear and present danger to the growth oi popular'forces. Infantile leftism has never frightened ruling groups, rather, it has enabled them to consolidate power quickly. Little wonder that it is the ranks of elite-minded revolutionaries that are most infiltrated by agents and provocateurs of the police. The tactical actions of popular forces should be designed to widen the divisions within the ruling class and unifyiheien_ dencies within the people. Violent actions by small elites have just the opposite result. The present divisions within the anti-war movement over tactical questions is a serious danger. In my opinion, the Socialist Workers Party, and its youth afiiliate, the young So cialist Alliance, made a profound error in prematurely initi_ ating a new anti-war coalition committed to a singlj issue, marching tactic approach. They are creating a divisiveness throughout the country and are lending themselves to a pG tentially anti-communist role. In their search for broad re_ spectability via legal, peaceful, orderly demonstration, they will be contrasted to the "illegal, vi-olent, and disorder#,, types, i.e., communists, who seek to destroy the system. The Trotskyists must come to understand ihat forms of nonviolent resistance can imply direct mass action based upon a powerful moral appeal to the American conscience. Nonviolent direct action may at times include a mass mobil_ ization marching tactic-and, most often would if the action was to be of mass character. The setting of a mass demon_ UPI i3;'-; i.q; 'F. ;-'1q:_a :: -:::2 lEl--i4 stration target shouid hardly become the basis for bringing a new anti-war coalition sttucture into being. The Strategy Action Conference in Milwaukee was called for the primary purpose of establishing a "working unity", at the cornmunity level, alnong progressive and democratic forces in the country. Concerned with the interreiationship of the issues of imperialism, rnilitarisnt, racism, sexism, and fascism, representative $oups a.lso looked forward to unified national actions which could help bring the war to an end. The political cornposition of the Strategy Action Conlerence was excellent in many respects, but the sense of distrust and local parochialism which prevailed made it difficult for the begir-rnings of a solid united front to emerge. As a result, a political void exists where there should be profound and broad unity. When the ruling class is divided, the people must be united, otherwise they cannot hope to prevail. One goocl consequence of the Strategy Action Confer- ence was the appeai by Rev. Ralph Abernathy to the August Convention of S.C.L.C. for a "new march on Washington to bring the Pentagon to a ltalt" and "tie up the whole Washir.rgton scene, if necessary." S.C.L.C. should not go it alone' It shouid be joined immediately by progressive clergy organizations, women, student and labor groups. It is imperative that S.C.L.C. initiate the formation of a pro tem unity council and delegate to it the responsibility for the formation of severa.l task groups to plan the Washington action in great detail for the spring of 1971. Meanwhile, the pattern ofnonviolent disruptive mass actions should proceed against Vietnam military targots around the country. Every effort should be made to stop the flow of war personnel and materials to Vietnam. The struggle against Universjty complicity with the military must be intensified. The National Action Group and/or the New Mobe should give serious consideration to the inrmediate implementation of the Brad Lyttle proposal to "shut down the Pentagon" in conjunction with a solid month of decentralized anti-war activity in October. The American movement should also issue a call for actions of international solidarity among progressive forces throughout the world during October leading to the development of a firm international antl-imperialist united front against U.S. aggression in lndochina. Finally, we will get nowhere without a national coordinating structure. This structure must constitute a broad political front-based upon essential unity on the issues of militarism, racism, sexism, and fascism-and moved by the immediate demand to effect the total and unconditional withdrawal of American forces and hardware from lndoChina..A working cot.nmittee of representative national and regional groups should be empowered to convene a delegaied, miss conference leading to the establishment of a broadly based democratic front of popular forced committed to tl-re struggle against in.rperialisln, militarism, racism, sexism and tascism. The conference should be held no later than the July 4th weekend, 1971. lt will take ne-arly a full year to prepare for the conference. A national coordinating council, or central committee, must emerge which serves the people, and is accepted and supported by the people' ln sum, the basic division within the American ruling class and the unified resistance of the Indochinese people provide significant opportunities for the anti-war movement in the U.5. First of ;l1, we must move to establish a broad, united front against the war. Second, we must press the struggle against genocide and move progressive clergy to active leadership roles. Third, nonviolent direct ntass action, legitimated by clergy leadership, must be set in motion as a m-ajor tactical step in the prevention of nuclear war abroad and fascism at home. Fourth, the month of October should be viewed as a time of concentrated international solidarity with the Indochinese people. Decentralized demonstrations and actions should proceed around the country at the same time that a "shut the Pentagon" project is initiated' Fifth, a a pro tem council to implement the S.C.L.C. Washington Aciion in Spring, l97l should be formed immediately for practical organizing purposes. And, finally, preparations ihould get underway for a mass delegated conference by July, 1971, leading to the establishing of a popular, democraiic front oriented to the struggle against imperialism, militarism, racism, sexism, and fascism. * I would like to refer readers to two earlier _sidney peck papers on this topic: (1.) "strategy and Tactics of the Anti-War Movement" 'ly'ew Politics, Sumr.ner, I 968. (2.) "The Anti-War Movement and Radical Politics" Iy'ew Politics, Spring, 1970. f N 1i ir THE STI\IGiLE ISEiI.JE APPFICIAGH HOW TO END THE WAR IN VIET NAll{I #2 :] ,r;.ii" -!,i " ---- - - I n. ,rur*. Los Angeles police attack on the Chjcano Moratorium Against the War in Vietnam August 29 underlined the interrelationship between the imperialist aggression in lndochina and the racist, capitalist oppression at home. It also underlined the continuing, imperative need to build a massive movement against the Vietnam war capable of relating to and buttressing the struggle against oppression at home. The Chicano Moratorium Against the Vietnam War is a living example of this. The question of what next for the antiwar movement has been debated since the very inception of the movement against the Vietnam war. Inevitably, any continuing debate will bring a restatement of previous arguments. But there are also significant new developments which shed light on old arguments and help to resolve ln the concrete issues which previously were considered primarily in the abstract. The piincipai new fact in the situation, I believe, is that opposition to tlie war has developed to a qualitativeiy new stage. It reaches into and affects every layer and stratum of the American people. It is no longer simply the stude'nts who are against the war. Opposition is virtually unanimous in the Black and Third World comn-runities. It has assumed major proportions among GIs, as reflected in the widespread wearing of the peace symbol by combat troops and by the proliferation of GI underground papers at bases here and abroad. end, a serious examination demonstrates, opposition of a significant cliaracter is beginning to crystalize and surface within the organized trade union movement. If there was any question about the massive character of relr itself wa shi op b ffi! m' gre int ss ffi ffi So wa ffi s& be ffi M ffi tin Wz thr Ar 0q w1 tu ne m1 an di Nr the opposition to the war, the question was definitely answered by the campus explosion following the Cambodian invasion and the Kent-Augusta-Jackson events last Mav. In a number of key aspects this explosion was historic. It involved the biggest student strike in U.S. history, embracing more students on more campuses than any previous action cn any issue' The near spontaneous movement of students on campus after campus to open up the schools as antiwar universities, rather than simply shut them down and disperse, was also of the deepest import. Moves to secure control of campus facilities-moves that proved astonishingly successful in a number of areas-and the attempt to use these facilities to build the antiwar movement and.reach out to the surrounding communities-expressed a political consc.iousness among students that goes significantly beyond the issue of the war. The students asked: In whose interest shall the university be run and by whom shall it be contlolled? The growing antiwar sentiment has been buttressed by the development of a general radicalization-an unprecedented questioning about the social system responsible for the host of evils we now endure and a growing realization that the struggles around these issues are interrelated and relate to the m T1 of ,,t e)i fe ,, th 1^. IA, vi u1 in A al bt pl A ti system itsel f. The most dranratic example of this swiftly mounting radicalization is the development of the women's liberation movement. It questions what had been deemed the eternal verities regarding the family and the status of worlen. The big turnout irr New York and elsewhere for the Aug. 26 Women's Strike offered inspiring testimony to strength and potential of this movement. Long overdue, there is the fact of the beginnings of significant motion among the white workers. The totaliy unexpected postal strike, and the near-crippling of industry and government resulting from it, were like a flash of heat lightning in suggesting the power of organized labor when it moves. And the futile effort by the powerful General Electric trust last year to smash the electrical unions provided one more proof of the capacity of the workers to defend their interests when they see and understand the attack. A11 of the foregoing may appear at first glance to be un- 0 tl ti et n C d L a T I c I Dan Hemenway to at m related to the issue under discussion-what next for the antiwar movement? But there is a direct and significant relationship which can be summarized in the statement that the opportunity to build a mass movement against the war is now greater than ever and just as urgent as ever. It should be quite plain since the extensiolt of the war into Cambodia that U.,S. imperialism intends to hang on in Southeast Asia as long as it is able. Any notion that the war was virtually over and that it was simply a matter of time before Washington carried through the process of extricating itself were totally dispelled by the attack Nixon ordered. Washington will not get out of Indochina one day sooner than the lndochinqse revolution coupled with a powerful American antiwar movement compel it to. This reality is gaining increased recognition and, along with the increased general radicalization, offers the opportunity to extend the movement against the war to significant new constituencies. But this will be achieved only if the movement to end the war proceeds on the basis of a sound and realistic perspective. The need for a single-issue approach remains key. Immediately after the massive Washington demonstration of last Nov. 15, the sponsoring New Mobe yielded completely to the multi.issue forces within it, drastically changing its course. The Radical Caucus, joining forces with a sector of the Mobe officers, transformed the New Mobe into a "multi-issue", "radical" formation. The attempt was made to broaden and extend tl-rat kind of coalition with the Strategic Action Conference in Milwaukee this past June. For nine.months, the advoeates of building a multi-issue, "anti-imperialist" coalition have had full opportunity to demonstrate in life the validity of the approach. The fact that the Strategic Action Coalition, ostensibly organized in Cleveland, never got off the ground and that the New Mobe is virtually extinct provides rather somber verification of the utopian quality of that particular approach. Meanwhile, the single-issue approac.h is also being tested in life with the current efforts to build the National Peace Action Coalition which was lauched by a Cleveland conference also held in June. Here the picture is much brighter. NPAC is becoming increasingly broad and drawing in forces never previously invoived in the antiwar movement. It is noLmerely of symbolic importance that the National Alliance of Postal and Federal Employees, at its August nationai convention, voted to endorse NPAC and to support the Oct. 31 demonstrations against the war being organized by the body. This is, to my knowledge, the first tirne that a national ur.rion has officially endorsed an antiwar demonstration. A similar manifestation of the increasing labor was the endorsement of NPAC and the Oct. 31 action by Patrick Gorman, secretary-treasurer of the influential Amalgamated Meat Cutters & Butchers Workrnen. Recognition of the viablility of the new coalition is indicated by the adherence of a number of antiwar activities long associated with the Mobe. These include such figures as Abe Bloom and Helen Gurewitz of the Washington Mobe: Kather.ine Canrp, president of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, and others. But does the growth of such a single-issue coalition, dedicated to organizing massive demonstrations for immediate withdrawal, just mean continuous marching and little more? No. It certainly does include continued marching because continued marching is necessary to keep the opposition to the war visible, growing and capable of keeping the pressure on Washington a pressure to which the administration is in fact compeiled to respond" The massive eruption of protest in response to Cambodia was responsible for the withdrawal of U.S. ground troops. But the marching also means son.rething else. N{ass demonstrations have proven the organizing vehicle for involving people in the antiwar movernent and-equally important for those of us committed to revolutionary social change-have helped set significant numbers on the road to a geneially radical outlook. Mass actions around the demand for immediate withdrawal constitute effective acts of solidarity with the Vietnamese revolution and by the same token strike significant blows at U.S. imperialisrn. Time and again the Vietnamese have expressed their appreciation that this is the case. But this does not mean, as some critics mistakenly argue, a mindless repetition of the withdrawal demand without any effort to relate it to other social issues and particular constituencies. Creatively applied, it is the most effective way of reiating the war to other key social issues. Again, the Chicano Moratorium provides an excellent example of how a singleissue mass movement against the war can be utilized as a focus for involving the Chicano community in struggle on an issue of crucial relevance for them while at the same time carrying them into motion on other related issues-particularly those of their own oppression and of the need and right to control their own communities. What next for the antiwar movement? Concretely, building the Oct. 31 demonstrations against the war into the most massive possible ones-involving labor, GIs, the Third World communities and everyone that wants the U.S. out now. Doing this, I am convinced, will prove a significant contribution to fighting against this monstrous, genocidal war and to building a movement for the abolition of the system responsible for that war. Harry Ring (Harry Ring is editnr of The Militant, a Trotskyist weekly reflecting the viewpoint of the Socialist lUorkers Party. ) EI\Itr,THEvlATT BYFFilETAlr MtrII\IEIry AFTEHIUcItrtI\T AT LATEST hal it t ran mo fev ob( bu1 tha liti( gat full chi trar HOW TO END THE WAR IN VIET NAM #3 the My cial up cor Ma dec In it" il t f for ln soc the ab for cra cus !* t'I the .,: i , #-.-r to "r'' tha po: . 1. ,'u* j,t '3@ in ise the dea kin ion 111ei That is the note on my desk, reminding me to get in nry article "How To End the War" before WIN's deadline. Its accidental humor applies, however, to the whole discussion. The fact is no one really knows how to end the war, or we "know" how to do it only in an abstract and unreal wayi.e., "il' everyone stopped fighting the war would end or "if'' we had a socialist government the war would end. Un"ifs" are possible ot the moruent. At happily none of those the moment the peace movement really does not know how to end the wat now. It is easy for me to play wise man in this particular set of articles since before writing nrine I read through the other two. My first impression is the following: "The savage continuing in-rperative underlines the im- perialist buttressing so obvious in ruling circles. Inevi- tably the repressed struggle against repression becomes the key crisis in tl're 1'orces of coalition. Millions of struggies, collectively perceivcd as individual, but theoretically massed as isolated, runs directly contrary to the develop- t2 ment of desperation. The Third World proliferates through saturation intervention, truly representing itself as the strongest link in a weak chain, while the ruling cir- cles stand revealed as being equal, but less so than before. But neither can it be sald to be invincible, necessitating, as any serious examination will demonstrate, a massive shift toward revolutionary rhetoric." Which is to say that it is probably as hard to write interesting political analysis as it is to write an interesting text for a book on mathematics or economics. The problemand this applies particulariy to Harry Ring's article is that the use of jargon can hide the fact that (l) the conclusions to which one arrives have nothing to do with the reasons set forth or (2) one really isn't saying anything at all. Wrile I do not think Sid Peck's article is free of jargonin fact it is loaded with it-Peck has something significant to say on at least t\&o counts. First, he understands tl.rat tl're Establishment is actually divided internally and while he rnakes no allou'ance for tl.re role that simple decer,cy may SW izer bor clu pea nlu not soc onl fror Net bed rep mu tica soc SW have played it in creating that division, at least he undersfbnds exists. Second, he does argue persuasively against either random terrorism and trashing or the abiorption of (grven their conception such party would iend achieve a "rcal" socialist rcvolution. Now in lact I don'1 thjnk the SWp is opposed to a nrulti. issue pcacc group. I3ul it wants to control tiiat group. as it the movement into the Democratic party. He is among tl.re very few theorists of the trovement who understand thit civil dii_ obedience is not necessarily limited to small acts of witness but can be massive, and who, at the same time, understands that even mass civii disobedience needs to be given some po_ litical form. (I think there is no doubt that the ..mass dele_ gated conference he urges for July of 1971 would hope_ firlly do the job the Ne\^,politics Convention of unhappy Chicago merrory failed to do-create a new party) Gener4lly, I agree with peck, and readers who want to track down his two earlier articles in Neu,politics can get them by writing : NewPolitics, 507 Fifth Ave., NyC 10017. My really sharp disagreement is with Harry Ring of the So_ cialist Workers Party and I think the real issues should be up front and not obscured, as I feei they are by his article. Some background is needed. The SW? is an organization committed publicly through its writings and actions to of their own role in history) any to bc re lormist and woul favorable vote on this excellent statement by posedtothosecommittedtoruralvocations- theirhomeland,itisnotentirelyinaccurate the 205,000 members of the union would either. Probably the most thotough study of a very durable community: an incipient pro have an important effcct on the labor moveducer-consumer cG.op, under his direction, this question was done in a Ph.D. thesis by ment and consequently on thc war itself. for production and use of subsistence goods, an Oriental Israr:li named Gabray, who conWe are norv preparing background hforetc.-with opportunity for the members to cluded that while some Atabs did leave Pamation on the referendunr and the rvar rvhicli gradually and cooperatively buy him out and lestine voluta-iily, in some parts of the counshould be extremely useful to tcachcrs in try they were driven out, particularly toward retire him irom management. approaching their colleagues. Although rve have Let us resist injustice harder and longer, the closing phases of the war. Many of those 'some 10,000 pcople on our rnailing list, we who left "voluntarily" fled not so much becollectively with other like souls-knowing . must reach additional teachers at every level that there can bc at the end for us a beautiful cause their leaders urged them to leave, but from kindergarten througli the Univcrsity. communitarian reward. May Valley Co-op rather from fear for their lives. The mass exWe urge any of your readers who are (or who Community, near Seattle, is a good place to odus occured only after several hundred know) AFT members to pleaso get in touch do so. The result could be a higher stage of Arabs, mostly women and children, were with us promptly as time is very short. cooperation there among the valiant. Come massacred at Deir-el-Yassin by Zionist terrorRebecca Berman join us in the resistance. Teachers Committee for Peace ists But the question of the voluntary characJohn Affolter ter of the emigration strikes me as being bein Vietnam Benton, Wash. side the point. If I leave my home volun339 Lafoyette Street, NYC 10012 DezLr WIN 32 Dear \{ I'm draft b SSS: hI 1970). able",' serious in your The that wl to you war ma time lo either t workinl speciall niks tr1 undersl It is argume are not consid( womer .about 1 affectir the wa which them a jobs, i. being to s ever the dra Ift much lemem home r lies, clt jobs of 1 beings approa wasa( Dear I WI butors think printir r Schwa neighb repeat cy and Icr they a True, I sraeli did no zaJet. of one Cil 100% ofagr Th Throv shooti sat in work Fc exiled ialist" bring for th ) -.- Dear Wendy, Dear WIN, I'm disturbed by your evaluation of the I was astonishcd to read in the pages of draft board clerks in your article "Visitirg WIN an endorsement of the movie "Joe." (Dovetales Sept. 15) Wendy claims it "does SSS: harassment for the hell of it" (Sept. l, 1970)..You describe them as "totally unreach- more for thc love generation than any supposedly pro-movemcnt movie I've seen." able", which, in my opinion, reflects both a serious error in judgment and a tactical failure It seems to mc that what the movie docs is to reinforce everybody's prejudice ol everyin your attempts to reach them. The tirst thing that you should realize is body. Just as movies of the O1d West porthat while disrupting a draft board's procedures trayed the good guy on a white horse and the villain on a black one, the characters to you may mean a temporary halting of the in "Joe" are equaliy flat and broadly drarvn. war machine, to a draft board clerk it means In "Joe" the villain has vulgar eating habits time lost which must somehow be made up, (catsup bottle on table, burps audibly) and either by working harder and faster or by working overtime. So, if the clerks aren't esthe good guys turn on. specially delighted by the sight of some peaceIf your view of the world is that it is a niks trying to gum up the works rt-s quite simple matter of "them against us" you will understandable, love this movie. The world is morc oornpliIt is also important to understand that cated than that. arguments about the immorality of the war The movi6 produces Joe, sets l-rim right are not likely to sway these women. Such before you and does.absolutely nothing to considerations are a luxury for most working explain who he is. What are the pressures, prowomen. If they want to hear any iuguments blems, anxieties, hopes, fears of his life? Was .about the war, they want to know how it is he born rvith his uptight attitudes? This movie affecting their own lives. Explain to them that had an opportunity to enlighten its audience the war is creating the inflationary economy with characters who rang with truth aud inwhich causes their financial problenls. Talk to stead they gave caricatures, cartoons ol them about the exploitative nature of their "types" (Wendy herself: "'Joe'is the story of jobs, i.e. how they are put in the position of a hardhat /ype person"). being shit-workers and also having to listen This movie aids in the polarization ol this to everyone who comes in with a bitch about country, does nothing to diminish it. It does the draft, while the real culprits are elsewhere. nothing to deepen one's understanding of If they still tell you that they don't have people who resist or activcly oppose the polmuch time to think about things like that, itics of the Left. remember that most of them probably go Elaine Makowska home after work, cook dinner for their families, clean the house, and perform all the other jobs of a full-time housewife. They are human Dear WIN: beings with human problems, and should be When I first came to Alaska I oxpected approached as such. (By the way, my mother ice and snow and real isolation from what's was a draft board clerk during WW IL) happening everywhere else irr the country. Connie Sohodski W1tat I found instead is very differcnt, Since New York City there are a number of Army bases in Alaska, I expected much support of the military. lnstead, there is U.S.A.-the United Servicemen of Alaska and their newspaper GREEN MADear Win: CHINE. Instead of a State filled with redWIN exists at the mercy of the contrinecks (though there is a great number) there butors to the War Resisters League. I do not are a number ofgood people. Dope is plenthink that they want their money spent on tiful, though expensive (except home-grown printing jingoistic letters like Sammy weed, and Alaska's growing season, which Schwartz's cif Great Neck, L.I., an affluent can produce 30 pound turnips and 4-foot neighborhood. This letter is no more than a lettuce, produces some fine stut'f.) and even repeat of lies distributed by the Zionist agenpolitically there are interesting developments. cy and the Israeli Government. The two guys running for the Dc.mo. nomiI cannot go into every point, because " nation for US Senate are both doves. Wenthey are all rvrong. One point I like to state. dell Kay is running on the themes of True, the Jordan government did not allow Israelis to go to the Wailing Wall, so the Israelis "PEACE together" and "REtsUILD THE FAITH". Joe Josephson is stressing the endid not allow the Jordanians to visit the Navironmental issues, Which can be dangerous zarct. lt was an equal exchange of bitterness in this st3te, since there is so much money to of one to another. be made from oil. And at the recent State Cities, like Jaffa, Safat, Lud, Ramla, were F-air I counted about 25 WRL broken riflc lA0% Atab. Where are the Arabs? On a point pins. Whoever wins the derno. nomination of a gun they drove Arabs from their land. nrns against a hawk Ted Stevens (rvho wanThey have massacred village after village. ted nerve gas stockpiled in the state, etc.) Throwing children in the wells of Dir Yasin, and has.a decent chance of beating him. (did shooting down women and children as they you know that one of the two people rvho sat in the trucks coming home from a days voted against the Gulf of Tonkin resolution work in the fields. was from Alaska?) And on top of all that, For the 22 years that the Arabs were the state is beautyfull. Though we've had two exiled from their homes the socalled "Socearthquakes in the past week, we've also ialist" government of Israel, did not try to had three displays of Northern Lights and bring the refugees back home and compensate stars that you can SEE. A pleasant relief for their loss of lives ^o'"'i}if;'r"rkinsoff Bronx, N,Y. from NYC. Brian Rogers aking do Though lry ilrstant epicure type cookbooks tell n're that the ideal quick dinner is filet rnignon, most busy peaceniks resort to some vadation of the soup-and-sandwich route. Come summer, here are two delicious cold soups that are easy to make and not expen- sive. il you prepare them in season. They are elegant enough for any party. ft nlueenRRY AMBRosTA 2% quarts water thin cut peei of one lemon stick cinnamon cup sugar sma11 % cups (two boxes) blueberries 2 tablespoons cornstarch .1 Simrner the berries and rind in the water for a few minutes until soft. Strain, and force berries through a strainer or puree in a blender. Return berries to soup. Mix cornstarch in % cup water and add to mixture, aiong with cinnamon and sugar. Simmer five minutes. Chill until icy: serve with dollops of sweetened whipped cream, dusted with cinnamon. Serves ten as a soup, or twenty as a punch. frcuculaBER souP I quart rich chicken stock 2% cucumbers I onion 2 teaspoons butter '/z pint light crcam (or 13 oz. can evap. milk) 4 or 5 fresh mushrooms 1 l4 tsp garlic powder chopped chives Heat stock to boiling. Peel and grind the cucurnbers. Add both pulp and liquid to stock. Let simmer ten minutes. Chop onion fine; saute in butter until golden, not brown. Add to stock. Add cream (or evap. milk). Slice the mushrboms; saute, until just wilted, in one teaspoon butter, using the same fryrng pan you have iust used for onions. Add to the soup, rinsing the frying pan with a little stock. Add garlic powder. Now taste for salt, pepper and garlic; you may want to add more garlic. Chi1l until icy; serve garnished with chopped chives. Dena Davis *t Dependable person seeks opportunity to work, learn with People who make clothes, iewelry, etc' in N.Y.C. or any interesting place. Tirect of country life. Any help appreciated. 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