Win Magazine Volume 14 Number 31

I

{

'r-

Septèmber 21,1978/4Ol

T

PEACE & FREEDOM THRUNONVIOLENT ACT'ON

A PacÍfrst MÍssÍon to Moscow

Hrst National No Nukes Conference

ffi#Y#ffiffir
HtrffiffiffiffiKääffiKÅffiK,ffiS
#ffi wffiKäxeffi#ä&ffiK
f

TËäffi SäffiwffiFryS

Ë"

1-

LETTERS
I recently read the July 20, 1978 WIN
with the article on women in the military.
I noted that in the last page ofthe article,
Marie Valenzuela states that "witch
hunts" for homosexuals aie used
against women, bi¡t never against gay
men. While I do not wish to fault the article. for it is otherwise a good explanation
of mány of the problems of women in the
Arnry, this statement about'the problems of gay men is simply wrong.
I have. in working with CCCO
Western Region, encountered numerous
examples of "witch hunts" forgay men
in all branches of the military. The pattern seems to be the same.: Someone is
suspected ofbei¡g gay, or someone,
afráid ofbeing caught and courtmartialêd, decides to confess in the
hopes ofgetting a discharge, and then all
hell breaks loose. That person is threatened to give names and promised a
better discharge ifthey cooperate. Their
friends, acquaintances, roommates, and
cthers are questioned and threatened;

the level of distrust among formér

\

friends increases towhere everyone is
suspicious. Eventually, a handful of
people are discharged {fter a great deal
ofunpleasantness for many people, and
often people end up confessingtothings
they nevei did, just hoping that investi- '
gators will Íinally be satisfied. It does
happen to men, regularly. As indicated
in the article, it happens to women,
along with a lot more unpleasant problems. I was pleased to read the article
and see some exposure ofthese
problems. I simply didn't want people to

getthe mistaken impression that gay
men were somehow safe in the Army.

_STEPIMNIIUSTON

The articles in your August 17, 1978 issúe on mass trainsit are excellent. You
have rendered a public service in the
articles by Michael McFadden and
Stephen Geisler.

.

_FRANKP.æDLER
Mllwaukee, TÍlec.

I see by your paper where

you're having

big party to "bring Abbie home." Let
me say Ithink this is just dandy. No one
ought to be und,erground except transmogrifying and willing roles.
At the same time. May I indulge in a
few reflections, to wit: Mary Moylan of.
the Catonsville Nine has been mining
and moling now since 1970. That, I suba

mit, is a helluva big dose of dark. And
2

WIN Sept. 21, 1978

the charqes against her (l risk seeming
odious) ãre soäewhat weightier to socìal
change than drug dealing. She was
accused and convicted. along with the
rest ofus, for bqrning papers instead of
children. Here goes nepotism. My
friends ofJonah House, John Schuchardt. Ledon'Sheets, Ed Clark. Carl
Kabat, and my brother Phil, are above
ground indeed, but on i-ce in Allenwood.

Their crime: impeding, however
modestly. the meltdown of the planet.
Now in these an'd related cases (Wilmington Ten, Marion Brothers, David
Rice, et. al.) Iam setmusing. How
cpme no campaign to bring such and
such home?
Let me push a bit further. Are we still

hankering after counter-cultural personages iristead ofserious workers in the
polluted vineyard? Are drug charges,
however atrocious, more inspiring of
rage and rêaction than the vengefulness
that follows on serious political activity,
and punishes handsomely? Please enIighten me.
And please, I don't want to sit
munching sour grapes in thatfamous
vineyard. So here's a checkfor one for
that big night. And please tell Abbie to
tell us if he will, the difference between
shooting up and sitting down. Notthat
he did the first, but where has the second
gone? Maybe he knows. God knows we
need to know.
.

_DAìIBERRIGAN
NewYorhrN.Y.

I accept Susan Wilkins' invitation to
respond to Jan Barry's article on peace-

related legislation (WIN ó/29/78) and, ,
herquestions aboutit.
There seems to be an implicit assump-'
tion in Susan's piece that there is a lackof harmony between war tax resistance
and \Yorld Peàce Tax Fund efforts. As a
WTR and WPTF activist, I feel these are
svmbiotic efforts which aid each other. If
táx resistance were to grow rapidly, I
believe the Congress would respond by
enacting the WPTF bill or other legislation to piovide an alternative for
taxpayers morally opposed to war. Large
numbers of war tax resisters would clog
the systern. The WPTFeffortaidsthe
WTR movement in a couple of ways. It is
raising consciousness about the
dilemma of paying taxes for the military
while believing that all war is morally
wrong. I personally know sevèral \{PTF

activists who, through their WPTF work,
came to realiie that they òhould begin
redirecting their own taxes now. The
WPTF bill seeks government recognition of a right which already exists and
should be exercised. The second way the
WPTFbill helps the WTR movementis a
matter of legitimization. Many people
can understand the legitimacy of our
resistance much better if they know we
are also working for a legislative solution
to our dilemma of conscience.
Readers ofJan Barry's and Susan

Wilkins' comments might jump to wrong

conclusions about who would qualify for
CO status under the WPTFbill. lt would
not be limited to those recognized as COs

liberal movement Deople who are Prolife. There are enliþhtèned thoughts re-

presenting many women that can
counterthat article. (A fine example
- was

under Selective Service, norwould
recognition be similar to that under the
Seleptive Service System. The key difference is in the burden ofproof. Under
Selective Service, one had to prove that
one was a CO. Underthe WPTFbill, one
acquires CO recognition by checking a
box on one's tax rèturn. CO tecognition
could only be denied if the government
could orove in court that one was not a
CO. The shift in the burden of proof
would make a world of difference, particularly helping the less articulate and
those with nontraditional religious

theletterin WIN 6/15/78byJo

McGowan).
How can abortion be winning "Peace
and Freedom thru Nonviolent Action? "
You in¡ult me as a woman if you really
expect me to believe this is a nonviolent
ptocedure. Again, just for the record,
this woman does úot speak for me.
Your article on "Alternative Health
Care in a Rural Community" was outstandingl As a worker iir a skilled
medical facility, I can document what a
positive approach in the name ofpeace

-

thatarticleis.,

\{IN

goodfor as long as I've
been readine it. but recentlv it has iust
heen stunniñgly so. By all nieans, Ëeep
has been

on doing what it is you are doing

Co-author, Our Bodies, Ourselves
WestSomerville, Mace.

problem. I cannot correlate
your theme of " Peace and Freedom thru
Nonviolent Action" with radical feminist
articles like "The Politics of Health
Feminism" by Claudia Dreifus which
support abortion.
I have been very involved, vèry
I am having a

deeply, in the movement.for peace for a
long time so your magazine does direçtly
address itself to my interests. But this
woman no more fepresents my thoughts
than the man in the moonl It must have
occured to some ofyou that there are

I

_ROBERTMITCHEIT

i

SanGabrlel, Callf.

I
I

srouos.
suCh as WRL, as well as eróu"os wiriinn
forcivilandhumanrightiingenerat. -

I
I

|

_JACKSONMACLOW

I
I

NewyorkrN.y.

I

/7g)

Congressional

I
I
I

-

and missing the
A call in Congress fo¡the creation
national peace academv mav verv

vety impressed that

;

Jim-a pacifist hero

of mine for over 30 years-also thinks so.
The importance of preserving and in-

creasing the support given by local communities cannot be overestimated.
Çivil disobedience ought only to be
used when it has a good õhanceofbeins
effective towârd thé ends sought and
where its probable effects willnot be
overbalanced by negative ones, such as,
in the case ofSeabroók, the withdrawal

-

of communíty support. CD is a thoroughly polltlcal tactic, not merely a moral w-itnessing, and it was always used as such
by G_ardhi. Americans and Europeans
would do well to study once more- his use
of CD. Too often it is undertaken

romantiðally rather than appropriately.
Gandhi waia nonviolent biii thòrouglily
pragmatic polltlcel per3on, even
though he never sacrificed principles for
short-term (or even long-term) gãins. He
was no

romantiiist.

. Forpersons such as my son and I, who
cannot, at this time in our lives. eo to iail
(and every person committing ôÞ müst
be completely prepared to go to jail), the
legal demonstration at Seabrook provided a welcome opportunity to võice our
oppesition to nuclear power, as the
Mobilization for Survîval did for us to
voice our support for disarmament in
general, as well as our opposition to both
nuctear power and nuclear weapons and
our support for civil and human rlghts.
Legal rallies such as these are at lõast as
important politically

give
many more people the opportunity to act
nonviolently in support ôf their báiefs.

'.

of Susan

Wilkins' finest

ofa
well

I
I

as CD and

I

sarcasm-ex-

ceptforonepoint.Whenmembersof
Congress persist in raising this
(over thejeers ofthe John Birch

idea

Societv
and thejealous pride ofthe Pentagon)il
think it warrants serious examination,

Sept.

|

I
I

1978/Yol. XIY , No.31

MirY Dru2ba": A pacif ist
Mission to Moscow/ patrick
Lacefield

L

The Stevens Boyeott: Turning
the Tables on the Textile Ciant
Joe Pilati &,David Dyson
16. First National No Nukes
Conference / Murray

Rosenblith

I

I
I
I

21 ,

4. "

I

peacemoveswasangry,refreshing-

point.

CL'iJ:}L

I

all pacifÏst and anti-militarf

Susan Wilkins' challenge (WINB/17
to my article on recent

- i.¡
ì

I

anti-nuclearpowergroups,butalsoby

18. Changes

21 . Review,/ Sybi I Cl aibor ne
that
Cover:
Photo by RogerManley,
I
posjible offer anything useful to the
from Brown LungCotton Mill
I
B/ues, a history and songboók
Susan is most angry, I suspect, be|
of Southern míllworkers, ava¡lcause I reported a move toward a World
ablethrough th¿ Southern lnPeace Tax Fund and failed to.write about I
waftaxresistance. That'safine,
stitute for Occupational Health
I
courageous program. It has won the ad- I
miration of many IRS agents, I have been I
told. But still the IRS agents persist in
I Susdn Bcadle o Patrick Laccfield
following orders.
Michael Lardner r Lauri Lorvell
As it happens, I spoke_with one IRS
agentwhosuggestedhowtochange lvlurray Rosenblith
their orders which are made in Washiirgton by ordinary men and women. So I
5Ol Atl¡ntic Avc./5th ftoor
mentioned that, in an aside, while re|
porting some small moves for peace
I Srmllyn, NYl1217
inchingthroughCongress.Iampleased I lólcplronc: (212) 62æ137, õla{Sg5
thatSusansawit.
I
Ifmore people refused to pay taxes,
UNINDICTED
somebody in Washington would have to
I
CO.CONSPIRATORS
listen, exactly as Susan argues. And in|
deed, if I read California's tax revolt
I
clearly, millions of Americans recently I

rather than

a

knee-jerk reaction

people"lesspure"thanourselvêscanit

The positions voiced in Douglas Wilson's and Jim Peck's letters (WIN
8/10/18) arevery well taken. Even ifthe
Çlam's Coordinating Conrmittee did not
follow the usual consensus procedures
this time, its decision was a-wise one. I'm

"People's Resource Guide to

ESTIIERR.ROME

-IvtrCF.ELIrf
Sehoharte,\Y.

a

I

disobedience, and 3) massive legal
rallies." This strategy shouldbð
adopted not only by the CIam and other

be"naivè," "hypocritícal"'andivorthv

BIttSAMT]EL

1978).

FI¡üN

.

Fatte Church, Vo.

Health Politics" (WIN, 7 /27 /78 E
8/3/78), two corrections should be
made. There is a more recent edition of
Our Bodles¡ Ourselves, by the Boston
Womeh's Health Book Collective. Itwas
published in 197ó and costs $4.95. It is
considerably longer and changed from
the 1973 edition. Also please note that
any health treatment or counseling
group that has an IRS tax exempt number can order twelve or rtrore books
directly from Simon and Shuster at $1.20
per book, plus postage. See the clinic
äiscount bbx on the copyright page of
Our Bodles, Ourselvee for more details.
Any group not able to qualify for this discount or unable to affordto buy books
can write directly to the Boston
Women's Health Book Collective for a
subsidv.
An iinportant omission under "Occuoational Safetv and Health" is Jeanne
Stellman's neiv book, Womento TÍorkr'
Women's Ilealth (Pantheon Books,

andregional clusters, 2)large-scafecivil

.

views.
I would further like to say that I have
been disappointed by how little WTR
news has bêen in WIN in recent months.
Unless they, read Poacemaket and/ or
God and C¡esar, WIN readers áre
probably unaware how much WTR
ãctivity there is. I hope WIN will'find a
wav to cover waf tax resistance mofe
fulíy in the future.

In the

Wilson's

,I thoroughly approve of
I
âdvocaqy sf'ra three-pronsed stratesv: I
1) local ãctivity plannêd by-affinity gíóups I

I

I
I
I
I
I

I

refusõdtopaymuchoftheirtaxes,

throughareferendum.Ithinkpeace-

workers might learnlsomething from
that, aswell. Oristhereonlvonewavto .
peace? (Sorry, A.J. Mustel)

_JANBANRY

N.J.
I wonder ifvou could suesest to the oeople who tieã 408 black rilõons to a rópe
(the length of the Trident) that nexttime
they reconsidertheir svmbolism.
I'd suggest 408 piecés ofbarbed wire
dippedinbattleshipgreypaint,tied
around a tong wtre,
Not only is black beautift¡I, but oldfashioned rope, with its many short
fibers making, bytheirtightfriction, a
long strength, is a nice symbol of human
soclety.
KeepuptheElFprotest.
Montclalr,

PETESEEGER

j

B"*onrN.Y.

I
|
I
I

Forcst o LarryCard.

r ¡ohn
Low.

I
I

I
|
I
I

'lvl¡mbcr ol WlNEditori¡l Board

I

I
I

I
I
I
I

I
I
I
I

I

WlN ii pr¡btichcd cvcry Thwrday ercept frr thc firsr

nrck ln l¡nurry, the ftiurrh weeÍ in M¡rch, thc
¡ecrnd wc* in lunc, thc l¡¡t t*n seck¡ in Aut¡¡¡t.
rhefirlnwo n¿Çl¡ in Scprcmbcr ¡nd rhe l¡st wcil iñ
Occqnbcr by W.l.N. Me¡ezinc,' lnc, wirh tho
sl¡pgofl otlhcrwar Rc3¡3tcf3 Le¡8ue. $¡bs(fi¡rt¡on3
tll pcr ycti. Scond clers posrrre p.id .t Nclv
Yoú,, NV 1ûþ1 rnd rdd¡tiÐal meilinr olficc¡. lneec

dividu¡l writer¡ ¡æ rc¡ænsiblc for ôinkn¡ e¡pcs¡cd ¡nd ¡ccurry of l¡ds ¡ivcn. 9rrr1-¡¡-r!c7¡pl¡ cañnot ba ralünad unh33 tdrrn¡dnicd bv ¡
¡cll;rddrc¡¡rd, ¡tmpcd onvrkrric.

hl¡tldhUSA

Sept,21, 1978W1N3

'm notoutto savetheworld," explained
33 Bernie,
middle-aged insurance salesman
f

,

bound for Kiev to visit relative

s

and fellow pas-

sengerón Aeroflotflight36l from NewYorkto
Moscow. "Let me giveyou some advice-don't get
involved in anything political while you're in the
Soviet Union. You'llonly stick.yourfoot in it."
I nodded and f lashed the sort of knowing sm ile
one possesses when.one has something other than
tourism in mind. My six colleagues and I were
bound for Moscow for an explicitly politiçal reason: to take our disarmament protest to Red Square
and the Soviet government, a project that truly
promised, in Bernie's words, to "putourfoot in
it.' '

Some báckground is helpful in understanding
both the logistics and the politics of our mission.
The idea sprang, not quite f ully grown, from the
head of Scott Herrick, a member of the War
Resisters League nationalcommittee and a participant in the 1961 San Francisco-to-Moscow Walk
which marched through 600 miles of Sovietterritoryto hold atwo hourvigil.in Red Squarewith ttìe
permission of the Soviet government. Scott, pained
as we all were bythequantum leap in thèarms race
since that time, suggested that the WRL drive
home the message of unilateral initiatives toward
disarmament by mounting simultaneous demonstrations in Red Square and atthe White House in
Washington, DC.

,t

The original plan called for ten pa¡ticipants to
enter the Soviet Union on tourist visas for a twoweek tour of Moscow, Leningrad, and Kiev. As the
time neared, several people wêre forced to withdraw due to job or family obli gations, leavi ng seven
WRLers: nationalcommittee members J erry Coffin of New York City, Scott Herrick of Ft. Lauderdale, Florida, and Craig Simpson of Albuquerque,
New Mexico; WRL staffers David McReynolds of
New Yoi"k City and Steve Sumerford of Chapel H i ll,
North Carolina; WRL chairwoman Norma Becker
of New York City and myself . That Norma was the
only woman in the Moscow contingent was a disappointment for us all and cannot be justif ied, though
in all fairness it should be said that other women
had been solicited to participate but for various reasons were unable or unwillin! to make the trip.
ln arranging thetourand applying forvisas, we
were forced to set aside our usual principle of
openness, presenting ourselves aspeople active in
the anti-war movementwho very much wished to
tour the Soviet Un ion. Since several of our number
had either signed statements or spoken publicly in
support of Soviet dissidents, there was some uncertainty up to the last moment as to whether one or
another of us might be denied entry and trip up the
entire group. Fortunately, we received word of the
apprpval of all our visas a week before we were
scheduled to depart.

"Tell lt To The Russians" Or Something More?

deploy such new weapons systems as the cruise
m issile, Trident submarine and possi{y the M-X
missileand neutron bomb. Whythen didwefeel
the need to take our disarmament message to the
Soviets? Bêcause the arms race has escalated to the
point where assessing the blame ceases to be a useful exercise. ln their quest for paritywith the US,
the Soviet Union has acceptêd the American
ground rules and illogic that have brought the
globe perilously close to nuclear war.
The Soviet Union has eschewed any bold dis-

armament initiatives and opted instead, likethe US,
to place its faith in SALT and the Mutuai Balanced
Force Reduction talks, bilateralefforts that show
little promise of slowing much less halting the
runaway arms race and may well serve to institutionalize it. Part of this joint US-Soviet strategy involved-stonewalling the Third World demands for
substantial disarmament initiatives at the recentlyconcluded UN Special Session on Disarmament.
The Soviet Union acted positively in launching a
propaganda campaign against the neutron bomb
(wh ich Carter delayed less because of ''clever
Soviet propaganda" than as a result of mass oppo-

sition across the political spectrum i¡r Western
Europe and the US). Yet for all his denunciations of
the bomb as a horrible inhumane weapon,
Brezhnev left no doubt that the Soviet Union would
produce and deploy the neutron bomb should
President Carter give it the Cr:een light.
Sending A Message From Moscow

Was our demonstration in Moscow simply adesire
to quiet our critics on the right who demand on each
and every issue that we "tell it to the Russians" ?
Simple though that reasoning may be, it is not suff icient to justify the þroject politically and morally.
American pacif ists have "told it to the Russians"
on a number of occasions both in Moscow (with the
1961 walk and the'l9ti8 War Resisters lnternational
protests against the invasion of Czechoslovakia)
and at the Soviet embassy and consulates in this
country, No doubt this project could bestow an aura
of credibility on the movement, but to undertake a
demonstration in Moscow merely to make domestic
political hay would be the worst sort of political

\

opportunism and anti-Sovietism.
More penetrating reasoning rests in an examination of the arms race itself and each of the superpowers' role in it. The leaf let prepared for distribution in RedSquare said itwell: "We realize thatas
Americans our main emphasis must be on the
United States, which initiated the nuclear arms
race and is theonly nation everto unleash nuclear
weaponryon felkjw human beings." Yes, the
United States has a two to one advantage in numbers of warheads, a five year lead in mostweapons
research and development, and is preparing to
A Soviet plainclothes policeman jumps Steve Sumerford as he hands out leaflets (center, w¡th beard) in Red Square with St. Basil's Cathedral and the Kremlin in the
backgroúnd. At i¡ght, another póticmair uses an umbrella to knock down a Western reporter's camera. This is the only photo of the 20-second disarmament demonstratlon ( largely off-camera to the left). Photo by United Press lnternat¡onal.

4WlN Sept.21,1978

Patrick Lacef ield was an organize:r of the September 4 Moscow-Washington demonstration and is a
member isl theWtN stafÍ.

The f írst hurdle we faced upon landing was customs. Fortunately for us, the Soviet customs inspectors seemed less concerned with what a group
of Americaír tourists might be carrying into the
country than with rummaging through the bags of
Soviet citizens returning from travel abroad. We
were met by our lntourist guide, Natasha, a
pleasant, dark-haired MuscoVite, and whisked by
bus to our lodgings at the Hotel National, built in
1902in the ornate style of a Russia long since past.
lri the several days that followed, we played the

role of eager tourists, shutterbugging everything in

sight and complaining about the starchy Russian
food. We soaked up more than a little of the
Moscow scene: the Kr:emlin with its three
cathedrals, seat of government, golden copules
and czarist treasures; a colorful folk singing and
dancing group at Tchaikovsky Theatre; a panoramicviewof the cityfrom Lenin Hills where dozens of
newlywed couples gathered to pose for pictures;
and the CUM deþartment store, crowded with Russians vying for consumer goods, Statues of Lenin
and, to a lesser degree, Marx and Engels, were
much in evidence in this first socialist state and yet
the Marx-Engels Museum was empty of visitors
save our group while the museum of Western art
next door drew huge crowds. According to
Natasha, Communists ih the Soviet Union had "all
obligations and no advantages," but only
Sept. 21.1978 WIN 5

I

Westerners and a privileged few Party bureaucrats
were'allowed entrance to the special shop at the
'
Russo Hotel. All of the accomplishments and contradictions that are the Soviet Union loomed large
for all to see añd draw conclusions f rom.
J erry Coff in contacted the Moscow foreign
correspondents about the ãction, scribbling
answers to their questions in homes and off ices
presumed to be bugged. When we met the çvening
before the action at the bar in the lntourist Hotel,
Rolling Stones musiô blaring loudly in the background, we learned the correspondents thought it
likely that we would be detained for some time.

Onethoughtwemightbeheldtoexchangefortwo

I

l'

Russian ÚN employees being held for espionage in
New York; another pointed to the tension surrounding the trial of American businessman
Francis Crawford on currency violations scheduled
for September 5, while another predicted a quick
expuf sion. ln the end, of course, they were all
wrong but we steeled ourselves for the worst.
As the Krem lin tower clock sounded the hour of
f ive on Monday, September 4, I stood in lront of the
GUM departmônt siore off Red Square with David
and Cr:aii, waiting for the others and feeling as
conspictõus as hðtl. The sky was dark and olercast
and ä slieht drizzle began to fall on the red cobble-

ingatheied
"u¡tion
"?;*iËf
in the center
of the
sqúarà, a much U"ttu.îrinãLìthan *è had expected and þossibly responsible for
whatseemedtóbeheavier-than-uiualiecuritvin
the Square.
At three m in utes past five, the rest of the group
stonesoithe Square. Ñearlyadozen journalists,

;Í;¡i"g

arr ved and

\

.ur1r".ur"n,îad

leaf lets wh ich I concealed in a copy of tl.re Coq-.
munist Party-USA newspaper The Daily World.
We stepped into the Square. At the given signal,
j erry wh ipped the banner out of h is carrying b,ag
and Norma, David and Scott stretched it out wh ile
Craig, Steve, and I began to distribute leaf lets;
lmmediately a ilamor arose as militia, plainclothes
detectives, and KCB agents converged on the
banner, slashing it in two with a knife and trying to
yank it fr:om the four holding it. Soviet police
nabbed Steve before he could toss his leaf lets into
the air and grabbed Craig, who was ldaf letting the
crowd on hand to watch the changing of fhe guard
atLenin'stomb. Shoutsof "miry druzba" -peace
and friendsh ip - rang out across,the Square as the
Soviet police sought to interfere with Western
photographers and cameramen.
Having given away two leaflets in four attempts,
I turned to see thé banner ripped to shreds after
only 20 seconds and immediately threw my leaf lets
h igh into the air where a gust of wind caught them
and blew them across the Square, Soviet police in
hot pursuit. I wasseized at once by four young
militiamen in light green uniforms. One arm painf ully twisted beh ind my b¿ck,.l was shoved 20 yards
o.r so and into a poliée car. ln short order Steve was
thrown.in on top of me as.was a CBS News camerarhan yelling "help" and "correspondent, correspondent" to no avail. The car then shot across
Red Square and down an'alley'to pôlice headquarters. At the front desk, we antq-ed up our pass-

Tribune and six British tourists (allegedly CP
members) swept up after picking up a leaf let. J erry
and I chatted in the doorway with the CBS News
cameraman who overheard the police commenting
that our leaf let "says some good things. "
,{fter less than an hour in custody, we were
handed our passports and shown the door. Somewhere in the Soviet chain of command, a decision
had been made, aconscious political decision, not
to come down hard on us. lndeed,'we soon discovered we would even be allowèd to contin ue our
tour. Suprised at this, the one contingency we had
not planned for, we returned to the hotel to join our
compatriots who had not been arrested, That
evening, whileour ll comrades in Washington'
were in jail where they would re¡¡ain for 30 hours
more, we wined and dined at Arbbt Restaurant,
one of Moscow's f inest, ref lecting on the irony of
the situation and feeling no small discomfort.

With The Soviet Peace Committee...
The next morning, presumably as a resultof our action, the Soviet Peace Cômmittee requested a
meeting with us. The Peace Committeeoff ices, f urnished in marble and cloaked iñ exquisite
draperies, resemble anything but yourordinary
peace movement offices. For nearly three hours,
our group held discussions on disarmament with a
top-level delegation that included Michail Kotov,
Executive Secretaryof the Soviet Peace Cömmittee; Vikenty Matzeen, a top political writer for the
Party newspaper /zvestia; andAlexander Dazydov,
Directorof the US-Canada lnstituteand a leading
Soviet disarmament expert. For their part, the

portsandwereseparated, lwascoirsignedtosit
and waiton an old church pew in a small detention
room. Later J erry and Craig were brought in along

steve'"'""lü:,:iiJfiif*i#"î,,ïi#i**'îi,*å;#jli,:"3"+:i*Ji'i,
Karl BissinBer.

ffi"Ëffit*,,ff*i1*lí,ärr,,

Soviets sought to convince us of the Russian people's yearn ing for peace and of the eff icacy of
Soviet disarmament proposals. Of the first we had
no doubt-the devastation and death wrought by
the Second World War has so sensitized the Russian people to war that they treasure pèace above
all else. ln Byelorussia, oneof the Soviet republics,
stands a memorial divided into four parts. Three of
the section s bear vegetation , the fourth is kept

barren, a stark reminder:thatone quarterof all
Byelorussian s perished between 1941-45.
ln response to the Soviet support of SALT,.we
counterposed un i lateral i n itiatives ; two'i n particular. The first was a unilateral haltto all.nuclear
testing, negotiations for a bilateraltest ban having
foundered on the rocks of resistance from J ames
Schlesinger and the US Defense Departmãnt. Our
second proposal would involve a unilateral Soviet
declaration that it had reached parity with the US
and halt all Soviet production of nuclear weapons.
Our proposals touched off a serious exchange of
views during which the Soviets aired their anxieties
about the possi bi I ity of a US-Chi na-J apan al I iance
directed against them. Like the US government,
the Sovietq emphasized the need to negotiate f rom
strength, not weakness. "Theonlythiñg that imperialism will understand is strength," said
Dazydov, admitting quite f ranklythat the Soviet
Union is laying plans to increase military expenditures should SALT fail.
"l respect your publication," Dazydov stated

f irmly, pointing at me and referring'to WlN, "but
you are not the equal of the New York fimes. We
respect your movement. You may$e in the most d¡ffi-

Continuedon p.17.

Washington protestors unf url banner in front of the Whitê House. From left: Van Zwisohn, Crace Palei, Ralph DiCia, Cathy
Carson, Cail Bederman, Wairen Hoskins, Ed Hedemann, Karen Malpede, and Glen Pontier. Also arrested, but not p¡ctured, are
Linnea Capps Lacefield and Karl Bissinger. Photo by Karl Bissinger,

¡

i
I

t
tl
F

I

t

t!

il

i

ir

6WlN Sept.21,1978
Sept, 21, 1978 WIN 7

t'

;
Roanoke Rapids, where Louis and'hundreds oú.
other Stevens workers saw to it thatthe union won a
representation election four years ago. Butthere is
stíll no contract in Roanoke Rapids, nor anyw-here
else in the far-f lung Stevens empire (83 plants, 63
óf them in North and South Cärolina). Thecompany's intransigent opposition to the union is, in
iact, what made the boycott both a political and
moral imPerat!ve'

Louis Harrell, posterfrom theCarolinaBrown Lung
Association

Allin

.
,,
i'.

,l

.

,:.1
,.'ì

I

,:l

i,,i

I

,

\

t

TIüSTEYENSBOYCOTT:

ä

TT]RNING TIM TABTES ON TIM TEXTITE GIANT

H.

ffil

ti

bY Joe

The Legacy of Louis

í:i
.l

¡,

!ll

'ì
:.,:

''''

l

i.

¡

Harell

Byssinosis takes your breath away-and whgn
Louis Harrellwas buried in Roanoke Rapids, North
Carolina, on J une'19, the dreaded "brown lung"
disease had claimed another victirn.
Louis Harrell had worked for J .P. Stevens and
Co., the nation's second largesttextilefirm, foral-

most40years. His photograph-taken as he
emerged from the cotton mill, his clothes covered

witÉ clïust and lint-had appeared on awidely circulated poster for the Caroliria Brown Lung Associa-

tion, àn organization thatcame into being largely
because J .P. Stevéns and othertextile companies
denied fór decades the very existence of byssiJoe Pi lati and David Dyson aremembersof the J,P,
Stevens boycott staff of the Amalgamated Clothing
and Texti le Wor kers U nion in New YorkCity

Pilati and David Dyson

nosis-the respirato¡y disease caused by the
inhalation of cotton dust-and foughtclaims for
compensation at everY turn.
When Louis Harrell died, he was still waiting for
his own workers' compensation claim to be settled'
"l started in the mills when I was 13 and I been

workin'there ever si¡ce," Louis had said in the
film, festimony, produced bythe Amalgamated

Clóthing and Textile Workers Union to promote the
consumer boycott of J .P. Stevens products. "Been
havin' a breathin' problem for quite awhile' And it
got so everytime I went in there [to work], I near
stifled to death. Finally the doctor told rne I
couldn't go backthere no mQre. I just hadto guit."
Othèrthan passageof the legislation pending in
Congress to compensate brown lung victims,
spoñsored by South Carolina Senator'Ernest Hollings, there could probably be no more f itting
memorialto Louis Harrellthan a union contract in

The Family

ln 1813, when Captain Nat Stevens converted his
father's New England grist mill into a woolen mi I l,
he could hárdly have anticipated what he was start¡ng. What he did know was that the War of
1812 had given him just the chance he needed, The
War with Britain created a ne%d for domestically'
manufactured wool cloth and business boomeij.
But with the peace, British woolen goods f looded
the market. Many mills that did not react quickly
enoúgh went under, but not CapJ. Nat's. He
switched to ff annel production, bought out his partners a.nd soon owned stock in a gunpowder factory,
banks, insurance companies, mills, railroads, and
water power associations. Of the morethan 100
families who started woolen mills in the US be-.
tween 1800and 1815, the Stevenses arethe sole
rsurvivors in the industry.
From its inception, the managementof J .P.
Stevens has passed from fatherto son in a direqt
I ine. But fam i ly relations were not always har:
monious, as the'Stevens empire preyed upon relatives as well as oûtside competitors.
f n 1833, Ezekil¡l Hale, J r., Nat Stevens' cousin,
purch ased a woolen,m i I I i n Haverh i I l, Massach usetts, from his father. ln 1839 his son, Ezekiel
James Madison Hale, known as E.J .M., was made
a partner. Four years later, Ezekiel.J r. bècame convinced that J esus Chri st would return to e4rth i n
Decemberof 1843 änd hastenedto prepare. E.J .M.

advised him that Cod would look more.favorably
upon him if hedidn'town awoolen mill. Heagreed
and sold it to his son for $20,000.
By f 845, Ezekiel J r. had becoine impatient
waiting for the world.to ehd. He wantéd his mill
back. E.J .M. refused and father and son wentto
court. Capt. Nat Stevens stepped in and convinced
the court that the mill was worth $30,000 (other witnesses ref used to value it over $20,000) and Ezekiel
J r. won back his interest.
But'Nat Stevens was not ouf of the picture. The
ownership f urcir left the mill in f inancial:trouble.
The Hales were forced to sign a mortgage, and
didn't knowthat Capt. Nat h.ad secretly purchased
thp mortgage frorñ the brokðr. When Ezekiel could
not meetthe first payment, Nat Stevens foreclosed.
An auction sale was held outside the m ill . Be- '
sides the Hales, Moses end Ceorge Stevens, Nat's
sons, were present) Ezekiel and E.J .M. were
,determined notto losethe mill to Nat Stevens, so
they spent alltheir timewatching Moses and'
Ceorge. lt proved to be a bad move. Bythetimethe

auctioneer had the price up to $25,000, only a littlenoticed stranger was left bidding. He was Capt..
Nat's trusted.forernan and the Hales were finished,
That was in 1855.
This adroit maneuver by Capt. Natmarked the
beginning of an expansionary period in which he
accumulated suff icient capital to weafher the
financial panics ofihe raobs and make a grand
killing off the Civil War. ln 1899 a grandson of
Capt. Nat formed a partnership, the J .P. Stevens
Co., to expand into merchandising. From 1906 on,
they expanded to the South, once more beating
competitors to the punch.
Robert Stevens, Capt. Nat's great-grandson,
Was appointed a colonel during World War ll and
served as Deputy Directorof Purchases in charge
of fedeial contracts worth tens of millions of dollars. With this kind of help, the company secured
over $$0 m i I I ion in contracts during the war. At the
war's end, all Stevens woolen and worsted manufacturing was moved from New England to the
South. The reasons: "Old buildings...high costs...
and union3."
t

Tt il'
ñl'rr rrç1
11ì

¡¡

'i
a

t&¡l*
?-

a

\

¡

'Tv

ln the. early dàys the text¡ le compan ies reaped h uge profits by explo¡ting
child labor. Photo f róm Brown Lung Cotton Mill Blues,

"Goons and Ginks and Company Finks"
The Southern textile industry is America's last unorganized manufacturing industry, with only 10%
of its worker5 organized. Textile workers are the
lowest-pai d. i ndustrlal workers i n the nation.
The hostilityof thetextile industry has played a
considerable part in keeping the workers unorgqnized. That hosti I ity extends beyond the wal I s of ihe
mi ll. Last year Thei ma Swann, a former Darl i ngton
mill worker, described what happened during an
organizing attempt in a milltown at public hearings
on the Labor Làw Reform Bill before the House

Subcommittee on Labor-Management Relations.
Shetoldthe Subcommitteethat if one pe¡son was
pro-union, all the other family members were laid
off . Children were pressured at school by their
teachers to oppose the union, churches made'their
appeal for the sake of "community peace," and
neighbor was set against neighbor.
Sept.21,1928WlN 9

SWlN Sept.21,1978

{,

tion process and récognized the union as the bargaining agent without requiring another election.

Still, courageous Southern workers began to
organ ize despite Stevens' insistence that 1'the
unlons had caused the closing of the mills in the
North.'"1 The compan y "line" was vividly

Butthequestfor'acontractwasfutile.

l

reinforced bytheclosingof the Hockanum, MA,

workers. t became
clear that the National Labor Relations Act would
be ineffective in the face of recalcitrant and
del i beraie obstruction by the texti le i ndu stry.
Union organizers knew they couldn't take on the
whole South, sô they resurrected an old labor
tactic: target one comPanY.
Burlington Mills, the largest textile company,
was considered. Although they had fought unions
60s'
i nrthe 40s, they were partial ly union ized by the
a
historyof
had
a
hand,
J .P. Stevehs, on theother
had
estab'
but
England
in'New
iew,union'contracts
lished a$oufher:n headquarters ín Creenville, SC,
where several other industries had been recently
organized. the Stevens workers were eager and
askiñgfor help,
I n 1 963 , the Texti le Workers U n ion of America
(TWUA) began concentrating on J .P. Stevens dnd
sentorganizers to 21 plants. The company's
responie was swift and harsh. Workers who sympathized with the trnion were f ired oh the spot. The
äction resûlted in a court case now known as
Stevens l, thefirstof a.long lineof cases, manyof
which are still unsettled.
Eventually, the TWUA proved in courtthat 71
workers had been f ired illegally in2l plants simply
because they wanted to join a union and had
encouraged others to dothe sa¡F9. Many more had
been fired, but these 71 cases could be proven. The
Supreme Court decided the case in Deqember
1967 infavor.of the 71 workers and ordered them
reinstated.
But before the litigation was completed; the
second round of f irings had begun. This time, the
victims were the workers who had testif ied in
m

ã

\

tr
fl
tr

#

t
ä

t

iI

I i n 1949, I ayingoff 1, 300

I

Stevens l.
The NLRB wentto courton 14 more occasions to
try to restrain Stevens f rom the intimidation campaign, but the early organizing efforts were stalled
by stitt more company-inspired fear tactics '
Between 1963 and 1976, Stevens was found
guilty of more violations of the National Labor Rela-

tions Act than any other company in the nation's
history. The violations were so numerous that
.ánv *".ã.;bi;;¡1" oìder to expedite legal p'rocessing, resulting in 15 guilty deciiions bythe
Board. J .P. Stevens was forced to pay more than
$1 .3.miil ion in back pay to workers who were illegally f ired or discrimipated against.
By the late 1960s, the workers in the Statesboro,
Ceorgia, plant had had enough. They asked for a
repre-seniation vote. The maþrity of them had
signed union cards, but management haiassment
beJore the election reached such a fever pitch that
hundreds of workers feared voting for the union.
The NLRB concluded in 1969 that Stevens'
managers had f lagrantly tampered with the elec,

Ii,
:

{
:
:

10wlN Sept.21,

1978

Stevens

\

simply ignored the union-and when the union
wouldn't die, they made good their threats !o the
workers ànd closed the plant in1975. '
The NLRB had gone to court in the Statesboro
case. ln 1971, Stevenswasorderedtobargain in
good faith..By 1975, Stevens was held in contempt
for failing to do so. On appeal, the decision against
Stevens was aff irmedinlgT6bythe Fifth Circuit,
but it made no difference: the judges were talking
l

about "remedies" in an emPtY Plánt.
Meanwhile, in another part of the South, a
majority of the 3,400 Stevens workers in seven
Roanoke Rapids, NC, plants f inally overcame the
intimidation and voted fqrthe union. Butthese
wqrkers soon found themselves in the same state of
limbo as the Statesboro workers. Tothis day, the
company engages only in " surf ace" bargaining; .
otherwise it ácts as if the union doesn't exist. Work

iul"i ânã-*uÀ" scales are changed arbitrarily without so much as a nod to the union' Hangìing over it
all is the ever-present and oft-repeated threat that
Stevens will close the Plants.

"approached these negotiations with all the tractibility and open-mindedness of Shermari at the out'
skirts of Atlanta. "
Bovcl Leedom, a former NLRB chairman appointed by President Eisenhower, described
Steu"nr in'1967 as " so out of tune with a humane,
civilized approach to industrial relations that it
should shock even those least sensitive to honor,
justice and decent treatment. " His comment is,
tragically, as true today as it was then.
Some White Sales Are No

tn

The J une 197 6 merger of the Amal gamated Clothing Workers of America (ACWA) and the Textile
America marked a turning poi,nt
Workers Union of
jWith
a combined membersñip of
in labor history.
more than 500,000 and strong suþport f rom the
AF L-ClO (whose president, Cèorge Meany, can be
credited with coining the phräse "America's Number One Labor Law Violator'' to characterize J . P.
Stevens), the new Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union (ACTWU) could not only step
up organizing throughout the South, but also lauch
the natioòwide- soon to be worldwide-consumer
boycottof J .P. Stevens products:.
The distinguished lineageof the boycotttactic .
can be traced back through US history to the Boston
such as
Tea Party, but more recent experíences

-

:-k

ô

v{i, hr
ãq.

{

,.

'l

I

¡ a-**l

Photo from Sôulhern ExPosure'

ln an opinion handed down bythe US Courtof
Appeals for the Second Circuit¿oncerning new violations at six plants in three locations in1977 ,
perþaps
J udge Feinberg lamented, ''This case,
as
Stevens
denominated
be
bleakly
destined to
XVlll in the long list of Stevens litigation, has been
a troubling one not only because of the violations of
the rights of the employees involved, but 4lso becauiq it raises grave doubts about the ability of the
courts to make provisions.of the federal labor law
work in the face of persistent violations. "
By the time Stevens had- inevitably-been
found guilty of bad faith bargaining in the Roanoke
Rapids case, Administrative Law J udge Bernard
Reis of the Lãbor Board wrote, "l tonc-ludetñat
(Stevens) sat, talked, proposed and I.istened for two
years without the slightest.intention of attempting
to compose differences with the union and reach a
bargaining agreement." He observedthat Stevens

the United Farmworkers grape and lettuce boycotts aód the ACWA's successf ul boycott of Farah
pants a few years ago- helped set the strategy and
direction of the Stevens boycott. Hundreds of
organizations have rallied behind the consumer
bôycott: endorsements have come from the
Naiional Council of Churches, the national Catholic
associations of priests, nuns and brothers, and the
Synagogue Councilof America; from NOW, the
NAACPi the Nat'ional Student Association and the

'

Products
J . P. Stevens products are sold under a wide
variety of labels, Here are som e of the.labels you

may find in retail stores.

DESICNER LABELS
SHEETS & PILLOWCASES

Utica
Tastemaker

Yves St. Laurent
Suzanne Pleshette
Dinah Shore

Fine Arts

Angelo Donghia

Meadowbrook
BLANKETS & CARPETS

Cacharel
Ava Bergmann

Hardy Amies

Utica
Culistan
Forstmann
TOWELS
Tastemaker

Utica/Fine Arts
Snoopy (comic strip character

National Cray Panthers, to name just a few. Across
the country, governors, senators, state legislators
and city councillors are on record for the consumer
boycott.
E ndorsements,'of course, have to be tran slated
into effective action atthe local retail level if the
consumer bovcott is going to succeed. There have
been a few cases of stores and/or chains

voluntarily

discontinuing the saleof Stevens products after
only a visit ortwo from a local citizens'committee;
more often, after boycott staffers survey retail
advertising and inventories of Stevens products in
their communities, it is necessary to start an extended dialogue with store managements and to
couple such "moral suasion'1 with leafleting and

MILITARISM

I

From the inception of the company during the War of 1812, military contracts have provided the owners with a
signif icant source of income. The close relationship between Stevens and the military has been cemented by
th.e family's involvement in militaryoperations. Even Capt. Nat Stevens headed the local militia in Andover,

Massachusetts.
ln the 20th century, the family's participation in Army affairs escalated. During World War l, Nathaniel
Stevens(Capt. Nat'sgrandson)headedtheJointCommitteeof WoolManufacturers,.whichcooperatedwith
the Council of National Defense and federal purchasing agents to ensure orderly production of goods; he was
later the manufacturers' representative to the governmenl War Services Commiitee. His nephéw, Abbot
Stevens, served as a captain in the Quartermaster Corp3, assigned to overseeing textile purchases in New
England. Stevens received $10 million in military contracts during World'War l.
During World War ll, Colonel Robert Stevens, in charge of the Army's textile purchasing, landed more th
$50 million in govêrnment contracts forthe company. Attimes, more than 90o/o oî its products wentto the mi
tary. Even Horace Stevens once admitted, " lt is probable that it (Stevens) took more than its f ull share of what
was offered to the industry. "
Throughout the Vietnam buildup, A.W. Anthony, a Stevens vice president, served as the chairman of the
Military Fabrics Committeeof the American Textile Manufacturers lnstitute, and received a Patriotic Civilian
Service plaque from the Army for his role. Also, for Vietnam duty, the Army presented its Defense Supply
Agency Special Award to J .P. Stevens. Atthe peakof the Vietnam war, Stevqns' government sales soared
9qgln;un tg gi,elt percentof the comp.any's total sales in1967 alone, and a total of morethan $236,525,000
1967 through1975. Who says war is hell?
Sept.21, 1928 WIN

11

II

a

other manifestations of strong customer
sentinrent.
The tasks of boycottorganizers and their allies
and volunteers acroSs the country would be greatly
simplif iecl if all or most Stevens products were sold
uncler the J . P. Stevens label. Unfortunately, they
aren't. Only about a third of Stevens output is in the
for:m of f inished retail products; the rest consists of
"piece goods" (bolts of cloth sold unf inished) and
índustrial products. What's more, even the retail
products are sold under a wide assortment of labels
(seethe liston page 11).
Crven súch obstacles to merely identifying
Stevens products - you can't simply look for a
union label like the Farmworkers' Aztec eagle symbol, for example- it becomes all the more diff icult
to gauge the impact of the boycott. Although the
company's sa/eS were up about f ive percent in the
f irst quarter of 1978 from a year earlier, earnings
were down seven percent for the same period - a
disparity that suggests there has been widespread
"dumping" and heavy discounting of Stevens
products. On the New York Stock ExchalBe, the
price of Stevens common stock has fallen steadily
from a 1976 h igh oÍ 526.62 per share to the present
three-yearlow of $14.75. The rapidly escalating
anti-SteúenS sentiment among women activists and
consumers may have contributed to the company's
decision to drop its hosiery line this year and sell
the labels (or brand names) to another f irm. There
are scattered reportsof declining Stevens sâles in
major department stores (such as Cimbels in Pittsburgh, wherethe store management esti,mated a
2oo/o dropearly this year). Dozens of smaller stores
.

jl
ä

I

\

Ë

and chains have voluntarily discontinued sales of
Stevens products, as have a few larger chains (most
notably, the 76 Bradleels stores in New England).
''

I Don't Want To Be Where I 'm Not Wanted' '

ls a spectre haunting the corporate boardrooms?

Has ACTWU seized upon "something new and disturbing" in its struggle with J . P. Stevens, as the
dean of the elite Wharton School of Business recentlyclaimed? lsthe union, in thewords of aWall

Street J ou r n a I editori al, " tenorizing bus i nessmen
who do business with Stevens" ?
Hardly. Perturbed and panicky remarks of some
of its critics notwithstanding; the union's Cbrporate Campaign is, on one level, only a logical ex-

tension of the r/power structure research" which
has illuminated so much corporate greed and so

many political misdeeds sincetheeraof the muckrakers. There is, however, "a gathering
momentum against J .P. Stevens" (as Business
Week magazine admitted somewhat ruefully last
spring) among business and financial interests as
well as among consumers-due in large measureto
the highly sophisticated research and action program the un ion launched about a year ago.
"You cannot viewthe Stevens company as 83
plants, 44,000 employees, a multinational company with endless ties to the Wall Street community,",explains an ACTWU Corporate Campaign
director. "That is too unmanageable, too big to
deal with." lnstead, he contends, Stevens' real
nexus of power can be viewed as " just '13 men" the members of the company's board of directors.

Diagram f rom Southern Exposure/LNS,

The Ties That Bind

fl

gr

å
Ë

#

W

*

t

¡

t!!

üAf,UTÀClURDT8
HAIVOVEN lNU8T

Metropolitan Lrfe

SEAMAN'S BANK
FOR SAVINGS

(iol(lilr¡ilr
S¡ttlts

I
J.PS[EVEj\6&CO,lNlC.

ll

DRY DOCK

i

sAvilGs BAIIK

E

ui

BAN¡(ERA ÎRUAT
NEW YONK CORFORAI'ON

C¡erunruNewYonxConPoRAnoN
I¡ús
12WIN Sept.21,1978

üe to¡¡¡s sinæ 1965

PROVIDENT LIFE &
ACCIDENT INS. CO.

J.PMorganECo.
. Goldman, Sæhs hEs mqdô r gþs prelit of ¡sfi),Ooo by ¡ctiru
¡¡ suritie¡ b¡okq fo¡ J .P . Steve¡s & Co. frcm 1967-1916.

MONEY

,, After 37 yearsof loyal and faithful service, I have

a

plaque, $1,360 (total pension bgnejlts_f a¡d brown lufe '"
Malone, retired J .P. Stevens ern ploYee.

-Thomas

lf vou were a J .P. Stevens worker, you'd most likely be earning
aUout S¡ . OS an hour and end up with a weekly paycheck (before deductions) about $54 a week less than the national average wage for
factory workers. lf , on the other hand, you were a J . P. Stevens
e*ecuiiue, you'd be doing a lot better. The list below shows the total
paid in salary and bonuses to each of the top eight company off icials

in

1976; the

"wage per hour" f igure is based on a hypothetical

4O-hourweek'
Name

James FinleY, chairman
StevenS, President

Thomas Price, grouPVP

Cary, treasurer
controllerBurns,
Ward
grouP VP
Wilson,
John
Peter Kamins, grouP VP
PaulNipper, VP

Salary &

).

Bonuses

$368,375.
$295,000.
$196,633:
5152,633.
$135,140.
9128,925.
$118,450.
5 95,225.

Wages
Per Hour
5177.10
141.83
94.54
73.38
64.97

61.94
56.95
45.78

Pþoto from Brown Lung Cotton

Earlier this year, Stevens òhairman J ames
Finley and David Mitchell, chairman of Avón Products and a member of the Stevens board, felt thè
"gathering momentum" in a very direct manner.
Both men served as directors of the nation's fourth
largest bank, Manufacturers Hanover Trust Co.,
which has also provided J .P. Stevens with millions
of dollars in loans. Bankofficials upto and including "Manny Hanny" chairman Cabriel Hauge
were deluged with letters; postcards and other
customer protests generated by the same coalition
that supports the consumer boycott. The bank had
become the f irst major institution widely portrayed
as tainted by its ties to Stevens; more than 150 religious, political and community groups ioined with
ACTWU and other unions in expressing their

"moral outrage."
It wasn't long-about six months from the inception of the "Manny Hanny" éffort-beforethe
bank began to realize, as a union staffer put it, that
the "issue was serious and that they had a lot to
lose in tèrms of profits and losses, in termsof their
image, reputation and credibility." The New York
fimes reported that even "some leading businessmen and bankers are said to have privately supported the departureof Mr. Finley from Manufa.cturers Hanover's board. " And depart from the bank
board he did, commenting to reporters at the'-l . P.
Stevens annual meeting in Greenville, SC, last
March: "To be quite honest, the bank put enough
pressure on me that I decided against seeking reelection... I don't wantto bewhere l'm not
wanted."
Avon's Mitchell soon made his own decision not
to seek re-election to the bank board. With what
many observers felt was less candor than Finley

Mill Blues'

had mustered, Mitchell cited only'lbûsiness pres¡

sureí" behiod his departure.

Less than a month
later, though, MitchelIresigned "with regret"
from the Siêvens board, asserting that his"'continuing service (to Stevens)...would not be in thq
best interests of Avon or its shareholders, to whqm
I owe priniary responsibility as chief executive off icer. " Delegates to the November 1977 National
Women's Conference in Houston, Texas, through
their own avalanche of postcards to Avon Products,
apparently exerted a considerable inf luence on the
cosmetics company's management; relying as it
does on thousands of individual door-to-door salespeople who fake the pulse of consumers every time
they intone "Avon calling," thecompany (through
a publ ic relations spokesperson) acknowledged
that "feedback from our representatives apross the
country" had hastened the departure of itr president from the Steven s board
Another Avon ditector, Ralph Manning Brown
remains a rriember of the Stev-ens board wh i le
r.,
J
also serving as chairman of the powerf ul New York
Life lnsurance Co. (whose board, in turn-, also.includes Stevens chairman Finley). New York Life
policyholders and stockholders are now being
mobilized around the Stevens issue.
'
The focus of the Corporate Campaign is shifting
to another large New York-based bank, The Seamen's BankforSavings, and itschairman, J.P.
Stevens director E. VirgilConway. "l have no intention of resigning as a directorof J'.P. StÞvens,",
Conway has written to mäny bf those who protested
.

Sept.21,1978W|N 13

$
Drawing from Southern Expqsure/LNS.

DIVESTITU

THE BOYCOTT:

WHAT'ISTHECON
7i
l

i:

,l

his links to the textile f irm.

'1J

''P. Stevens has an

outstanding record," he adds, insisting that he is
"proud to be associated with íuch a f ine company." lt iemains to be seen how long he can maintain such an attitude, but it is worth noting that
Avon's David Mitchellexpressed a similarly stubborn determination to stick with Stevens as late'as
one week before he saw-or was shown -the light.

i'
:

;

:'l

At the end of the film, festimony, she had this to
say:

,

I

"lt is tcúo latefor us that're sick. But for the
people stillworking in the plants, and forourchildren and grandchildren that're coming after us, we
ask you to help us. Boycott J .P. Stevens."
Resources

:

Words to Live 8y

\

il
fl'
NI

"Stevens never gave us anything," said Roanoke
Rapids worker Caroline Brown. "But in spiteof
themselves, they did give us one thing - and that
was the union. That is one thing they cannot take
away f rom us : thè un ion and our respect fgr each
other, "
Lucy Taylor, a brown lung victim and the immedi ate past pres i dent of the Carol i na Brown Lu n g Associatíon, gave 35 years of her lifeto J .P. Stevens.

Southern Exposure, Vol. lV; No.1-2, Box230,
Chapel Hill, NC 27514.
Southern Exposure, Vol. lll, No.4, Box230,
Chapel Hill, NC 27514.
lnstitute for Southern Studies, Special Report on
J .P. Stevens, "The Men attheTop," 1978.
Patricia Ann J ames, "J . P. Stevens: The lndustrial
Plantation," (an urtpublished report).
National Council of Churches, Division of Church
and Society, "Fabricof lnjustice," 475 Riverside
Drive, NewYork, NY 10027.
z

äi

OFFICE LISTING

ti

li
t,

il
ill
:l
a

:
:

The Stevens Consumer Boycott campaign is always in need of volunteer help. Your energy, skílls and dedication
can be put to good use through any of the regional boycott off ices listed below. The regionál off ices can also gupply
leaf lets, fact sheets, "calendar cards" (listing the Stevens labels), buttons, bumper stickers, T-shirts and other
materials. And if you haven't seen Ïestimony, the 30-m inute color f ilm in wh ich Stevens workçrs tell the shocking
story of the company's abuses, you can arrange a frée shoping for your group or organization.

NEWYORK-111 E.15th St., NewYork, NY 10003 (260-4400).
NEW J ERSEY & CONNECTICUT-9 Washington St., Hamden, CT 06158 (2BB-3519).
NEW ENCLAND-150 Lincoln St., Boston, M,\02111 (426-7590).
EASTERN PENNSYLVANIA-21-15 South St., Philadelphia, PA 19146 (545-3900).
WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA & OHIO-650 Smithfield St., City Center Tower, Pittsburgh , PA15222(281-99S3).
ILLINOIS-333 S. Ashland Blvd., Chicago, lL 60607 (421-4i00).
WASHINCTON, D.C. -815 16th St. N.W., Washin_gton, DC (638-1002).
NORTHWEST- 3924 Whitman Ave. No., Rm. 20, Seattle, WA 98103 (632-7 341').
SOUTHWEST
-1627 Locust St., St. Louis, MO63103 (241-001S).
SOUTH-4620 S. Fifth Ave., Birmingham , AL35222(592=3774).
NORTH E RN CAL I FORN lA 995 Market St . , Room 1412 , San Francisco, CA 94103 (495-7240) .
SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA-2501 S. Hill St., Los Angeles, C490007 (749-6161).
CANADA
14

t.
i

WIN Sept.

-

33 Ceci I St., Toronto, Ontario, Canada M5T1 N1 (416-368-6540).

21 ,

1978

effort to maximize prof its at the expense of the
workers. By the same token,'one of the major
reasons several.American corporations invest in
South Af rica is the low-wage environment
created in large measure by apartheid.
American corporations have, of course, run
>
away not on ly f rom the northern section of the
Ús iäthe rorih"rn, butto other contindnts as
South Africa underthg same name. The Ameriwell. Although the J . P. Stevens Company does
can parent controls 5oo/o or more of the subsidnot operate directly in South Af rica, it is noneiary capital. Our Princeton connection is also a
a multinational corporation that might
theless
P.
Morgan
Company,
of
the
.
member
board
J
someday con's¡der direct investment or presence
oneof the maior American financial insiitutions
in South Africa. Simply put, if the forces of
organizing and participating in loans to South
helpedto
liberatiòn do not achieve their goal of liberation
Africa. Since 1975, J .P. Morgan has
transact more than $505 million in loans to South i from apartheid, and if Southern textile r4ills are
organized, Stevens might decide to run once
Africa.
again f rom paying decent wages to unionized
James D. Finley, chairof the board and chief
the
sits
on
workers, and move to a political, secial, and
off
icer
of
.
P.
Stgvens,
executive
J
econom ic environment where maximizi ng
board of directors of the Borden and Sperry
prof its will continue to occur at the expense of
Rand corporations. Both companies operate
workers. Apartheid is a proven environment of
subsidiaries underthe same name in South
this kind. The social, political, and economic asAfrica with the American parent controlling'
.sumptions that oppress workers in Stevens' tex5Ùo/o or more of the subsidiary capital.
tile mills are the same set of assumptions that
These relationsh ips become important to the
, divestiture and boycott campaigns only when
havê created the çvil and oppressive system of
they are f ully exposed, understood, and most
apartheid in South Africa, assumptions that do
not give priorityto human needs.
, impoitantly, ácted upon. They are politically
meaningf ul because of the base created for
There should be serious{hought given to
coalition building among various activist groups joining hands publiclyon campuses in the
and individuals coricerned about social and
formation of à "coalition-for justice" for both the
economic justicerand corporâte investment reoppressed people of South Africa and the exploited workers of J . P. Stevens. This is notto
sponsibility
suggest that the individual divestiture or antiThe similarities between the J .P. Stevens
Company and American corporations investing
apáitheid committee and the boycott committee
in South Africa are actually in$rinsic. For exshould merge into a single group on both issues,
ample, one of the most vicious aspects of our in-' but rather, to urge that leaders of both efforts
demonstrate enlightened conCern and underdustrial society is the reality of "runaway
shops"orthe "flightof capital." J.P. Stevens is stándiñg by publicly stating that the issueis are
a national symbolof runaway shops because it
related and that both groups will plan someioint
abandoned the,Northeast during the past 30
actiols'
ye4rs throwing nearly 12,000 people out of work.
Eugenecarroll
Thê company, unwilling to pay decentwages to
. unionized workeis in the Northeast, f led to the
low-wage, anti-union climateof the South in an
What are the ties of J .P. Stevens to American
companies that invest in South Afrida? Consider
thefollowing: R. Manning Brown, Chairperson
of Princeton University's Board of Trustees and
a directgr of the J . P. Stevens Company, also sits
on the board of directors of the Union Carbide
Corporation which operates a subsidiary in

.

Sept.21,1978W|N 15

The conference schedule was divided into issue
and sùills workshops. The 14 issues wórkshops were
iliiãnr¡uu sessions covering all the bases in specif ic
asoects of the anti-nuke struggle. Some of the

toöics were: Health, Native Americans, Economics, Export and Proliferation, Transportation,
etc. Íhese workshops met four or f ive times during
the f ive-day conference; they produced worlcshop
reports with recommendations for action and resource listings.
The skills workshops were one-session meetings
which covered subjects like rate-witlrholding camoaisns, union outreach, newsletters, doing ret"ui.h, nonviolence training, f undraising and canvassing. There were 40 skills workshops in all and
most dãlegates got the opportun ity to attend fo'ur or

Ì;
fiveof them.
ln addition to workshops, there were several
olenarv sesiions where de-legates could address
the entjre conference, an almostcontinuous
schedule of f ilms and videotape showings. and
literature tables. On Friday night, August 18, the
conference took a break and most deleþates
attended a Paddlewheel Alliance rally againstthe
Marble Hill reactors wh¡ch are 3'l miles upstream
of Louisvi I le on the Ohio River" Bar'ry Commoner
and'several local activists addressed the Sffi ¡:eople
who attended the rally.
ln the end, the conference issued a voluminous
report (over 100 pages) containing regional reports, issue workshop reports and contact lists. Reports should be available from your local anti-nuke
groups who sent delegates to Louisville.
The conference had a schizophrenic nature to it.
The anti-nuke movement has grown with a f iercely

i¡

x

Ë
..;

\q

&

regional focus and many activists are suspicious of
forming organizations that embrace tlre issues on a
national level. Others, however, wish to set up
some way to coordinate actions and carnpaigns on a
wider scale. While no one I can recall suggested a
national organization, many people hoped that the
confefence would help start things rolling for some
kind of formal coordinatiort between regional
groups.
There was soÍìe controversy over whether to
hold a national action in Washington, f)C. Two
separate proposals with a Wash ington scerlario
were introduced, one calling for a tnass direct actic¡n in the sulnmer oí 197{}, the other urging a
Washington action in the surnmer of 1980 culminatíng ¿r series of events. ì"lre majority of conference delegates supported the general idea of such
actions. A small gnoup of clelegates expressed
strong objections to the idea. W9 carne away f rom
the cpnference with general suppr.rrt for "sonìe
kind" of Washington acticn, but with no specif ic
proposal that gathered strong support.
However conference delegates dieJ voice strong
support for the regiorral activities Jrlanned for
Karen Silkwor¡d week, Novembcr 11-17 , arrd issued
a call for American anti-nuke groups to join their
European allies in a series of international protests
against nuclear power and weaports on J urre 3 and
4,1979.
Tlre conference served rnainly to lrelp arrti-nul groups establish contacts and comrnunication with
others in the move¡nent and gave us a sense of the
growing numbe rs, stlength and vitality of the
people who oppose the nuclear threats to our

existence.

/

*
rr:

i

þ

by Murray Rosenblith

s

rUr he National No Nukes Strategy Conference
I met in Louisville, Ketttucky, August 16-20; it
was the lirst time all the different parts of the anti-

F

q
F

å

å,

;

*

I

J
ä
Ë

uclear mor¡ement sat down together to exchange
ideas and begin coordinating their campaigns on

n

national and regional levels.
Everyone was there. The legislative reform
groups, i ntervenors, lobbyi n g organ izations, and
the more recent, and currently most prolif ic, wing
of the movement-the direct action alliances; 3-400
delegates in all
lnl-ouisvillè many alliances were still f lushed
with the excitement of recent campaigns and occupations, A^ large part of the original Trojan Decominissiorrirrg Alliance delegation was still in jail in
Oregon. The Abalone Alliance was still recovering
f rom having almost 500 people in jail fortheir
Diablo Canyon, Californ ia, occupation. J ust a week
before the conference, the Clamshell started sending people back intothe Seabrook site. During'the
.

Murray Rosenb/ith, a W/N staff member, is active
in the anti-rtuclear rnovement.
'16

WIN Sept.

2'1, 197{ì

conference the Bailly Alliance staged their f irst
direct action at a nuclear waste dump in Morris,
'l 5 people were arrested there.
I ll inois;
There seem to be new alliances springing up
every week. The list runs through both the familiar
and unfamiliar groups: Crabshell, Keyótone,

Armadi I lo, Paddlewheel, Palmetto, Kudzu,
Catfish, Headwater, Slrad, Oystershell, SEA,
Potomac, Lakeshore, Prairie, Creat Plains and
Sunflower.
The direct action alliances are the most visible
part of the movement. The real foundation of the
f ight against nuclear power comes out of the research and lobbying groups who provide the antinuke movement with its ammunition against the
propaganda of the nuclear industry. The conference was organized primarily by people active in
these groups. Organizations like the Environmental Action Foundation, the National Resources
Defense Council, Critical Mass, Supporters of Silkwood, the Environmental Policy Center, Environmentalists for Full Employment, Citizèn's Energy
Project, American Friends Service Committee, the
National Lawyers Guild and many others all provided resource people for the conference.

Pacif ist Mission. ..Continued f rom p. 7

cult situation in the world, because of the strengthening of right forces at present. " We stated our
view that Soviet military strength, far from overcoming those right forces, f uels the f ires for those
who proclaim a "soviet threat" and sets'back the
American disarmament movement. We empha-

sized that the strength requi red for reversing the
arms race would come from a mass movernent for
disarmament in the US and that modest unilateral
moves such as we suggested would bolster that
movement and the cause of disarmament as well.
ln the end we agreed to disagree and both
groups emerged with a better appreciation of the

other's position.

Meânwhile, back in our natton's capital, 11.pacifists lefttheir White Housetour, unfurled their
banner on the North Lawn in f ront of the mansion,
and began handing out leaf lets bearing a translation of those distributed in Moscow. The "1'l were
arrested by the Secret Service (more than a little
nervous since President Carter was in the White
l-louse) and taken to a local precinct headquarters

for pro<;essing. ln star-k contrast to the Moscovv
action, the police charged the denronstrators with
illegal entry, a class A misdemeanor which carries
with it a penalty of up to one year in prison and/or a
$1000fine and heldthe 11 for nearly 30 hours trefore releasing them. lt was a classic example, said
the Des Moines Register in an editorial, "of the
totalitarian society being rnore lenient thar¡ the dis Washington demonstrators nor tlrose of us in
Moscow.
"We are not utopians ," readthe leaf lets we
scatteretl across Red Square and passed out at the
White H<¡use. "ln a wslrld bristling with nuclear
\¡vrlapons the stakes are too high, ttre situation too
urgent, for us to t¡e content with promises ancl
platitudes." Disarmament certainly is, as Lenin
said, an ideal of socialisrn and j immy Carter may
yearn for "the elimination of all nuclear weapons
from earth," but it rernains for us to translatethat
rhetoric into reality so that the time an action such
as th is one occurs the headl i ne wi l l read not

USSR Break Up Peace Frotests" [:ut r¿rther
U55R Support Peace

Protests."

" US,
"US,.

.f,'L

Sept. 21, l9TBWlN 17

1971). Com Ed is overbuilt, with a
reserve cap acitY ot3Ùo/o.
lllinois also is home to the Shef-

field "low level" nuclearwaste
dump and GE'5 Morris sPentfuel
dump. The Sheff ield dumPwas
closed recently when radioactivity

S
an accident on

TROJAN WAVE OCCUPATTON
RESULTS IN 273 ARRËSTS

April 5 of tFris year

where two workers were exposed

The Trojan Nuclear plant in

Rainier, Oregon, nor:th of Portland, continues to be plagued with
problems, including the persistence of the Trojan Decommissioning All iance (TDA).
I n four days of wave occupation s
August 6-9,273 TDA people were
arrested for entering the Trojan
site. The protestors had vowed to
stay untilthe plant was permanently closed. All, except 60 who
bailed out, were helcl until August

to the highest accidental doses of
radlation at a commercial nuclear
plant to date. Compounding the
accident, PCE tried to cover it up
and then claim it wasn'ta serious
incident. PCE was f ined $20,000
by the Nuclear Regulatory Com-

mission for its efforts.
And the plant, the largest operating reactor in thecountry, remains closed today because it was
recently revealed that its control
buildine does not meet federal
earthquake resistance standards.
The plant will remain out of com-

people 50 miles southwest of Chicago. Morris is ringed by three
operating reactors, four more
under construction and foulr more
planned, and Ceneral Electric's
"Morris Operation," a storage
facility for sþent nuclear fuel rods.
After a rally, the demonstrators
drove ten miles east, then marched
the rest of the way to the dump.
After a brief ceremony, we
climbed the fence while supporters
chanted "Com Ed makes it, CE
stores it, we don't want it, shut it
down

!"

With two exceptions we spent
10 when most were released on
the weekend in the county jail in
personal recognizance. Bail had
Morris . On Monday we were armission until public hearingsbn
griginally been set at $2,500.
raigned, pleaded not guilty and
plant's
the
deficiencies are held.
The Portland Ceneral Electric
bailed out after the judge ref used
TDA is now gearing up for fall
Company (PCE) which operates
and winter campaigns in commun- to reduce bail below $35. We hope
Trojan had sought a broad injunc- ities across the state to aid the
at our jury trial to use a cornpetingtion against the occupation. T heir passage of public power initiatives harms defense: we climbed the
attorneys argued for a court order and pressure to state legislature to fence to prevent a much greater
that named three organizations
harm from happening-a radioclose Trojan for good'
'
(including TDA and two environactive future.
Newsdesk
mental groups not directly inThe action at CE's Morris dump
was the f irst civil disobedience
volved in the occupations) and127
demonstration agai nst nuclqar
individuals. ln a hearing that
plants in lllinois. The nextone, a
l5ARRESTED IN ILLINOIS
lasted five days, the Columbia
"Die-ln atZion," is scheduled for
County court f inally granted an in- ANTI-NUKEACTION
junction naming 27 individuals.
October 7 attheZion nuclear plant
ln addition to those arrested at
I n the late afternoon of Saturday,
40 miles north of downtown
the site, four þeople named on the August 19, 15 members of the
Chicago. lllinois has seven operatBai lly Alliance were arrested after
injunction were hauled off for
ing reactors, with eight more being
climbing over a hastily erected
sitting in at PCE offices in Portbuilt and nine more "planned".
land. Two of those people (includ- fence surrounding Ceneral ElecAlso, pile-driving has again retric's Morris, lllinois, nuclear
ing WIN correspondent Norman
sumed at the Bailly nuke site, at
waste dump in an attempt to occu- the southern tip of Lake Michigan
Solomon) and four others named
py the parking lot in f ront of the
on the injunction who occupied at
in lndiana, 30 miles southeast of
Trojan are currently doing 30 days main gate and halt the f urther
downtown Chicago. With.two exin jail for violating the in junction or sh ipment of nuclear wastes to the
ceptions, these all belong to Comdump.
because they were on probation
monwealth Edison, which has
f rom earlier arrests at Trojan,
The day began with a spirited
more nukes than any other utility
ln addition to the TDA offensive, parade of about'l 50 dernonstrators and a terrible nuclear safety record
($105,000 in NRC f ines since,
through Morris, a town of 8,000
the Trojan plant was the scene of '
,

\

.

IBWlN Sept.21,1978

'

was discovered migrating and the
NRC decided that the " impernreable clay" lining the waste burial
trenches perhaps wasn't so impermeable after all. CE's Morris
dump was originally builtfor $64
million as a repr didn't'work and was converted to a
spent-f uel storage facility.
Although the 310 metric ton¡ of
spent f uel stored in a pool of water
atthe Morris dump are only a
small part of the thousands of tons
of spent reactor fuel that have
accumulated in the US, the Morris
dump is the only US facility which
stores spent fuel besides the
storage pools at inrdividual reactor
sites. Spent fuel has cometothe
Morris dump from as far away as
Connecticut and California.
With no operating reprocessing
plants and no permanent repository for high-level wastes in sight,

the storage of spent f uel is becoming a severe problem for nuclear
utilit¡es. Storage pools at the
reactors are f illing up fast, and

utilities are applying for permission to expand the pools and to
pack the spent f uel assemblies
closer together. Anti-nuclear
groups should f ight the expansion
of these pools and the establishment of away-from-reactor stoiage
pools like the Morris dump. There
is no solution to the problem of
what to do with high-level radio- ,
active wastes. lf the utilities are allowed to keep expanding the pools
for interim storage of the deadly
spentfuel rods, theycan postpone
the problem of having to deal with
the spent fuel for decades. lndeed,
with the hi!h level of citizen opposition to the establishment of per, manent waste repositories in their
areas, these "interim storage"
pools may become permanent
waste disposal pools. But without
interim storage spacef the nukes
will have to shut down.
For more information, or names
and addresses for other antinuclear groups in lllinois, contact

the BaillrTAlliance, 711 S. Dearborn, Rm. 548, Chicago, lL 60605,

(312)764-5011'

-EdGogot
CONTINUINC PENTAGON CIVIL
DISOBEDIENCE AGA1NST

NUCLEARWEAPONS
On Friday, September 1, 1978 nine
persons were arrested for chaining
themselves to and closing three
entrances to the Pentagon outside
Washington, DC. Ten other persons were arrested for other acts of

civil disobedience. Some 50 per:
sons held banners, sang,
conducted streèt theatre and leafletted in support.
These arrests were a continuation of citizen protests to the US
mil itary. preparations, in particular
production of the neutron bomb.

Overthe past severaf years, more
than.400 persons have been arrbsted at the Pentagon protesting
nucl'êararms. Most of these acts of
conscience have been co-ordinated
by the Atlantic Life Community.
-Richard Bowers
ANI.TA BANNED IN BOSTON:

scANT tNTEREST, LARGE
DEMOCANCEL BRYANT
APPEARANCE

about the event. Together with
many women's groups in the
Boston area, they formedthe
September One Coalition and immediately began to plan for a
protest ral ly outside the concert.
But the day before the
scheduled event, Phillips organízers announced that the concert
was off
-canceiled, they said, because of threats of violence to
Bryant. The Boston Police Department wouldn't substantiate these

charges, however, and Coalition
organizers maintain that the
much-touted " Family Ëvening"
had attracted very little support
from Massachusett's six million
res idents. Ticketron reportedly
sold only 78 tickets. With an additional 300 to 400 Phillips faithf uls,
the group would have rattlecl
around with great embarassment
in the large auclitorium.
Phillips and Bryant may have
called off their event, but members
of the September l Coalition
weren't about to call off theirs.
Some 1,000 people gathered at'6
pm in Copley Square Plaza, just

.

below the Hotel where Bryant's
cocktai I reception was in progress.
The mood was a festive one-a
celebration - with many bri ghtcolored banners and signs. "But '
We Are Your Children,

" pro-

claimed onê sig'n, referring to

Anita Bryantdid sing {'Cod Bless
America" in Boston September l,
butonly to about 50 specially invited guests at the Copley Plaza
Hotel, not to the few thousand expected for a political rally at Hines
Auditorium. The occasion was a
f undraiser for the US Senate campaign of Democrat Howard Phillips, who may be best remembered
as the man Richard Nixon brought
in to dismantle the Off ice of Economic Opportunity.
Howard Phillips is just about as
conservative as th'ey come, but he
is also running at the back of a considerable pack of contenders for
the seat of Edward Brooke, the
nation'sonly black senator. Phillips asked Bryant to appear at his
"Pro-Life and Pro:Family Concert:
A Patriotic Family Evening." She
agreed, and Ticketron was all
ready to sel I the $10 tickets unti
lesbians and gay men found out

I

Bryant' anti-homosexual "save
Our Children" crusade.

-

Liberation News Service

ABREAKTHROUCH IN THE
UNEMPLOYMENT PROBLEM?
Who says the Cover:nment can't
cope with our most pressing economic problems? ln a bold move
that has been shamefully neglected by the mass media, the Carter
Adm in istration last fal I diastical ly
rêduced the unemployment rate
among veterans of the Vietnam.
war. Credit for this remarkable
achievement goes to the US Departmentof Labor, which simply
decreed that anyone who has been
separated from the military for
morè than 48 months will no longer
be con sidered a Vietnam veteran,
regardless of when he/she served.
ln one day T'exas reduced its share
Sept. 21 , 1978 WIN 19

of rrnenr¡rloyed veterans by 66o/o.

-

The Progressive

STUDENTS BEWARE...SURVEI'

AIMËDAT IDENTIFYINC
D¡VESTMENT MOVEMENT
A research' project currently being
conductecl on US campuses by a
South African professor casts
i

ll

i
:l

j
i

l
ì
I

l
i

"

doubt on academics' pet niyth
about the ob'jective.and " neutral "
nature of academic research.
Professor Meyer Feldberg,
Director of the Craduate School of
Business at the University of Cape
Town in South Africa, is coming to
the U5 to concluct a research study
on "American Student Attitudes
Towards LJS Business lnvolvement
in South'Alrica."
Student groups on several campuses have already received the
questionnaire, and it seems

probable that administrators and,
ot!iers on campus will also be approachêd to provide information.
What information and for what
purpose?
The questionnaire has seven
questions
- but Feldberg comes
right to the point with Question 1 :
"Describe the main on-campus

\

student organization that has
shown an interest in US-South
Africâ relations or in South
Africa's domestic policy.'1 ¡urnber 1 also asks for the name of that
organization, the number of members, when founded, and its "contacts or relations with other bodies
both student and non-student. "
Question 2 asks about the responcling organ ization's pol icy
"reþarding the ownership by the
uníversity of stock in US corpqrations with activitíes in South
Africa. " lt also wants to know how
the policy was established and
why, and how it is promoted.
Questions 3 and 4 cJeal generally
with attitudes towards the admis-

íion of Sôuth African students to
US universities and towards US
academics who accept visiting pror

fessorships or lecture tours in
South Africa.
Question 5 comes back tothe
nitty-gritty óf the whole thing.
"Please describe the nature of studentopposition, if any, toyour
,university holding stock in US
20WlN Sept.21,1978

conrpânies, with activities in South

Africa.l'
It asks for details on petitions,
clemonstrations and the " number
of students actively canrpaigning
for divestment of company stock
held by your university. "
Question 6 asks about university
respon s iveness to recommendations regarding stock, and 7 asks
for cemment on the corporate ar-

gument that withdrawal would not
be in the interests of South Africa's
black population.
That's it. The answers go to
Feldberg at Northwestern Univers ity in I I lino is, where he is a v is iting professor in the Craduate
School of Management and purports to be collecting and analyz- '
ing the information with admirable

disinterest.

l

US corporations, campus ad-

EVENTS
ANN ARBOR, Ml National'Organizing Conference to Stop Covernment Spying on September
22-24 at the University of Michigan
Union. For more information, cõntact: Campaign to Stop Covernment Spying, 201 Massachusetts
Ave., NE # 112, Washíngton, DC

:

WHAT ONE HAND CIVETH...
The self-sèrving nature of US
foreign aid is seldom as well exposed as it was in an April speech
by US AIDoff icialAbelardo L.
Valdez before the New York-based
Center of l nternational Relations.
ln1977 , he observed, for "every
new dollar made available through

internationaland US banks, Latin
America's net take was seven
cents. " The banks and the US government are receiving almost as
much in loan repayment as they
putout in new loans. ln fact, in
some cases the US receives more
than it lends. |n1977 , for example,
the US got back $150 million more
than it provided Latin America in
AID and Export-lmport Bank
loans.
ln overallfigures, Latin America netted only $300 million outof
lastyearls $4.2 billion in loans
from the US and development

banks, and that, as Valdez noted,
was loaned at "íncreasingly stiff

rates'"

-rnternews

c

Ê^

r,i

CAMBRIDCE, MA- Tom Reeves
will speak "On the Need for Reviving Resistance" on Friday,
September 22, I pm, at MlT, :105
Massachusetts Ave., Bldg. 9, Rm.
150. Sponsored by the Black Rose
Anarch ist Lecture Series.

mi nistrations and maybe even

South Africa's secret police, BOSS
are no doubt eagerly waiting for
the answers: What is the size of the
campus movement? Who are its
leaders? What are its links? Where
is it likely to surface next?
- Liberatioi News Service

f'

20Ú02(2O2)s47-47Ùs.

CLEVELAND, OH- Film: "Eugene V. Debsl'on Friday, September29, B pm attheWorkmen's
Circle, 1980 South Creen.

- The anti-nuclear
Shad Alliance will hold a congress

CROTON,.NY

on September 29-October 1 at

Camp Rai nbow, Cioton-onHudson. Speakers, workshops,
and films. For more information,
call (212)249-7649 or (914)9490088.

Ë
t
t
6

E

I

ê

ì

o
J
ê

è

tt

0
E

e
o
o
o

0-

6
N
f

.o

ú

.E

q
6

ù

r

i

PHILADELPHIA, PA-Zero Nuclear Weapons coalition meeting
on Wednesday, September 20, Ç
pm at Friends Center, 1501 Che'rry
St. For more information, call (215)

wA3-0861

RALEICH, NC-Citizens'
Hearings on arms shipments to
lran on Saturday, September 30, 1
pm at Pullen Memorial Church,
Cox and Hillsboro Streets.
Speakers will include poet Reza
Baraheni and Michael Klare.
Sponsored by American Friends
$ervice Committee. For more information, call (919) 829-1558.
WASHINCTON, DC- Letel ierMoffitt Memorial H uman Ri ghts
Program on Thursday, September
21,7:30 pm at Howard Universityls Cl'amton Auditorium.
Speakers will include Rep. Ronald
Dellums, Robert Borosage, and
Rev. Ben Chavis. Admission is $5.
For more information, contact lnstitute for Policy Studies, 1901 Q
St. NW; Washington, DC20009.

Final Payments is about awoman of 30who has spent
nursing herfatherafter he had a stroke, The
bookopens with his death which is both a liberation
and a grief to lsabel. She loved her father, a brilliant,
devout, scholarly Catholic, a reactionary, a neighborhood saint, a f riend of the priests who f locked to the
house. Taking care of him is an acfof expiation as well
' as lovefor lsabel. (Howeasilywe fall intotheverbal
style of Catholicism.) What leads to his initial stroke,
or at any rate precedes it, was his coming across
lsabel in bed with his favorite student (hetaught ata
Cathol ic col lege). Th ree weeks later, the father had
his stroke.
All this is told in f lashbacks. Most of the book deals
with the new life, Ieaving the old neighborhood,
getting a job, a lover-a married man
-and the sub'
sequent spi ritual struggle that occurs because he has
a wife and children
It is a situation common enough and always painful-the doìnestic triangle- but here it is permeated
by a sense of Catholic sin and even though lsabel is a
lapsed Catholic, it slowlytakes hold of her until the
torment is unbearable and she runs from her lover
and her new life.
'rf'" rf i rituãistrug g le that fol lows seem s too
'schematic, often sounding like a tract rather than a
' genuine conf lict between
the spirit and the f lesh. lt is
, played out at the hated Margaret's, the ex-housekeeper, where"lsabel goes to repent for her síns, to
force herself to love a women who is unlovable as a
wayof doing penance. Yet somehow the struggle
seems unconvincing, its ene¡gy f lags.
Unfairly perhaps, one thinks of Dostoievski, the
master of the spiritual struggle, the obsessive nature
of that struggle, its perversity, contradictions, terror,
pain.
Here obs.essiveness becomes re.petition, pages and
pageb of lsabel discoursing with herself , remembering her: Catholic upbringing, her fall f rom grace, her
;ne€d for spiritual salvation, penance. But the paín
doesn't come through; the agony is described rather
than felt.
I am leaving out a lot. Along the way, there are
some very good scenes with herfriends, Eleanor and
Liz. Her job with the state brings her into homes
where elderly are cared for and the people she visits
are sharply drawn¡ f unny, sad, terrible. Later when
she is living with Margaret there is a wonderf ul scene
in a smalltown beauty parlor. "ltried to make my
eyes sweet. But I knew... .that was not What they
wanted from me. They wanted me to laugh with them
as soldíers laughed in movies, as if we were in a war
that made dístinctions foolish, as if we were in the
11 years

o

FINALPAYMENTS
by Mary Gordon
Random Hoúse./$8.9 5 1297 pp.

Finat Paymentsis fullof small pleasures. Mary Gordon has an eye and ear for the lrish Catholic Quee¡s,
New York, neighborhood and the peripheral chaiacters that give the novel a sense of a very particular

place.

:

Her descriptions are quick and sharp. Of the neighbors next doori " .,,.the aggressiúe jocularity of people

defending a.position...and'working-class lrish are always defending something, probably something
indefensible-the virginity of Mary, the C.l.A. - ,
which is whytheir par:ties always end in fights.:'The

lawyer Delaney: "Whenever he approached me, I felt

if I were drowning in flesh." The hated housekeeperMargaret: "All herclothes seemed daryp as if
her body were giving off a tropical discharge.. /she
made me feel as if she had found me with my hand
somewhere shameful; in the cookie jar, in the rnoney
box, in myown private parts."
Where the book is less good is in the spiritual struggle of lsabpl, the narrator, which is iis central theme.
Sybil'C-laiborne is a f reelance wr¡ter 'n New vark City

as

business of keeping

alive."

All in al.l, this

is a book by ayoung novelist of.which
she,should be proud, and no doubt is, since it has had
a very good reception by the critics and has done well.

It is best in its details, in the small everyday events.
And if it doesn'tentirely succeed in the dramaof the
spiritual strtlggle, the courage to tackle such a large
and diff iculttheme is impressiv"'

-rro,rcraiborne
r.

,

Sept.

Z-t,'tgZgWr|'ll

II
. \.-

WRL/West is seekin j a f ull-time member for our
collectivestaff. Thenewstaff memberwouldhave
major responsi6ility for coordinating WRL/West
outreach, coordinating fundraising act¡vities, and

" l'm an Anli-Nuke Bicyclist, What Kind Are You?"
" x 5 Yt " \ 3 Íor $1. " A
Woman Without A Man ls Like A Fish Without A
751.
Kate Donnelly, Box
Full
size
stickers
Bicycle!"
271, NewVernon, NJ 07976

(LA55tr¡rD5*

Bi ke size bum perstickeis (1 %

,

SUN POWER NOW! 3-color buttons are 501each.
Pl RGIM, 590 Hollister Bldg., Lansing, Ml 48933.

Anti-nuclear power and
Movement Postcards
weapons, including Diablo Canyon, Trif,ent Nol,
Rocky Flats, plus-25C each or set of 4tor75l, Fundraíser for Santa Cruz People for a n uclear free
future, 515 Eroadway, Santá Cruz, C A95062.

-

PUBLIC NOTICE

:Ì

I

Office spaca for rent. Rooriì on th ird floor at 339 Lafayette Street, New York City. Measures 10 x 25,
filled with memories of J une 12th Sit-ln, May 2zth
demon strat¡on, J uly 4, 1976 demonstration, corñes
fully equipped (we assume) with FBI bugs. $63.25 a
month. Call (212) 228-0450.

SERVtCES

live-in and extended),. We are working for peace,
disarmament, and a change of values and prior¡ties
away from war and ¡ts preparation to an emphasison
peace, social justice, and people'sneeds.'
Brandywine sponsor's educational þrograms, action campaigns, and public demonstrations in order
to highlight the moral, political, and econom¡c
imperativeof disarmainent. Additionally, the group
is making a positive statement with ¡ts alternative
fund. This fund, comprisedof refused wartaxes,
personal savings,,and group deposits, makes
interest-free loans to social change and service
groups (primarily in Delaware and Chester
Counties, PA.) Contact: Brandywine Peace Communityand Alternative Fund,51 Barren Rd.,

state-wide citizen'5 group for social and economic
iustice. Wr¡te: Box 3053, Durham, NC 27705. ,

l
:

.

lnternat¡onal L¡ving Center fosters a new sp¡rit of
international¡sm in our campuses. We sponsor
workshops, cultural events, lectures, movies, etc. on
.global i ssues and nonviolent change. Share with us
your ideas, and keep us abreast of what you do. Jnternational L¡ving Center, Box 95, Amherst College,
Amherst, Massi 01002.
PUBLICATIONS

l

I

THE STUDY KIT FOR NONVIOLENT ACTION,
produced by War Resisters League/West contains
articles on the theory and practice of nonviolence,
both personal ly and political ly as wel I accounts of
the successes and problems of contemporary nonv¡qlèìce. Articles and pamphlets by Camus,
Candhi, Cene Sharp, Barbara Deming, Mark
Morris, Ceorge Lakey and the WIN double issueon
Seabrook are to be fouhd and much more as well.
Send $2.50 per study kit to wRL/West, 1360
Howard Street, San Frahcisco, CA 94103. Special
rates are available for bul k orders so order them for
your study group, teach-in, or classroom.

MEMBERS WANTED for small commune in Brooklyn. Vegetarian, MNSoriented; we have kids, cats,
no tobacco. We're struggling to build a stable socialchange in the city, with the spir¡t of commitment and
sharing ûsually found on ly in rural communes. (21 2)
965-3790.

Alternative college commun ity gtartin g somewhere
in the Northeast needs artists, academics, carpenters, etc., as members. CCC, 90 Summer, Wil-

liamstown, M.{01262.

EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNIT¡ES
EDITOR: Environmental Action Foundation is
looking for an editcir for The Power Line, its rnonth ly r
journal on utilit¡es and energy. Applicants should
have writ¡ng andediting experience as well as
ìnt.erest in the utility reform movement. lnvolves
contact w¡th local citizens' groups. Salary $-1 1,500;
job begins mid-November. EAFoperates as a collective. Send resume and clippings to: Deborah
Schoch, Environmental Act¡on Foundation,.Z24
Dupont Circle Building, Washington, DC 20O36.

Kansas City Nonviolent Studies lnstitute Book Stóre
closed it's doors last,year. However, there are still
lots of good books arid pqmphlets available at unbelievable saving sof sÙd/" to75"/o off I ist price. Send
50 I for a book I i st to Robert Calvert, 31 44 Hardesty
Drive #1-C, Kansas City, Missouri 64128.
Lucy Parsons, American Revolutionary (53.95); The
Pullman Strike ($2.95); The Autobiography of
Mother lones ($3.50); manyother labor, femin¡st
history books. Orders, list: Charles Kerr Publishing,
Box 914, Chicago, 1160690.

Movement f und-raiser wanted. fhe Mobilization for
Survival is looking for a f ull-time f und-raiser to work
out of its national office in Ph i ladelphia. The iob involves working with the Financial Task Forceof MFS
to raise a $100,000 budget. Experience with individual solicitation and foundation fund-raising is
desirable. Pay is subs¡stence-level movement
wages. MFS, 1213 Race Street, Philadelphia, PA
19107.

WIN's Special Double lssueon Health Care with

FREE ! "Where is Movement for a New Society
Coming From?" by Ceorge Lakey. Send 251 postage
to MNS, Network Service Collective ,4722Baltimore
Avenue, Phila., PA 19143.

PRODUCTS
¿'No Nuclear Disposal" butions with mesa and New
Mexico blue sky and sun -25C each f rom Citizens
Against Nuclear Threats, 106 Girard SE, Rm 121C,
Albuquerque, NM 87106.
Ño Nuke T-shirts with Adam and Eve graphics by
Ceorge Knowlton reading "The Fruits of \ukes are
Death and Pollution". White in S, M, L, XL. $3.75
postpaid, color add $1. (specify) Order: The Flats
Workshop, P.O. Box 13, Kingston, Rl 02881.

NAMIBIA SLIDE SHOW. 50 slides and written commentaryon Namibian history and the liberat¡on
strugglê. $30 prepaid to purchase. $10 prepaid to
rent. Ph iladelph ia Nam ibia Action Croup, 5021
Cedar Ave., Philadelphia. P A 19143 (2151 47 4-9592'
22WlN Sept.21,1978

.,

LtvrNG ALTçRNATTVES

22206.

articles þy Ron Dellums, Claudia Dreifuss, and
others oh occupat¡onal safety and health, women's
health, rural medical alternatives and more. Order
now in bulk for distribution to friends and
co-workers. $1 .00 each for 1 -9 copies, 401 each for
ten or more pl us 20oó for postage. Send orders to:
WlN, 503 Atlantic Ave., Brooklyn, NY 112'17.

COMMUNITY ORCANIZER WANTED. United

Neighborhoods in Community Organizing (UNICO)
is seeking an experienced community organizer,
UN ICO will be working w¡th the low-income and
Span ish-spqakin g community on ¡ssues affecting
residents of Las Vegas. Two years organizing experience required. Knowledge of Spanish preferred.
Salaryopen. Call Ed Dunn, 647-3610 or 648.2768,or
sendresumeto UNICO, T04McWilliams, Las
Vegas, NV89106

'\

Media, PA 19063.

Êree booklist: vegetarian cookery, herbals, crafts,
lots more, including the IWW Songbook. Kimo '
Books, 2613 S. Walter Reed # 3C, Arlington, VA

\

The Midwest Regional Off ice of the American
Friends Service Committee ¡s seeking an Execut¡ve
Secretary to undert4ke general adm ín istrative
management of regional activ¡ties and progra¡¡
beginn ing November 1, 1978, or as soon thereafter
as practicable. Written ¡nqu¡riesonlyto Lewis B.
Walton, J r., 1421 Northwoods, Deerf ield, I L 60015
before October 30, 1978.

The' Brandywine Peace Commünity and Alternative
Fund is a nonviolent resistance community (both

MEMBERS NEEDED: N.C. People's Alliance, a

promoting War Tax Resistance. The staff person
would al so share office and other admin ¡strat¡ve
work. Organizing experience, a feminist awareness,l
acomm¡tment to nonviolence, an abilityto workcollectively, and a one-year minimum commitment are
basic requirements. Subsi stence stipend of about
$300-$350permonth. Deadlineforapplication is
Sept, 25. We want to hire by Oct. 1, For more information, contact, WRL/West, 1360 Howard St., San
Francisco, CA 94103 (415) 626-6976.

Friends Milìtary Counselin¡i is seeking a military
counselor for our new Ph iladelphia office. Responsibilities will include: counseling, fund raising, and
þubl ic relations. Begin in October. Pay $6,700, and
Medical andVacation. Flexible. Pleäserespondto
Bruce Haines, Friends Military Counseling, P.O.
Elox

62, Wr¡ghtston, NJ 08562.

Feminist/gay librarian seeks f ull-time movement

. work. Writeorcall: Jim Lenahan,
Ames, lA 50010 (515J 232-0349.

Missoui. ^it¡zens Action (MCA),

a

ut¡l¡ty/energy

'.action organ izat ion, has job open ings for a Staff
Director and a Canvass Coordinator. MCAoperates
an organ izing and fundrai sing door-to-door canvass
that is based in St. Louis, and has a small MidMissourioff ice in Columbia. For more information,

contact BobZeffert, MCA,393 N. Euclid, Suite32,
st: Louis, Mo63108.

COMMUNITYORCANIZERS needed for a peaåe .
and social justicecenter. Must demonstrateaprior'
and continued commitment to iadical social change.
Subsistence salary, plus ùedical benef¡ts. Oneyear
commitment. Third World, wpmen and gay people
are encouraged to apply. Contact Michael Stoops,
Collective Chairperson, Portland Military and
Veterans Counseling Center, 633 SW Montgomery
St., Portland, Ore goî 97 2O1 (5031 224-9307 .
HELP
Would like to correspond with people working with
for people in the inner cities; rural poverty areas.

Wr¡ieJoAnn, Missionariesof Mercy,

.i

nts 400 nuc lear weapons

acr it res
cli cates a reas

for norviolent e¿olut¡rcn

aQ cl n UC lea

powe Í

ke ly to be bo m bed dur ng a n U cl ea r

war

two po ste rs I n on e I

tr P lea SE

n

S

e nd me on e co py of
S

7.5

c9n

N uc ea r Amer rca

S

P lea SC S end me_copl ES 1 -4 co p es co S t 7 5 cen
eac h 5 2 4 fo r 5 0 CE nts ea c h 25 -49 for 4 5 cents each
Please acld 15% for postage). Enclosed is
Sencj to WAR RESISTERS LEACUE 339 Lafayette

S

$-_

othe reverse sicle contains a list of all facilities and a
statement linkine nuclear weapons and nuclear
power
Street, NewYork, NY 10012

oo
AMERICA'S LEADING
MAGAZINE ON THE ART &
POLITICS OF THE CINEMA
Published quarterly, each issue
features art¡cles, reviews and interv¡ews on ev€rything from the latest
Hollywood films and the Ambrican
independent scene to the newest
European releas€s and the emerging
c¡nemas of
Third World.
' Past issuesthehavê
featuied interviews with Bernardo Bertolucci, .
R.W. Fassbinder, Lina Wertmuller,
Gillo Pontecorvo, Agnes Varda,
Costa-Gavras, Dusan Makaveiev,
Santiago Alvarez, Roberto Rossellini,

BREAD AND ROSES
issues of survival
a social service network
broadcast live, 5 to 6 pm
Monday through Friday
on WBAI 99.5 fm
the Gray Panthers * the Radical. Alliance of Social Service Workers
the Sisterhood of Black Single Mothers * proiect Releasé

Francesco {tosi, fôhn Howard
Lawson, and Alain Tanner
Past articles have included The Left
and Porno, Frank Capra and th€
Popular Front, the Films of Luis
Bunuel, The Costa-Gavras Syndrome,

wB^l

99.5 fm New

for one year ($8 foreign)
333 Sixth Avenue

NewYork, N.Y. 1@14

9{ fm Berleley
KPFT

KPFK
gO.7 fm Los An¡eles

WPFW
89.3 fm WashingÍon

EßE

Sample Copy $1
$5

KPFA

Yo¡I

90 fm Houston

Hollywood's Politics of Compromise;
How Left is Lina?, Christian Metz
and the Semiology Fad, etc.

'

r and more

non-cornmsrcial listener-sponsorêd pacifica Radio

Ett)"gFffi

BT]LLTirII\

OI. CONCIÌRNI,D ASII\N SCHOLARS

Volume 10, Number 1, 197E
Threeessays on the Green Revolution
A review essay of 4 books on the Indochina War
Marxist Scholarship on Thailand
Syngman Rhee and the Korean War
Analyses.of the Analects ánd, Dream o! the Red Chamber
Acupuncture: Medicine and Politics
Reviews and illustrations

Number 2: Focus on J¡psn

T0

Miyamoto Yuriko: Communist, Feminist, Novelist
Japanese Peasant Rebellion in the 1850s
Survivors' Drawings of the A-Bomb on Hiroshima
Japanese A-Bomb Research in the 1940s

A VrAfl^E

AtIEßl,^n¡¡É

Peace Newe 15p fortnightly. Subs Ê6.00.a year.
trla.l 5 issues El from: I Elm Avenue,Nottlngham'

S

E n cl o SECI

Box 143,

Tnlf w,lY

is the sister paper to WIN in Britain produced
col lcctively for readers' contributions. VJe are
nonviolent anarchists-working to undo
relationsh¡ps of author¡ty and dominance
(sexqal, rac ial, economic, m i I itary...) wi thout
treatíng anyone as expendable.in that struggle or
as closed to chànge. The paper aims to be a tool for
people making change ìn-taking control of-their own
lives as much as for resistance to the institutions of power.
consistently covers sexual politics, opposition to militarism and secrecy, personal growth, racism, buildi
alternatives, opposition to nukes-and a ldt more

a

a

Ocean Crove, N) 07756.

þeacenews
'
-

708 Douglas,

.pi npo

N u c ea r Am e r cd' I

Canada and the Bomb

The Bomb on Bikini Atolf in the 1950s
Los Angeles /ssei

Number 3: (forthcoming)
Subscriptions: S9.00. One issue: $2.50.
An Index of available back issues is free.

BCAS, Box W, Charlemont, MA 01339

Articles/poetry and reviews on India and China

Number 4: (end of year)
TentÉ Anniversary Issue: Southeast Asia

Sept.21,'1978WlN 23

e

PROFITS, PRTVILEGE AI\[D PEOPLE'S

ImAITH

A WIN $pecial Issue
WIN's special issueon health care includes articles by
Claudia Dreifus, Rep. Ronald Dellums, and an interview
with Fitzhugh Mullan on such topics as national health
insurance, health feminism, rural health càre delivery,
occupational safety and health plus a people's resource
guide to health care politics. All in all, everything you
wanted to know about he_alth care but were afraid to ask,
and an invaluable tool in the str:uggle for a health care

a

system accessible to all regardlgss of economic or social
stand i n g and subject to com mun ity control and priorities
based on need ratherthan profit.
WIN is the weekly magazine written by
and for people involved and interested in
the movement for social change. You can
order this special issue of WlN, 48 pages,
for $1; or,subscribe to a year of Wl N, 44
issues, for $15 and recqive a copy of "Profits, Privilege, and People's Health" free
as your bonus.
D Enclosed is $15 forone yearof,the latest
'news ánd analysis from WIN and my

copyof 'rProfits, Privilege, and People's

-,-. Health."

!

Enclosed is $1. Please send me a copyof
"Profits, Privilege, and People's Health,"
a special double issue of WIN.

[]

/

-

Enclosed is $8. Send me six months of

WIN just to get my feetwet

Name

-

6qsn .,i aÞtl Fik
' ./}A

tr.

'{¡

q

f'l
ji I

Address

City
State/Zip
WIN Magazine
Atlantic Avenue
Brooklyn, New York 11217

O

503

*

,?

t

tltFlT¡,tn ilßÊÊr

rßÊilAT
z\

rrrt¡0?11'¡ llEAl?fl
SFi¡l

)

A WIN

lßrc

t

l{Â11
¿

a

t