Win Magazine Volume 13 Number 25

I

,
nuclearweapons issue

I.ETTENS
Jile would like to respond tothe ideas
ioncerning non-cooperation expressed
in Marty Jézer's article "Leatning From
the Past To Meet the Future. " IWIN
6 / 16 &, 23 / 771 As non-cooperators held
in the same aimory as Marty (Concotd),
we have a somewhat different interp¡etation of the meeting held to discuss the
separation ofsexes,and ofthe impact of
non-cooperation in general'
Ratheï than a "sþokes meeting which
degenerated into a mass meeting" the
meetingto discuss sex-separation began
as one in which anyone could be recognized through herlhis spoke. The
hysteria and high emotion of the meeting
were not mainly results ofthe discussion
of cooperation vs. non-cooperation, but
ratheithey came from tensions aiound
Tonv's role as mediator between the
statê troopers and us. Further, there was
a feeling tTat solidarity necessarily required that everyone dothe same thing,
règardless oftheir moral stands, tather
than a mutually supportive situation in
which individuals were free to do what
they felt they had to. One of the teasons.
that consensus is used as a decision
making process is that it doep not allow
the majority to dictate the moral actions

ment, itsbeginnings are small. Itwould
force the courts to deal with the issues of
nuclear oowet and not with the
extraneöus issues ofguilty and

not-guilty.
Fùrthérmore, we see almost any
action as beinc oolitical, and as such,
inseparable frõñr morality. tfle reject the
Machiavellian concept that politics
exists only in thesis or synthesis and that
therefore, any action is acceptable as a
meansto onets ends. Rather, we believe'
that the substance ofany new society will
be built on the political actions which
have gone into its formation, and if we
exoeCt a moral societv than those actions
müst, in and of themõelves, be moral as

well.

-CHRISITIEIMA¡I
-JO.McGOWAN
o.k.¡i.
Jane &JoDoe
Belcheitownr,Mess.

brook action is only one in a whole movement to a ftee society and we agtee with
Mao that "politics must be in com-

mand." However, it's importantthatwe
be sure the politics we ate living now are
the ones we want to keep. Politics which

aredictatorial, which insistthat everyone''cooperate" for the collective good,
are not the politics of a free society. It is
indeed a strange interpretation of
democracy which defiñes it as operating
only when the dissenting elements have
been removed. Within the limits of nonviolent direction action, there are many

individual acts ofconscience, as evidenced in the Seabrook ac{ion. Some
people pled guilty, some accepted bail,
some p.r., some stayed in jail to the end,
some were dragged to the bus, some
walked, some gavetheirnames, some
didn't, somefasted, some ate, two
people escaped tobuy ice creêrl-rrorre
ofthese actions needtobe excludedbecairse they differfrom the actions of the
whole, because there is no "action ofthe

nuclear power plant.
It's gdod to draw connections. The
photo at the beginning of the article
speaks ofsix arrestees being Seabrook
graduates. The "we" used ðontinuously
throughout the article speaks ofgroup
sensitivlty but also defines us all in a

perspective of totalitarian destruction or

resistance.

,

But what of this human cost? The risk,
the saôrifice, the lives of those who participated, why were the symbols ignorêd? Sure, three people wete found
chained to a gate-but those chains were
wrapt in our ówn blood, a symbol of vic'tim5; sure, people, fiveof whomwere
arrested foiplanting a garden, had the
tools oftheir trade, but what ofland lying
fallow for too long; sure, eight people sat

,

majorpriority

Concernine WIN and Tom Mclean's
article on frident [WIN 6/1ó &23 /77].
Shitt Where Icomefrom, nuclear
weaoons and opoosition to them are

take'n a bit morèìeriously than five
secciids at the end of an hour meeting or
seven Darasraphs at the end ofa serious
maga"ìne. Ãs ône of the people who sat

in

a"circle" atthe May 21stTrident

the Trident base in Bangor, Washing-'
ton; the work Great Lakes Life Community has done around Trident's trigger finger, Seafarer; or the mountain
States Life Communitywith it's "disarm
br dig graves" campaign. Vety litte of
this news has reached my ears thru WIN.
I was at Seabtook and will probably
return. But, it is with pain that I see you
devote two issues to that action in contrastto afew poorly reported almostobscure paragraphs to the worst obscenity
yettobe created.
Maybe it is time that WIN people unlockthemselves from their editorial ivory
tower, open their rose colored windows "
and begin to question their own
priorities. It would be good to see more
gutlevel reporting as in Seabrookthru
participation. In love, I say that words
are not enough. Nothing is sacred from
the kneeling safetf ofidolatrV.
D GERSH

IleWhalesT¡le

Hrrfiordr Conn.

i¡ a circle atoundpainted symbols-a

skull internalizing the words "how does
your childs mind scream? ", but what of
the blood, their own blood, which
stained and ran down the memorial'
erected by e[ectric boat honoring those
submarines ptoduced to protect the
We were at electric boat as promised.
The numbers, whether 1800or200,
don.'t mátter a whole lot. It's the persònal, the individual statemen{whþh
amounts to more than the whole. So let's'
not forget those who walked, leafletted,
carried banners and signs, carried the
Trident monster or dealt with infirmities
over those 11 grueling miles. And let's
not forget the effects ofnuclear weapons
from the first tests inthe desert to Aug,
6, 1945 in Hiroshima; from the change in
mentality and policy to those oppressed
and exploited, maimed and mutdered
under fhe bomb's olvmoic view.
It is incredible thai 1600 people could
confront an issue like nuclear power and
risk arrest, even mote so; tÏat 6fi) could
hold outfortwo weeks til bail solidarity
was granted. But nukes are onlY one
issue among many. Tho the plants affect
the planet eTologitaily, the e-ffects,
world wide, are not felt immediately. If a
plant blows, a geocentric area is afThe bomb affects the entire planet,
now! It is truly the whole spirit of our
planet being nailed to a cross of iron. We
õf the Atlantic Life Community have
been witness with everything from silent
vigil to civil disobedience at all launching
and keel laying blasphemies at electric
boat for over a year, starting with the

firstTrident, "Ohio."

There are many more of us, individuals and communities across the
nation and Canada, who consider the

'

thad, and manages so often

tofragment

and weaken his opposition. We oughtto

knowbynow.
It did seem tothose ofus who decided
to sit in' that itwas a most propitious
timeto stay firm and push ouradvantage
and to insist upon a decision consistenf
with his pre-efection promise.
He managed to div-ide what would
have been a cohesive group and what
would have been a sensational actionand a first, in his administration. Perhaps he would reallyhave had some
second thoughts, if the 2ü) who were
demonsttating had sat in, instead ofthe
18 of us. Then too, it seems to me we
would have better kept faith with our

owncommttment.
I hope

we've learned forthe nexttime.

_CONNIEEOGARIE

PleasanMllerIYY

reget the Joe Gerson, who holds a
sound and brave stand on the Palestinian
problem, feels that he should recommend Arthur.Koestler's lto lhlrteenth
Tlfbo for readinglWlN 6/2/771.
Some antisemites and opponents of
.
Zionism use such material-ïñ their discussions. It is a legend which has no
roots in history. In the folk tales of Russian, the word "Khazars" is mentioned;
Russia consisted of many tribes, and
I

theybattledoneanother.

\

A Jewish philosopher wrote a
philosophical book on the essense of
Judaism and he titled it "A Letterto a
Chazat' t-this is all. One of the
realities in Jewish life is that, in spite of

Americànway

fected.

whole."

2WlN July14,1977

treated as cavalierly, thät thi: bomb be
treated with less reipect than a proposed

its roots are in the occupation oftþe 18.
What we are saying is that non-cooperation could be extremely effective if used
on a mass scale, and like any mass move'

minority.
We agree with Marty that the Sea-

At notime during or afterthe occupation did any ofthe non-cooperators attempt to ptetend that their position was
somehow more moral than the position
of any other clam, We attempted to express our view that diverse reactions to
any situation could be (and were)
mutually supportive.
According to Marty, non-cooperation
should be abandoned as atactic because

demonstration, I'm just alittle indignant
thatthe lives of200 ódd oeoole could be

it is ooliticallv ineffective. Using the
samè logic, the 18 original occuþiets
should ñot have done what they did because essentially, theirs was simply a
witness and not a politically effective action. But certainly, the oçcupation ofthe
1414 could not be called íneffective, and

of the

*Ð.

a

and focus. Jõnah House in Baltimore has
had an ongoing campaign atthe Pentaeon for twõ vears; the fine work PacifÏc
iife Commünity has been doing around

I wish to express my

disappointment that
offiti soonsorshio
ofthe civil disobedience actiôn at the '
White House entrance, in protest
against the B-1, hoping to sway President Carter's decision.
Calling it offas an act of good will because Carter had agreed to make "a"
decision before the end of the month
seemed to me to be falling into the trap of
his usual coopting. He is ã past mastei at
CALC decided to call

WIN is looking for

luly 14, 1977 / Yol.Xlll,

Zionism.

"tffi:rff

No 25

4. The Reign ln Spain Stays
The Same / Chip Berlet

L Atomkraft? Nein

Mainly

Danke!

HelgaWeber-Zucht
10. Seabrook: drawings / Tom Lewis
12. lce Cream Habit / Neil Fullagar
14. The B-1 Cone But Not Forgotten
Patrick Lacef ield
15. Changes

/ Susan Wilkins
18. Reviews / John Kypeir, John Atlas
16. Tax Talk

Cover: Posters on display at a
pol¡tical rally in Spain. Photo by Chip
Berlet.
UNI NDICTED CO.CONSPIRATORS

the holocausts and mass annihilaiions,
every Jew can roint to five or six
hundred years'from which they derive.
Every Jew is divided-they must be
either from priesthood or a subordinate
to the priesthood or a simple Jew.
The long history ofJews, suffering
and martyred, does not justify themin
driving out a nation from its'homeland,
or justify bloodshed with a quotation
fromthe Bible. All the books about
Khazars'do not have to be an answer to

staff member. We need someone w¡th editoriál
experience to take principle responsibility for copy editing, proof
reading, editing reviews and corresponding with writers. You must be
yillinS and able to work collectively.and unãerstand that worlting for
WlN, while philosophically rewarciing, involves long hours and low,
often irregular pay.
Other s.kills iñ layout, design, fundraising, or writing would be helpful.
_.
You should have a commitment to nonviolence, feminism and
preferably, some background in the Movemeni..We particularly encourage w.omen, gays and non-white peoplç to apply. We also ask that
you be wi I I i n g to make a mi n imum comm itment to work for one year at

B.hrlllc-.

ezet

,v{orris

.

ilrlc¡nbcrof wlN Edho¡i¡l Bo¡rd

STAFF

a new

WIN.

. lf you think yo_u might be a good person to join the WIN staff , write us a
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qs something about yourself and your experiénce; anä don,t forget to include your name, address and phone number so we can get in touch with
you.

(L'WL

Peg Averill o Ruthann Evanoff
Patrick Lacefield o Susan pines
Murray Rosenblith

Atlantic Ave. / 5th Fl.
Brooklyn, NY f 1217
Telephone : (21 2) 624'8337,
503

624-8595
WIN is published every Jhursday except for the first
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J

uly 14, 1977 WIN 3

refuge for people who feared a leftist viciory meant
ilitary takeover. Still , the election was greeted
with elation by most Spaniards, and it ushered in
the rebirth.of the Socialist and Commun ist parties
which made dramatic gains in a short period of

CHIP BERLET

TheReign
In Spaiii
Stays Mainly
The Same

t

'Ð

Basque nationalists openly display their flag at a pol itical rally outside
Photos by Ch¡p Berlet.

fadrid

Election day was uneventf ul in the ancient walled
city of Avila, a provincial capital in one of Spain's 52
voting'districts for the J une 15 elections. We had
been told to expect terrorist violence and saw
soldiers armed with submachine guns guarding
powèr stations and other strategic targets on election day, but there was little violencein Spain as
voters went to the polls.
Residents of Avila, a rural district high in the
mountains north of Madrid, voted peacefully alonS
with their fellow citizens for deputies and senators
to form a new Span ish Parliament whose f irst task
is rewriting a constitution to replace the code enforced bythe late Ceneralissimo Francisco Franco.
The dictator's death some 20 months ago heralded
a move towards democracy, but the newly elected
coalition government headed by Adolpho Suarez is
not the unreserved victory for democr acy as hailed
by the Western press.
Suarez and his Union of Democratic Centralists
(UCD) drew support f rom the centrists and conservativps, and siphoned off a sizeable vote from
the ultrá-right parties and fascists who saw the
socialists gaining. The UCDwas also strong because Suarez had been the Premier during Spain's
first halting steps toward democracy and he represented the status-quo during a period of political and
economic chaos. Suarez and his party was also a
Chip Berlet is a f reelance writer, who recently
reported on the Washington Postpressrnen's
strike for WlN.

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The peoplewho voted in Spain's last free elections are now in their sixties orolder, so for most
Spaniards this was the f irst opportunity to pick
from a choice of candidates. Several MarxistLeninist and leftist parties are still illegal in Spain,
however, and their presence was noted solely
through posters and painted messages calling for a
boycott of the elections, and sporadic bombings.
. Furthermore, the system of assigning representation in the new Parliament glas contrived to
favor conservative rural districtsâhd larger
parties. ln fact, although the popular votèwent to
parties left of center, the UCD captured far more
- seats in Parliament.
Suarez had been appointed by Spain's King J uan
Carlos to be caretaker premier until the elections.
His coalition of center-right parties pulled only 34
percent of the popular vote, but UCD ended up with
almost a majority in the House of Deputies, and,
with the support of some of the 41 center and
conservative Senators appointed bythe King, the
UCD controls the upper house completely.
Both the Socialist Partyof Spain (PSOE) andthe
Communists (PCE) had made strong gains in the
weeks prior to elections and when the votes were
in, the Socialist Party had captured 28 percent of
the vote, and the Communist Party 9 percent. The
neo-fascist Popular Alliance, which originally had
been éxpected to f inish a close second, fell to fourth
place with I percent. The restof the votes were
divided among numerousparties ranging from
ultra-fascist to those few groups left oÍ thè Communists which have beên legalized.
The Socialists, led by Felipe Conzalez, lagged
only 6 percent behind the Democratic Centrãlists in
votes, but duç to the biased representation system,
theytrailed UCD in the numberof seats in both
houses-119to 165 in the Houseof Deputies, and
35,to 105 in the Senate. The Socialists are already
calling for new elections oncethe newconstitutión
is written, but both Suarez and the King are expected to insist the representatives have been
elected to f ull terms.
Shortly after the elections the King named a
respected jurist to head the new Parliament. Had
he failed to name someone bythe first meetingi the
post would have automaticaliy gone to the oldãit
member of the Parliament, 81-year-old Dolores
lbarruri, "La Pasionaria," the þresidentof Spain's
communist party who returned from 40 years of
exile to win a delegates seat.
Franco had banned the Communist Party in 1939
and held the country in an iron-f isted dictadorship
until his death. Francoas most obvious legacy to
.S.pain is a cloud of fear and anxiety which-hung over
the elections. Two weeks before votes were cãst,
more than 50 percent of Spain's 23.5 million
etigible voters refused to disclose their party
preference, not because most hadn't mâde up their

minds, but because they were af raid to tell the
pol lsters. They remembered the slaughter of
Socialists and Communists after Franco's military
revolt crushed democracy in Spain 41 years ago.
Wherever we went in Spain, we heard rumors
thatthe militarywas aboutto seize power, and .'
many people said they never expected the elections
to happen. When Spain's Communist Partywas
officially legalized two months prior tothe election,
several government off icials and military leaders
resigned in protest.
The military, conservatives, and fascists are
alarmed by demands for regional autonomy bytlire
Basque provinces and Catalunia, both industrial
areas which resisted Franco in the civil war, and
which currently are strongholds for Socialists and
Communists. Although banned, the Communist
Party of Spa-in maintaìned tightly-organized
clandestine union organizations with much influence in the industrial regions during Franco's
reign. lf granted autonomy, the Communists and
Socialists will dominate the industrial areas, and
therefore the military has threatened to intervene if
too much autonomy is granted.
- The anxiety and outlook of many Span iards was
ref lected in the eyes of a 60-year-old woman who
sold us some simple kitchen pottery from her
closet-sized shop in Madrid. She told us the potter
who supplied her now had been unemployed for
seven years, and soon would beoutofworkagain
because the pottery factory was shutting down.
Spain is facing eight percent unemployment and a

30 percent inflation rate th¡s year and its economy
is at the point of collapse unless drastic measures

are taken.
The shopkeeper considered herself an anarchist,
as

domany f iercely independent Spaniards, and

she liked whatthe communists had to sav about
helping'the workers. But she was afraid ihat the
communists did not have the power to keep the

country i ntact. She feared that if the commun i sts
did well in the elections, the fascists and the
militarywould seize power likethey did before, and
theywould crush the workers. She remembered
howthe dead filled the streets during the civilwar
and she said the "wolves" were in thì streets
agai n. The wolves, she said, were the opportun i sts
who fed off the people. Shetold howthi localtax
collector was skimming off money he collected and
investing in wine while people on her street were
starving. When she mentioned the wolves and the
fascists she spat on the floor because she hated
them so intensely, but she didn't think the communists could keep them in line. She was
impressed by what Suarez had accomplished in so
littletime, and spokeof him as an honorable man.
Suarez had moved to the left in the weeks before
the election, and the Socialists and Commun ists
had moved right. But with her fears of the reaction
tothe Communists, she thought the Centralists or

Socialists were more likelyto hold Spain together,
and she wanted or needed that secuiity. Shè was
old, she said, and tears welled up in her eyes. At
least under Franco she knew she could go to the
hospital and be taken care of . Now she wasn't sure

4ullN luly14,'1977
J

uly 14, 1972 WIN 5

.t)

'Á memberof the Spanish Commrin¡st Party comes outof
the polit¡cal closet.

.

Had Suarez fai led to legal ize the Social i st and

Communist Parties, another civil war would have
been almost inevitable, ln another shrewd move,
Suarez disbanded the fascist National Movement,
Franco's para-govern mental pol ¡tical organ ization
which controlled extensive family, youth, sports,
and womens programs as well as 35 newspapers
and 45 radio stations. The National Movement
would have been a ready-made political force for
the ultra-right-wing Popular Alliance headed by
former lnterior Minister Manuel Fraga lribarne.
Fraga had been expected to be the strongest challenger to Suarez.
Suarez at one'point had been Secretary Ceneral
of the National Movement, as well as an influential
mqmber of two ultra-conservative Catholic organ izátions. lt was through these aff iliations and his
governorship of conservative Segovia, that he was
able to piece together his center-right coalition

which attracted support from voters who normally
were aligned with more conservativêoroutright
fascist parties. Suarez, however, did morethán
seek electoral support from his fascist friends., he
made them part of the government.

Left: A child rides pigey-back holding theflag ofthe Spanish Womens Liberation
Federation. Above:'Selling newspapers at a political rally.

youn gsters who systematical ly tore them al I down.
On the train from Madrid to Segovia an old man

explained to an older woman dressed in Spain's
traditional widoyv's black howthe vot¡ng would
work. As we passed a large park he pointed to
where the day before Spanish Communist Party
leader Santiago Carrillo had addressed a crowd of
200, 000 to,3 50,000 wh ich came to an al I day festival
sponsored bythe Communists. The road from
Madrid had been clogged for over seven hours by
cars carrying flag-waving Communists who passed
knots of people who cheered or boged depending
on their political affiliation.
Manyof the comrhunists attending the
rain.soaked rally seemed to be conf irming that the
partywas really legal; testing to see if thetanks
would roll in and crush theirfestival and signal a
return to fascism. They were disappointed when La
Pasionaria was unable to attend and li3tened
patiently, but with little enthusiasm, to a lackluster
speech by þarty leader Carrillo. Their exèitement
was reserved for the festival itself , with booths
selling communist-grown oranges, giant red flags
with a yellow hammer and sickle, and mounds of
newly-pri nted I iterature and propaganda.
. There were booths with information on struggles
in Chile, Argentina and Palestine; and booths with
beer and sandwiches. Itturned into a Spanish
Communist Woodstock, with the lnternationale
blaring,from a dozen loudspeakers and on the lips
of thousands of people, many of whom had brought
their children to see for the first time in four
decades what the losing side in the civil war had
been fighting for.
The memoryof thecivil war permeates Spain,
and although it is seldom talked about, except by
,

of anything, things were changing so fast, and the

wolves wereon the sfreetsof Madrid once again,
and she was afraid.

Ë

Despite the feai underlying the elections, most
Spaniards greeted the return to democratic forms,
and were excited bythe prospectof voting.
ln Torrejon, a small industrialcityoutside
Madrid, we stepped into a store to buy vegetables
just as a caravan of honking cars passed by
showering the street with socialist leaf lets. The
shopkeeper quickly pushed her cþildren outside

shouting "Look, Look!"-political demonstrations

were still a recent innovation in Torrejon and the
frenzied activity increased its pace as the el'ect¡oh
drew near. Torrejon itself was completely
plastered with colorful posters ranging from fascist
to communist, with scattered painted messages
from clandestine groups. On a small side streetwe
wandered intothe localCornmunist Party headquarters and found dozens of people crammed
inside stuffing envelopes and crating leaflets for

distribution
ln Barcelona, a leftist stronghold, the street
where families tooktheir evening stroll was lined
with tables offering political tracts and campaign
literature. ln the portcityof Tarragona a caravanof
cars endlessly circled the center of town with
heads, flags, and bullhorns sticking out of every car
window'in an effort to gain support for a leftist
coalition. ln Segovia, the faceof Suarez smiled
from a mosaicof campaign posters slapped on an
aquaduct built bythe Romans. ln quiet Campo
Real, afew miles from Cervantes' birthplace near
Madrid, a¡ army of youngsters Systematically
covered every tree with Popular Alliance posters;
followed later in the night by another army of
6WlN July14,

the fascists who won, the scars run deep and have
never really healed. We metone person whose
father had been dragged away from the dinner
table and shot for being a cornmunist shortly after
Frahco seized power. lt was not a unique story, nor

onewhich lay solely in the past. Earlierthis year
the dreaded Civil Cuard gunned down demonstrators in the Basque provinces who Were demonstrating for regional aûtonomy, amnesty for the
predom inately Basque pol itical prisoners, and
legalization of all political parties and organiza.
tions. Thethreedemands \{ere picked up by
socialists and communists throughout Spain, and
demonstrations and strikes escalated.
On J anuary 24 f ive communists were
assassinated in a Madrid labor off ice by the fascist
Anti-Communist Apostolic Alliance. This incident
sparked a new wave of strikes led by leftists, and the
retaliation murderof several police by terrorists.
Assassinations of leftists, fascists, and police
cgntinued through March along with increasing
demonstrations around a variety of leftist political
and economic issues in industrialcenters such as
Madrid, Catalunia and the Basque provinces. The
situation grew so volatile that the government was
forced to crack down on fascist gangs, liberalize
worker's rights to organize and strike, grant some
cosmetic autonomy, and modifythe laws banning
most pol¡tical parties. Onlythen did the violenre
subside. During this period the caretaker Suarez
government also rounded up hundreds of members
of clandestine paities to the left of the Communist

When Suarez disbanded the National Movement, he took the bureaucrats and officials and
merged them into Spain's governmental structure.
The National Movement's assets went to the
Finance Min istry, its media became part of the
lnformation Ministry, while its local programs
were placed under the Mi n istry of the Presidency.
With Suarez now in controlof a newly-elected
government, the fascist bureaucracy has become
instituticnalized and will have a critical impact òn
proposed sólutions to Spain's political and'
économ ic problems. Suarez wi I I i nstitute on ly thdse
reforms necessary to prevent an uprising, otherwise, the dead hand of Franco still guides the

government

iMfun
o

Er BEV

dlsAhs G,A:
t?r*Rr,oEl

o

o

Party of Spain.
Suarez is an old hard-line anti-communist and it
is'becauseof this reputation that he was ableto
convincethe militaryto not seize power during the
turbulent f irst three mon ths of 1977 . Suarez spent
the week before legalizing the Communist Paity in
a round of meetings placating militaryofficials and
anti-com m un i st pol itical leaders.' rWe defeated
(the Communists) in the (civil) war," he is quoted
as saying,

polls."'

"and nowwewill defeatthem atthe

Pólitique Hebdo/LNS

July14,1977 rtJlNT.
1977

?

ATOMKRAFT? NEIN DAI\ÏKE

After several hours of battling between the
thousands of demonstrators and policej'who used
water cannons and tear gas, the fence had been
broken in a few places, several people had been iniurêd and the site had still not been occupied.
Everyone went home.
Atthe J uneoccupation, manyof the peoplewere
from nonviolent action groups. Others agreed with
nonviolent means fôr tactical reasons, but were
open to chan gi ng their m inds. One of the great difficulties in the Cerman anti-nukes movement is
some groups belief that only hard or violent con-

I

from across the road, who built that power station,
come in the evenings and give a hand in building
the anti-atom-village. There are plans to build a
house for the foreign workers from the power plant;
as they live under very poor conditions inside the
fences.
By the weekend following the occupation about
1000 people were there. lt became diff icult to carry
through all those good ideas and intentions, like
individual responsibility and no hierarchical structures. Tensions grew here and there- but on the
whole things have been f ine so far.
The occupiers intentions are:

.

-To stay on the site, in order to stop that nuke, as
it will not be possible to produceenergy without the

HELGAWEBER.ZUCHT

cooling towers.
-To win the local people over, so that they can
makê it their anti-atom-village.

On Sunday )une12, about30peoplebegan an
occupation at a meadow just across the road from
the nucleár power stat¡on at Grohnde, West Germany. Various local no-nukes groups had decided
on this action on J une 6, as they expected a court
decision soon on whetherthe nuke's construction
would be stopped or continued. These groups laid
-, down conditions for the occupation:

-To help build mutual aid in the neighborhood.
-To start a sortof folk high school, insteadof
g
col lecti n g si gnatures and di stri

.

buti

*

1|

Drawings from the Cerman ant¡-nuke paper PARDON

Gibt es ein Leben auf dem Mond?

NEIN!
NEIN!
NOCH!

Gibt es Leben auf dem Mars?

Gibt es Leben auf der Erde?

frontations will mobilize the population. These
groups are constantly trying to increase their inf luence, so there are Elways conf licts over political
questions.
The same day that the occupation began,
mobilizing phone calls were made all over Cer-

Anti-Atom-Dorf
B 3 (Federal Road No. 3)
3254 E m me rfh al / Crohnde 7 7
West Germany.
An der

was finished, with a fireplace and toolshed. Within
one week another wooden round house, with
windows, a door, a turnable platform on top, a
kitchen-shed, a lavatory and a childrens' piayground had been built, We have also built a wellabout 30 feet deep-and many more wooden
houses are planned. People intend to make

days carried more than 3000 deutsclimark ($1200).
The occupiers try to organ ize themselveò . An
outre.ach g.roup goes round the villages, tálking to
people and inviting them to visit the new

,
;

anti-atom-village and listen to information about
nuclear power plants, look at the,úvind-generator

Helga Weber-Zuchtworks with the Cerman
no-nukes movement.
I WIN J uly

.

many and within less than 20 hours about 600
peoplq were on the site- unfortunately only a few
from local villages. These local peoplewill haveto
be convinced that the anti-atomvillage must grow
strong (without arms of course) and that it
especially needs their support.
On the very f irst day a wooden tent-like house

Crohnde a real anti-atom-village, with a youth
center for the local s, as there iinoth ing of that
kind available in thearea. Wood, tool rñoney, food
are brought along as donations by locals anclôther
people. A bank account was opened and within two

leaf lets.

So far, the police have not taken aR open interest.
However, f rom inside the fence of the buiLding site
a constant eye is kept pn the anti-atom-village, and
every move is watched, The plant is still growing
steadily, looking somewhat like a Ro¡nan amphitheatre.
On J une 14th, the Court decided that work must
stop on the building site, though not untiltwo
months after the written decision is delivered to the
Preuszische Elekrizitats AC. This means work will
not stop for three more months when most of the
reactor building will be f inished. The case was won
by a pharmaceutical f irm, after the Court ruled that
the nuclear power plant in its day-to-dayworkwithout any accidents is producing so much
radiôactivity that the medicine
produced in the
nearby villages (about one mile away) will be
worthless.
. lf you feel like writing an encouragin! letter to
the occupiers write to:

1 . nonviolent occupation o_n ly
2. no party politics on the site
3. occupation to continue until allwork for the
nuclear power station is stopped.
.

Two days before the occupation the groups had
received word that workwas to start on thecooling
towers built in the meadow. Although this information was not correct, the groups feared a repetition of last year's surprise and decided to proceed
anyway. A year ago, a huge f ield of wheat had been
cut down , barbed wire fences had been erected and
police with watch dogs had been "installed'/ to
safeguard the beginning of building forthe
Crohnde nukes, all in the courseof one night.
The f irst occupation of the site was in February,
when several hundred people arrived with f lowers
and songs (though obviously there were some tools
for cutting the fence). No violent confrontation took
place and the occupation lasted for about two to
three hours. Some attempts were made to establish
affinity groups on the site, not in advance, and no
one thought they would work. Some went ahead
and cut the fence, while others were still discussing
whetherto act. Still, people thought the process
had worked sati sfactori ly.
The demonstrators left of their own will after
being asked to do so by local no-nukei groups who
feared a violent conf rontation such as had occurred
at the site in Brockdorf earlier ín the month, The
groups were concerned about the loss of symþathy
such a confrontation would provoke.
The second océupation oicurred on March 19.
Within the month the fence had been f ixed in concrete, with added rows of NATO barbed wire. Some
people came heavily " armed" with things they
thought would be usef ul to tearing down the fence.

n

and learn about the dangers of nukes. T-hey seem to
come along, even if it takes time. Even the workers

14, 1977

July14,1977 WlN9
I
1

--l'l

,i

vv

tt

Itr

Tom Lewis is another artist who

Æ

has combined his politics and his
art in the movement, beginning

with work ín civil rights with CORE
(Congress of Racial Equality) and
through the anti-war marches and
actions. Most recently, he participated in the occupation of
Seabrook and Concord Armory and
chronicled events with notes and
drawings, some of which are
reproduced here. Tom works and
lives in Cambridge, Massachu-

rl
t.'

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\
Cqcv LtÞE-uwoE\

^4
>-l'-'lrrE aou.o4þ a\¡o\Y

setts where he shares a printmaking studio with artist Ellie

Rubin

-WlN

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1977

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wC-

tuly14,1977 WlN11

Bv the mid-six(ies, the FDA had approved
over 1500 different chemicals for use in ice
cream. Some curious ones include:

Ammonium, calcium, Potasium and
sodium casinates
Oat gum
Carrageenan
a

o

Microcrystal I ine cel lulose (slightly larger
particles are now put in bread by ITT Coniinental. Still larger particles are made into

paper,likethis Page.)
Dioctyl sodi um sulfosuci nate.

lf it says chocolate, you may be getting
amphenyl acetate or propylene flycol.
Strawberry f lavor may be glacial acetic
acid, benzoacetate, or methyl salicyclate.
Vanilla may be piperonal, which is great for
killine lice and is related to some heavy

tranquilizers.
Banana f lavor may be amyl acetate, which
is a f ine paint

thinner.

You may think its pineapple, but is it really

ethyl acetate?
Butyraldehyde makes a dandy walnut
flavor, as well as improving the qualityof
rubber cement.

Drawings by Þeg Averill.

..

"+it'

NEIL FULLAGAR
Confession
As ashamed as I am to admit it, just a few years ago
I was a Baskin-Robbins junkie. Hooked to the tune
of $2 a day, and left a demoralized wreck.
Each day I would hurry to meet my connection
nearthe University, then rush homewith my31 fix.
After doinguptheQuart, I would nôd out until time
to raise money to repeat the process.
As with other addictions, mine forced to me deal.
with the criminal element.
Poison Plastic Fluff

Until now, ice cream, unlike mostfoods, has not
been required to be labeled by what's in it. Under

newfederal rules, some minimum labeling will be
required, but itwill be mostly byfunction. ln some
cases manufacturers will be permitted to d.irectly
mislabel, as in calling butterfat recovered from
cheesemaking "cream."
You may be told that your dessert contains
artificial color, artificial flavor, emulsifiers and
stabilizers. No one is likely to tell you that the con'
tents are used, besides in ice cream, to kill lìce, thin
paintor keep radiators from freezing. Northat the
NeilFultagar is afrequentWtN contributor with

a

color has been identif ied as a carcinogen but the
industry is being permitted to use up its B00ton
stockto avoid "undue hardship." And certainly
they won't tell you that the principal ingredient is
atr.
' Waterweightsabouteight pounds per gallon. lf
you've ever wondered why a carton of ìce crçam
weighs so little, it's because it's not all there!
Commercial ice cream is grossly sweet, to continue in the tradition started with sugar in babyfood . . . not just the fruit but the vegetables and the
meat, too. And the colors of ice cream are sur-

realistic.

Cure
I can't recommend a diet of all ice cream. But, in
moderation, real ice cream is agood, legitimate
food, with protein, calcium and vitamins A and D.

Besides, it tastes good.
But in most places, you simply can't buy real ice
cream without a lot of weird chemical ingredients.
But . . . you can take the matter into your own hands
and make it.
You need a freezer- preferably hand crank.
Check rumage sales and Aunt Tillie's attic. You
could use one of the modern electric jobs, but it
doesn't come out the same somehow and cranking
is half the,fun.
Put the freezer in the freezer, with ice packed
around it. Pour in the cream to ¿hill while you do
the rest. Beat eggs, then mix with the milk, salt,
sugar (honey, whatever), and the fruit, chocolate,
etc. Pour the whole bus i ness i nto the f reezer can,
cover, and f ill tub to top with ice and salt. Crank
until it f ights back. Uncover caref ully and eat joy-

fully.
Experiment. lt's vour ice cream. Use moreor
less of anything if it iastes better.
lce cream to the people!

'l quartfresh heavy cream
'l quart whole milk (use not

quite all)

3 eggs
1/z
112

'l

teaspoon salt
cup honey

quartstrawberries
half mashed
half in large pieces

-N.F.

sweet tooth.
J

12t{\ll{ July14,1977

uly 14, 1977 WIN 13

The B-1 Gone
But Not Forgotten
PATRICK LACEFIELD
President Carter, in a surprise move last week,
stunned liberals and conservatives, as well as
peace activists and defense workers by announcing,
his plans to scrap the B-1 bomber. " J think that in
toto the B-1 , a very expensive weapons system
bas ical ly conceived i n the absence of the cruise
missile factor, is not necessary," asserted Carter.
The reaction from B-'l supporters and opponents
was immediate, ranging f rom "They are breaking
'open the Vodka bottles in Moscow" (Representative
Robert Dornan of California, whose district includes Rockwell lnternational's B-1 plant) to
"Three cheers for the President-we can now
avoid squandering $100 billion on a20th century
version of the Spanish Arinada" (Senator Frank
Church of ldaho).
The demise of the bomber meant different things
to different people. For the Air Force, the B-1 decision signif ied an end, at least for the near future, to
their quest, in itiated in the mid 1960s, for a new
manned bomber to replace the B-52. Cone also was
thé opportunity to enhance their prestige vis-a-vis
the other armed services by procurement of the
new weapons system. Rockwell lnternational had a
political plum snatched from their grasp; of the

at,Ð

three companies competing for the prime contract,
Rockwell submitted the highest bid and the worst
performance specifications. ln addition, the
company left no stone unturned in exerting political pressure to assure production of this lucrative
contract. Mi I I ions of dol lars were expended for
propaganda and Rockwell lobbyists swarmed over
Capitol H i I I i n a cogent example of h gh-pressure
salesmanship.
Leading the struggle against the B-1 bomber was
the Stoþ the B-1 Bomber National Peace Conversion Campaign, a coalition of 26 national organizations, including peace, church, environmental, and
labor organizations, initiated by the American
Friends Service Committee and Clergy and Laity
Concerned. Over thé past three yeart-as a result of
the efforts of the Campai gn, popular resistance has
grown against the B-1. A recent Harris poll reveal ed th at 44o/o of the American people opposed
production of the B-1, as compared with27%o in
favor. Demonstrations againstthe B-1 bombertook
place in over 100 cities and towns last J anuary ànd
a recent "phone-in" day sponsored bythe Campaign f looded the White House switchboard with
anti:bomber calls.'
There can be little doubt that the peace movement
and its allies have won a victory with Cärter's decision, butthe questíon remains: how much of avictory has been achieved? A weapons system has
been eliminated-no mean accomplishment in
i

PatrickLacef ield, along-timeanti B-1 bomber
activist, is the newestmember of theWlN staff
14WlN July14,1977

these days of r:ising military spending-and the
movement demonstrated that by focussing on a
particular project we can emerge the victors even
with resources limited as compared to Rockwell
and the Pentagon. Forging the divérse coalition
against the B-1 was likewise valuable in establishing common ground with organizations such as
Environmental Action, the American Federation of
State, County and Municipal Employeesand
others which augurs wellforcooperation in the

ChnN

future.
As a presidential candidate, Carter denounced
the B-1 as "a system which should not.be funded
and is wasteful of taxpayers' dollars." By keeping
faith with his campaign promise, he has saved $27
billion, but these savings will not be applied to

domestic social programs currently faci n g f i nancial
cutbacks and a decrease of their abilityto meet
human'needs. Carterdid not make his decision in
the context ofthe "people versus weapons"
ideology advanced by the Stop the B-1 Bomber
Campaign and its Congressional allies. Ratherr his
decii ion was basical ly iechnocratic, def i ned in
terms of cost-effecitveness and strategic strength,
as evidenced by Secretary of Defense Brown's statement that had the B-1 been 30% less expensive it

would probably have been approved by Carter.
The demise pf the B-1 bomber does not signal an
acceleration in American efforts to reach an arms
control agreement by the Carter Administration. ln
fact, quite the contrary. By substituting the cruise
missile for B-1 production as more "bangs for the
buck," we diminish significantly the chances for an
4greement with the Soviets. The cruise missile will
destabilizethe balance of power and bring about
massive problems insofar as the problem of verif ication is concerned in arms controltalks.
The problem of þeace conversion was not df concern to Carter in his decision. While the headlines
blared "10,000 J obs Lost" and television interviews sought out B-1 workers vyho spoke of their
f inancial difficulties, Carter has made no moves to
support the concept of peace conversion or legislation already introduced in Congresg which would
provide benef its and training to defense workers

knee-jerk reactiôns predictably oppose any move,
even the most minimal, to slash military spending
or move toward genuine disarmament. Carter,
howéver, is notoffering this as afirst steptoward
either reordering national priorities or a more conciliatory position on arms control. The task remains
with us to initiate aserious debateon an alternative
strategy of "national security," renounçing our
n uclear f irst-stri ke pol icy, control I ing weapons
research and development and substantially
cutting back warheads and military spending,
while applying the dividends toward programs
meeting human needs.

\
USSENATE DEBATES
NEUTRON BOMB BEHIND
CLOSEDDOORS
On J uly 1, the United States
Senate exc[uded the American
people, the press and even most
Senate staffers to decide the fate of

the "enhanced radiation warhead;" more commonly known as
the neutron bomb. The neutron
bomb is being touted as a "ctean
weapon" which reduces the blast
effect incurred in the use of a conventional nuclear warhead while
killing through radiation.
Funds for this new warhead
were tucked away in the Energy
Research and Development Ad' ministration
budget for "public
works" and yet President Carter
has stated that he only recently
learned oÍ thebomb's existence.
However, Carter clearly desi res
thatthe estimated 10 million dollars remain in the budget until he
reaches a production decision,
prior to October 1
-the start of

whose jobs are terminated.
Our iesponse to Carter's termination of the B-1
bomber should be seen as twofold. On theone
hand, we must rise to the defense of Carter's decision since it will continue to draw hostile fire from
those sectors of the Congress, the American
public, and the military-industrial complex whose

fiscal year197B.

Senator Mark Hatf ield (R-Oregon) led the f ight against the bomb
in the closed session, stating

that

1'my personal view is to ban the

bomb." ln response Senator John

.

ES

Stennis (D-Mississippi) asserted
the weapon was "the best news
l've heard in years" and Secretary
of Defense Hárold Brown charac-'
terized the neutron bomb as "a
usef ul mi litarv adiunct. " Hatf ield's motion'to d'elete production
funds for the bomb weni down to
narrow defe at,43-42, but debate
will continue following the J uly 4
recess due to the threat of a f ili-

buster by Hatfield and $enator
Edward Kennedy (D-Mass. ).
Letters in opposition to the
development of this weapon
should go to your United States
Senators as well as President
Carter so that this particular attempt to make nuclear conf lict
more

"clean" and "thinkable"

Other speakers included the
state's ultrarightist governor,
Meldrim Thomson, whoonce advocated arming the national guard

with nuclear weapons, and Prof .
Norman Rasmussen, authorof a
widely criticized report that
"proved'i that nuclear plants are

safe.

-Militant

might be nipped in the bud.

-Newsdesk
PRO.NUCLEAR RALLY
Some 3,000 people demonstrated
)une26 in Manchester, New
Hampshire, in re'sponse to the

protest over the May 1 weekend
against construction of a nuclear
power plant in nearby Seabrook.
Newspaper accounts reported that
a majority of the crowd were union
members.
But the rally was f inanced and
organized by utilities and union
bureaucrats, not working people
and consumers. Two utilitiesoneof themon Long lsland-offered to pick up the tab for travel
costs and provide a free lunch and
dinner for any employee who
wanted to go.
The New Hampshire Voice of
Energy, which sponsored the rally,
received $150Ofrom Public Service
Corporation, which owns the disputed Seabrook nuclear plant.
The crowd heard a message
from Peter Brennan, who gained
national notoriety in 1970 as a construction-trades un ion off icial who
defended violent attacks on antiVietnam War demonstrators in
New York City. Brennan also
served as Nixon's Secretary of
Labor.

RIGHT AROUND THE CORNER?

According to the New York fimes
of J une 16,1977 , Pat Stark, president of the national Fraternal
Orderof Police believes "theonly
thing that's going to stand between thiri country and acomplete
takeover by the Communists is the
people who wear the badge and the
gun. " Stark made these remarks
at a convention of Arizona law enforcement off icers in Flagstaff ,
Arizona and also claimed that four
of Carter's top appointees were
"registered Commun ists. " Asked
to document this charge and disclose names, Mr. Stark declined.

-Newsdesk
WHO SAYS STEVENS

IS

A

BUMEMPTOYER?
J

ames D. Finley, chairman of the

board of J . P. Stevens doesn't think
the giant, union-busting textile
f irm is such a bum outf it to work

for. lndeed, it's very generous-to
him

anyway.

.

Stevens paid him a salaryof
$184,000 in 1976 with a bonus of

another $184,000. That's $368,000
for one year's hard work, up from a
total of $230,ffiO in 1975.
The company's president,

Whitney Stevens, does okay, too.
Ju|y14,1977 rNlN15

He p'ulled clow,rl .r 192ôconìbinecl
sal.rrv and bonr¡s of $296.000.
Each of thenr rvill be entitled to a
perrsiorr of rlorr¡ than $91 ,()00 a

ve(ìr t-ln retirenlent.
Workers for Stevens who retirecl

in 1!)7.{ received lunrp sum paynìerìts oi $770 and no pension to
follow, atter years of service at
sr.rbstandard wages.
North Carolina Anvil
EVENTS

AUST¡N, TX
-American Friends
Service Committee sponsors a con-

ference on "Toward a New lnternational Economic Order: Cooperation or Conf rontation ?" with
speakers and workshops, Friday,
J uly 29-Satu rday , )uly 30. For
information, contact: Ken
Carpenter, AFSC, 600 West 28th
St., -102, Austin, fX7B7OS.(512)
474-2399. $10 registration fee.

of the permit, at 9:30 am, Thursday, August 4, at the Health

Departnrent, 125 Worth St. For
more information, contact: Lorna
Salzman at Friends of the Earth,
675-5911

SANTA CRUZ, CA-The Resource Center for Nonviolence will
hold a series of "Conversations in
Nonviolence" with lra Sandperl,
luly 14-23 and August 12-21. Ses-

sions will be at theCenter, 515

PORTLAN D, ONTARIO Disarmament Education Workshop
hosted by Project Ploughshare,
focussing on development of
issues and skills, J uly 15 - J uly 25,
For more information, write:
Ploughshares, Conrad Crebel College, Waterloo, Ontario N2L 3C6.

sAN LUtSOB|SPO, CA-The
Abalone Alliance is organizing a
nonviolent direct action against
the Diablo Canyon nuke fõr the
August 6 weekend. Area residents
interested in participating in this
and other anti-nuke activities in
southern California can contact the
Alliance at: PO Box'1598, San Luis

obispo, cA 93406. (SOÐ 144-7145.

Broadway; suggested donations
$30-50. For information, contact
the Center at: PO Box2324,Santa
Cruz, CA 95063, (4OS) 423-1626.
We would particularly like to list

events.people are organ izi ng
around Hiroshima and Nagásaki
days. Many groups will belpqnsoring actions relating to nuclear
power and disarmament. To get
your.action listed in EVENTS,
send it on a postcard to: Events,

WlN, 503 AtlanticAve., 5th floor,
Brooklyn, NY 11217. Be sureto include time, date, place and name
of the sponsoring organization.
Don't forget to send an address
and phone number for people to
contact.

BANGOR, WA-The Pacific Life
Community is sponsoring a Summer long program, J une 25 August 14, to build nonviolent
resistance to the Trident base at
Bangor. For information on

T

Bangor Summer workshops and

actions, contaCt, Bangor Summer
Task Force, PLC,61624th Ave.
East, Seattle, WA (206) 324-7184.
"1k
1à

LACEY,

WA-TheWR, \nnual

Conference at the Crinwrr. J Conference & Retreat Center, August
11-14. For information, contact:
WRL, 331-17th Ave. East, Seattle,
WA 98112 or 339.Lafayerte St.,

NY, NY1OO12.

MEDIA, PA - The Brandywine
Alternative Fund will sponsor a
series of "presences" in the
Chester and Delaware county
areas during August6-9, the Hiroshima-Nagasaki bombing commemorations. Anyone interested
in participating can contact BAF,
(21 5) 656-0247 or 565-17 65.
NYC

-Member

of the American-

Portuguese Overseas I nformation
Organization will speak on "Updateon Portugal" atthe Free

Association,

5

West20th St., Fr¡-

,7 :3O pm. For rnore
i nformation, call 212-691 -0699.

day, J uly

ta

(

15

NYC- Hea¡ing by New York City

on denial of permit for Columbia-

University's nuclear reactor. A
large turnout will êncourage deniat

l6ttJl¡l )ulv14,1977

i

D

Hello Friends. There's a lot happening.

NEWWTR COUNSELORS &
ALTERNATTVE FUNDS:
Rod Nippert
Rt.1, Box90B
Amesville,Ohio45711
Rod is also writing a regular
WTR column for Ïhe Pe acemaker,
which has movedto PO Box 4793,
Arcata, CA 95521.
WRL/WTR in Seattle now has a
"rej uvenated" alternative f und.
Their new, complete listing is:
War Resisters League/War Tax
Resistance

331-17Ave. East
Seattle, WA9B112
gen eral inf o : 206/ 525-9486
Louise

WTR counselors:
206 / 362-8106 ( I rwin

He al so
does counseling by mail.)
206 / 322 / 24 47 ( Allce / Lar ry )

-

Seattte Alternative Fund

206/323-1113
MASS. TAXRESISTANCE
CROUP
A few tax resisters in Franklin
County have been meeting since

April in an attempttoform asup-

port group. Persons interested in
being part of this group should
contact Wally and J uanita Nelson,
Woolman Hill, Deerfield, Ma.
01342.

TAXCOURT
Two Seattle area resisters had Tax
Court hearings on J une 6. These

are the f irst west coast Tax Court

doings l've heard about and l'd

liketo knowaboutothers. lt's useul for us to keep track of the number of court cases, where they take
place, when, with what arguments, and what decisions.
ln Boston last month Bob Carey,
a Quaker from New Hampshire
and Paul Monsky of Cambridge,
took IRS to courq it was the second
time for both. While on May 9
Robin Harper, long time wartax
resister and founding memberof
the Brandywine Alternative Fund,
went to court again. Harper, who
has taken his case to court several
times, has openly refused paymen!
of Federal taxes since 1958. The 48
year old carpenter who serves on
the maintenance staff at Pendle
Hill, a Quaker Study Center in
Wallingford, PA, began his tax
protest during the nuclear testing
of the late 50's and continued
throughout the war in I ndochina.
Recently Harper stated, "My
conscience continues to be stirred
by the insane stockpiling of hydrogen bombs and the feverish
developmentof such weapon systems as the B-1 bomber and the
strategic cruise missile. "
ln NewYork, Jeff Marx, a
Jewish pacifist, introduced arguments to Tax Court emphasizing
the unique posit¡on of peace within
the J ewish tradition. Special Trial
J udge Johnston, in granting the
IRS' motion for judgement on the
pleadings noted, " Petitioner's
argument is that under the compulsion of thetraclitions of his
faith, he has a special roleto PlaY
'in bringing about the Messianic
Age.'This requires him to eschew
all form of violence whether
agaínst nat¡ons or individuals' and
to refrain from supporting such actions if taken byothers. lt is his
sincere belief that onlv bv faithf ul
adherence to the traditions of his
faith willworld peace be
achieved."
I n spite of the fact that all our
WTR cases are denied a full
hearing becauseof the inevitable
"motion for judgement on the
pleadings, " the presence of
resisters in court arguing against
the motion is stilla meaningtul
event. lt is always dramatic be-

f

cause we are odd presences in
those neat, middle-class courts
and because courts are verY like

theaters with their stages, casts of
characters, convdntions, conf I icts,
ánd often moving displays of emo-

The following article appeared
in theBoston Clobeon J une 6,
1977.

tions, beliefs, and struggles.
Transcripts f rom pol itical trials
have made exciting performances
in courts and theaters in recent

begin production of its l¡rst

The united States

nuclear battlef ield wea7on
specif ically designeil to kill people

years. I think we need to get some
on prime time TV.

through the release of neutrons
rather than to destroY militarY
installations through heat and
blast.
F u nds to start building an " enhanced radiation" warhead for the

NUKESAND TAXES
With Seabrook stillfresh in our
minds and the growing mobilization against use of nuclear
weapons and power sprouting
local and national anti-nukes
groups, l've been thinking a lot
about the need now to stress our
protest against nuclear power in
wartax resistance. lt's all partof
the same insane military/corporate greed game, isn't it? Only now
the stakes are infinitely higher for
everyone. lt seems time toJi nd out
exactly what portion of tax dollars
is going into research and development of nuclear weapons and
power plants and to let the people
know. New England WTR is planning a brochureon the subject and
I hope WTR folk throughout the
country will consider similar
projects and links with groups like
Mobi I ization for Survival.
On April 15 activists Saunders
Dickson and RobèrtM. Smith
blocked entrance to the I RS office
in West Chester, PA by chaining
themselves to the off ice doorway.
The nonviolent action was taken to
protest the use of taxes for nuclear
weapons. According to a statement issued by the activists, who
are members of the Brandywine
WTR Center, "Today we chain
ourselves to these doors to interrupt the f low of taxes for nuclear
arms. The shackles laid upon these
doors represent the shackling of

is abouìtto

Ë6-mile-range Lance missile are

buried in the Energy Research and
Dev

e

I

opme nt Ad m

¡

n

¡

str ati on

portion oÍ the $10.2-billion publicworks appropriations bill now
beÍore Congress.
Note that funds forthe "en-

.

hanced radiation" warhead are
"buried in the Energy research
and Development Adm in i stration
portion of the $10.2 billion public
works appropriations bill . . . !" We
suspect that much of other deathworks taxes are hidden under

seemingly benign programs.
Remember "Food For Peace?" So
even if you pay that part of your:
federal tax that supposedly goes
for constructive works, aside from
the ClA, FBl, etc., you will be
paying for weapons systems,
chemical warfare and other
horrors.
WORLDPEACE TAXFUND
WPTF reports that 80,000 oi their
war tax protest cards were ordered
before April 15 this year and that

"The flood of cards has caused
members of congress to take the
issue far more seriously than ever
before.l' Four new sponsors of the
WPTF Billare Rep. RobertW.

Edgar (D-PA), Daniel Clickman
(q-KS), Ceorge Miller (D-CA) and
Richard Nolan (D-MN). Mark HatAmericans and allof humanityto
f ield (R-OR) and Mike Cravel
nuclear overkill policies and
(D-AK) co-sponsored the Senate
weapons systems."
bill. (The Senate bill 5BB0 and the
Along with those chained to the , House B¡ll, H.R. 4897 are identiIRS doorway, other persons held
cal. ) WPTF urges letters to your'
banners saying, "Our taxes pay
reps urging sponsorship of the
for 3 H-bombs a day" and
bills.
"Nuclear Arsenal : Humanity's
A 20 minute slide show for
No. 1threat."
potential supporters of the WPTF
Dickson and Smith were
is being produced by Ceorgia and
' Ed Pearson. lf you have materials
arrested and released with citations. ln mid-May a hearing took
or suggestions on content, get in
touch with them promptly at44
Place and the men who let off with
a summary disorderly charge and a
Bellhaven Rd., Bellport, NY
$70 f ine
11713.
- Susan Wilkins
July14,'1977 WlN17

I
\

DIARYOF AMAD PTANNER
Robert Snetsinger
New York / Winchester Press I 1976 I i6.95 I 177
pages, hardcover

Reviews
THE RAPE OFOUR NEICHBORHOODS
William Worthy
New York: William Morrow & Co. / 276pages/ $8.95
hardcover / 3.95 paper
Near where I live on Roxbury's Fort Hill is an empty

revoked by the State Department Early in 1970 he
was informed that his apartment building, facing l)lew
York's Columbus Hospital, had been bought bythe

a parking lot.
lmperialism had come home. Like increasing numbers of others who have stood
valley where a neighborhood was destroyed a decade
in the way of lnterstate highways and urban renewal
ago for an expressway thatwas never bililt. Half a
projects, Worthy and some of the other tenants
mile away is the site of what was to be a 4-level interdecided to stick together and f ight the hospital. They
change with anotherexpressway, between two large
stood their ground and survived the bluffs of hospital
housing projects. l-95 andthe lnner Belt, dreams
administrators,
heatless mornings, the defections of
f rom an earlier age, would have done for Boston and
tenants who had been boughtoutto move, and even
Cambridge what the Cross Bronx did for New York.
outright terror (an unleashed attack dog in the hallAt least the residents of those projects were saved
ways) by a management f irm hired to get them out.
f rom getting gassed alive. The area'has been
Final ly, after six years of struggle- after emdevastated. A jag ged f ive-m i le-long scar remai ns
barassing
the administrators again and again about
at once testimony to the powerlessness of the poor who
their
lies
dishonesty-the tenants won.
and
stood ín the way of the Department of Public Works, a
Because Columbus isa religious hospital, the
tribute to the coalition that f inally killed these highways, and a challenge for that same coalition (now the hypocrisy and ruthlessness of its administrators þecame the perfect foil for the tenants. Their most in.
Southwest CorridorCoal ition) to organ ize orderly,
genious tactic was to address an appeal to the Popebenef icial development.
in Latin. Properly used; the mass media can become
Two horrifying chapters of Robert Caro's work
an arm of the struggle.
The Power Broker detail how Robert Moses munched
Worthy demonstrates that hospitals and other
through one Bronx neighborhood with autocratic dis"nonprof
it charitable" institutions are no less
dain for its residents, who vainly attempted to conrapacious and capitalistic than any other businessvince him of an alternate routethatwould havetaken
something I well knowafterworking fortwo years as a
fewer houses and caused less disruption. One
conscientious objector in the Deaconess Hospital¡ t
generatidn later, the Cross Bronx rèsembles nothing
part of a Boston medical complex of ten hospitals and
so much as a giant sewer for cars, f lanked by gutted
Harvard Medical Schoolthat is slowly leveling several
tenements.
nei ghborhoods for their version of " progress J'
Fortunately, the Boston expressway, urussud too
Columbus
Hospital, too, is part of a complex, nickmany enem ies for the DPW to overcome, once they
named "bedpan alley"; and the need for more meiiihad un ited : Cambridge academ ics, wh ite ethn ics and
cal facilities in that neighborhood was, at best, quesinner:city blacks whose homes wereon the line, Hyde
tionable
at atime when hospitals in poor neighborPark and Roslindale propertyowners, and suburban'
hoods are being cut back. The allureof federal monies
ecologists alarmed by plansto slicethrough awildlife
for medicine, education and highways has spawned
reservation.
an incredible corruption of values, which plays upon
The Rape of Our Neighborhoods. The title shocks
the diseäsed logic of expansionism: bigger is necesthe reader. But just as women are learning to defend
sarily better
themselves, so the sub-title offers a vigorous reThe fightto saveone smallapartment building
joi nder : " how commun ities are resi sti n g take-overs
from
the wrecking crane is an exciting story upon
by colleges, hospitals, churches, businesses and
which
Worthy builds an admirable handboôkfor
public agencies."
It is a book born of personal struggle. I first heard of community organizers. He suggests tactics, citing
many similar struggles, both those that have sucWilliam Worthy in the mid-1960's, when PhilOchs
ceeded
and those that have not. The book's bias
protest
recorded a
song-tribute to Worthy, a
toward New York and Boston reflects the foci of
journalist who had visitedCuba and had his passport
Worthy's life, and in partalsotheoriginsof this
movement in theolder, mere industrialized sections
J oh n Ky per i s a member of the F ort Hi I I F aggots tor
F r eedom co I I ective i n Roxbu r y . J oh n Atl as i s a I awy er
of thenation. (Houston, afterall, stillhas nomunicipalzoning, enamored as it is, still, with "progfess.")
and tenant organizer . He was one of the tounders of
Shelterforce (3B0Main St., E. Orange, NJ 07018),a
The Rape of Our Neighborhoods is a must for act¡v¡sts
national housing pub'lication, which is attemptingto
concerned by the ingtitutionalized destruction of our
qualityof life, and determined to fight backat every
draw |acal housing activists together totorm a
str o n ge r n ati on al movernent.
turn.

Hospital to be demolished for

t

t

,B

Diary of a Mad Planner is a fitting companion to
William Worthy's book, another embattled
pêrspective on the worki n g s of " progress. " Robert .
Snetsinger has written a small volume, but one that
combinespassion with a dry, hitting hümor: "Americans worsh ip dead cars instead of Cod ! I n the begin:
ning there were headlights and in the end ta¡ll¡gñts.
Each year 50,000 lives ãre offered on the altar oÍ the
highway."
. ..Snetsinger begins with the sametheme as Worthy.
His father was forced to sell the family farmstead
.when it was bisected by a new süperhighway.,"My
home town makes good," the firit chaþter, describes
how a community of a few hundred became a
sprawling series of subdivision in a Midwestern
megalopolis. Thecontinuity has bèen broken, and "now like the Acadians we must wander from place to
plâce, rootless."
Butthe bookdoes not dwell.on sentimentality.
The
'
author reviews his experiences as a memberof
various municipal planning commissions- He
describes the power plays and corruption that inevitably seem to come into play when there is "Prime
land ripe for development" (another chapter)-the
highway lobby and its allies, construction companies
that build shoddy houses, the developers of hi!hrise
Forest Lawns. Perhaps most novel in this context is
his critique of the American¡mania for pets and welltrimmed turf as poor replacements for the wildlife and
vegetation that got decimated in the rush to subùrbanization. So many such communities, he'says,
aie ruled by a "country-club Cosa Nostra."
One thing that mars Snetsinger's excellent little
book, however, is the author's occasional, subtle
homophobia. Who needsto betoldthat NewYork's
Central Park is "filled with deviates and drug
pushers?" lt's a gratuitous touch that, really, has no
place in such an enlightened book.
-.lohn Kyper

chanting "we won't move" the lnternational Hotel
Tenants Association forced San Francisco officials to
back down from evicting S0elderlytenants,

HOUSI NG : An Anarchist Approach

C-olinWard

/ London I

Freedom Press

1976

TENANTS FIRST! A Research and Organizing Guide
to FHA Housing
and

COMMUNITY HOUSING DEVELOPMENT
CORPORATIONS: The Empty Promise
Urbañ Planning Aid, ß9 Mäsiachusetts Ave.,
Cambridge, MA
In recentyears localhousing struggles have increasingly gained national áttention.

CPF

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18WlN July14, 1977

Nearly 60,000 people in Coop City, New York with.
held $27 million in rents for over a year despite service
cutbacks, court injunctionq, threatened fines and
jailings of leaders, threatened utility cutoffs and the
anti-strike propaganda of the mass mè¡dia. After 13
months the rent strikers stabilized rents, stopped all
evictions., and replaced the corrupt housing management with the strike leaders.
W¡th thb help of thousands of demonstrators

¡

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ln Massachusetts, the Tenants First Coalition, a
Murray Bookchin's The Limits of the City.
statewide group of tenant unions numbering over
The closing part of the book addresses the question
4,000 people, has been f ighting a large corporate
of ownership. Ward argues against municipalization
landlord for over six years úsing rent strikes and
of private rented housing and for independent
eviction blocking.
housing cooperatives . The State is the enemy, the
ln Michigan, the Ann Arbor Tenants Union (AATU) ethos is voluntarism, the strategy tenant controls
after six years of tenant militancy including rent
th rough private cooperatives.
strikes, won an unprecedented collective bargaining
Tenant " control" or self management is undoubtagreement with one of the city's largest landlords.
ably an important short term means of ameliorating
The settlement means lower rents, better mainthe most authoritarian aspects of bureaucratic and
tenance and most signif icantly, control over lease
private landlord control. But there are limitations that
clauses in the f uture.
belie its radical potential. Ward himself raises a
i *r.ràt ir'¡nãpi"g
as a massive rent strike,
number of objections to his version of tenant control
growing at the rate of"p
30-40 apartments per day,
i ncl udi n g th at "ten ant takeovers presuppose and
Detroit's public housing tenants are uniting against a exalt the virtues of ownership, while in a desireable
4OOo/o rent hike.
social order privateownership of real property would
Ruraltenants in Fennsylvania and Hawaii are using not exist." Ward adds, " . . . I believe in socialownerdirect action to save their homes against large corship of social assets, but I think it's a mistake to conporate developers. Mobile homeowners are str¡king
f use society with the state. Co-operativeownership
in Delaware. ln New J erseythe longest public housseems to me to be a better concept of social ownership
ing rent strike led to tenant management. ln New
than ownership by the state or by the municipality. "
York an increasingly more militant squatters moveWard concedes, . . "thata greatdeal of education will
ment is growing.
be needed before we achieve tenant control . . . Before
Nearly every city in the country is witnessing rent
you start a co-operative society you have to have some
strikes, eviction blocking, tenant takeovers and other gr¿sp of cooperative principles. Anytenants' associastrugg les against unscrupulous landlords, greedy
tion that takes the idea serious would have to set out
banks and the uncaring machineryof government.
on a long campaign of education and propaganda. "
Accompanying the emerging movement is a politiMoreover, the demands forownership by a few are
cal debate that has divided the leftthroughout history not only easily incorporated into the present system
and has serious implications forthe futureof the
but tend to coopt those making the demand from enhousing movement. Shallwealth and property be
gaging in larger political activity. lt is not the content
divided or shared? Should the housing activists
of the demands fortenant control, but the circumemphasize private cooperative or public housing?
stances in which they are'made which must be quesln otherwords, will housing activists sidewith
tioned.
those who on the one hand advocate dividing up
Earlier attempts at workers control and worker's
wealth protecting the ownership rights of small
self
management at the factory are instructive. {
homeowners and encouraging cooperatives and
Cermany is an example of workers control withoút
private community development corporations. Or will publicownership (nationalization). ln thecoal and
activists emphasize publíc ownership or mun icipal isteel industries, management and labor have equal
zation of private rental housing, and tenant actions
representation on the bodíes that manage the industhat will forge alliance with groups intent on overtries. ln other Cerman industries workers elect a
throwing the whole system.
smäller percentage of the board of directors.
Colin Ward, a British authority on housing and
Workers limitthe powerof management by joining
anarchist propagandist, sides with the former. His
in assuming responsibility for production quotas,
patterns of investment and other management decirecent book Housing: An Anarchist Approach brings
together articles covering 30 years of advocacy of the
sions but have no power to direct the whole economy
anarchist path to housing. He includes accounts of the in any essential way. Ultimate economic power repost World War ll squatters movement and of do it
mains with those persons who provide capital for
yourself housing in Britain and elsewhere. ln his disindustry: largeshareholders, the banks. The roleof
cussion of public housing he blames its failure on the
the workers is really advisory since the right to select
'
lack of tenant involvement and the imposition of ofamong a numberof options is determined from above.
policies
people
perception
ficial
on
whose own
Tenantownershipor "control" in the US is similar
of their
housing needs is systernatically ignored.
to "workers control" in Cermany since there is no
ln the fourth part of the book, Ward raises the
publ ic ownership of the housing industry and the
question of professionals vs. people, bringing to mind capital that finances it. The dangers of this typeof
Lewis Mumford's exhortation to a whole generation
tenant ownership are excellently spelled out in two
of planners, architects and administrators to look
books published by Urban Planning Aid,639Massabeyond their own conflicting specialities to the larger
ch usetts Ave., Cambridge, Massach usetts : Tènants
problem of creating a humane environment for
First! A Research and Organizing Guide to FHA
human beings. Unfortunately, much of Ward's book
Housing, and Community Housing Development
is disconnected and uninspiring. Those interested in
Corporations: The Empty Promise.
these ideas and in most of the topics covered by Ward
Faced with f inanaial squeeze and the increasing
would be better off reading Paul and Percy Coodthreatof organized tenants, manyowners wantto get
man's Communities; Means of Livelihood and Ways
rid of their developments. Thesetwo books warn that
of LiÍe, Lewis Mumford's The City in History and
tenants desiring control overtheir living conditions

'

youlfofloß-.
'rirrs lffiAllrS'

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20WlN July14,1977

Crassroots/LNS

may end up bailing out their landlords and saddling
themselves with immense problems and inadequate
resources to deal with them. like the factory workers
tenants often find themselves with increased responsibil ity and less control.
As Tenants First points out, most major e¡pense
items of exist¡ng apartment buildings are not subject
to much control bytheowners. ln màny projects
mortgage payments take about 4oo/o or more of the
o/o
to 20o/o, ut i I ity
!'e-r-ìts : Prope rty taxes take aboui 1 5
bills 107o to 15olo, insurancê2o/oto3%o and a management staÍi 5.o/o of the rents. At least % otthe rent gbLs
for costs that are beyond tenants control. The remaining 2Ùo/oto25.o/o which tenant owners can control
has to cover maintenance and repairs, and usually
much moie money is needed foriepaírs and main'tenance since the landlord has milked the building
without spending for needed upkeep.

Eventuatlythe resident board in "òontrol"
inevitably reaches the point where it must choose between raising rents to cover increased costs or letting
the building go intodefault and possible foreclosure.
. Changing ownership patters in housing will not put
decision making power in the hands of teñants.
Tenants mayown the building butthey still don't
control the sources of capital needed to repair and
build. lt may be possible to go out into the market and
borrow the capital to buy or build, but tenants must
pay the market price for capital, land, and constr'uction (or pay the taxesio subsidize these prices). And
once new housing is builtorcooperatives bought, it,s
n_ot only necessary to repay the borrowed capñal but
there is no way to prevent increases in the cost of
utilities, property taxes, insurance, maintenance and
so on.

Michael Stone, one of the authors of Tenanfs First
writing in an academic journal sums up the problem:
Effecti.ve housingstrategies can only be based upon

an u.nderstanding of the relationship of the housing
problem to the distribution of income, the structure of
the capital markets, the role of the state, the significance of private ownership of land and housing production, and not be limited to a focus on owners and
ownership of dwellings. That is, the housing problem

mustbe understood intermsof the structure and in-

he r ent con tr ad i cti o n s of th e i n sti tution s of cap i tal i s m,
and strategies must be b ased upon a recogniiion of
the economic as well as political necessity of altering
this entire s et o{ institutions betore a solution is really
possible

Activists need to form citywide and state wide
tenant organizations and exert pressure on the
owners,_ban ks, and al I level s of government th rough
rent strikes, demonstrations and political action. lñ
addition the movement must raise the f undamental
que-stions of power and profit and begin to develop
coal ition s, pol itical organ ization s and class consciousness that will lead towards a socialistor radiqal

democracy.
Tenant control is a humane, democratic form of
'public housing, but should not be presented as an
alternative to public ownership. Cooperative housing
may not be the best strategy but for many tenants it ii
a necessary short term option, even though it runs the
risk of leading to a greater f inancial burdãn. Moreover, when cooperative housing is a result of a politicgl struggle-a squatters action, a rent strike which
drives the landlord out of business-those involved
begin to realize there is a class enemy that is respon-

siblefor their problems and that even ordinary

people, when united, can do something about it.
The need to overcome cynicism and powerlessness
underlies the larger signif icance of thehousing movement. A majo¡ityof Americans have been taught
since the day they were born that history is no[of their
making
-that_h uman nature neverchanges. Any
changes that do come are a result of greai mèn,
deities or national forces, not their cõllective effort.
Therefore, by including experiences such as tenant
takeovers and cooperatives, as partofthe strategy,
the housing movement demonstrates that,,ordiÁany,,
people can shape their own destinies.
The housing movement is growing numerically and

politically. No tenant organization however,

is on

the

verge of taking power in their municipality or area,
and the long range effect in terms of contributing
signif icantly to the movement for social change is not
yet clear. Nevertheless, what is happening in housing

struggles is at times exciting, has def initelv led to
successes, and has revolutionary potential.

-John Atlas
J

uly 14, 1977 WIN 21

üt

I

Pe *pJe's

BrllLtïn
þoarod
FREE

lF NO Erc$f,¡l$¿

or $ì

tNvoLYE.o ÀND
ONLY ¿O WORÞs.

orlreRwrsr $a
EVERY lO WoRDS.
PUBLIC NOTICE
RADIO ACTIVITY is WBAI'songoing coverageof
thefie,ht against nuclear energy. Turie into 99.5 fm
on the first and third Thursday of each month at g:30
PM.

The Brandywine Allernative Fund is a group of
Delaware and Chester County Pennsylvan ia citizens
working to reorder priorities away from military
programs of war and war production to a greatèr
emphasis on people's needs and social development. Besides sponsoring educational and action
programs, the group is making a.small yet pos¡tive
step to reorder þriorities w¡th the "alternative
fund. " Th is fund, comprised of refused wa¡taxes,
personal savings, and group investments, makes
interest-free loans to social change and service
groups (primarily working in Chester and Delaware
count¡es). For information about Brandywine
Alternative Fund loans contact: The Brandywine
Alternative Fund,302 S. Jackson St., Media, PA
19063 . (215) 565-0247 .
The Fatted Sprout ¡s an alternative food service with
a conscience. We can providg low cost, individuallytailored vegetarian food fororgan izations and
groups from 25 to 3m0. We are a collective within
The Movement for a New Society. C.ontact us if we
can help you with food issues or food for your group:
906 S. 49th St., Philadelphia, PA 191 43,(215)
729-5698.

,

EMPLOYMENTOPPORTUNITIES

tax resistancé, nonviolence ororgan izing a WRL
local chapter and you live in the South, then please
contact the new War Res¡sters League Southeast
Regional Office, 108 Purefoy Road, Chapel Hill, NC
27514.919-967 -7244.

(4O1)751-4488.

r

PUBLtcATtoNs

"NCLC is al¡ve & the anti-nuke, alternative energy
movement is their latest target! " Send 131 stamp for
copy of article (6-7-77) on what thev're try¡ng to do to
the Clamshell Alliancei The people united will not be
defeated. Be aware. We will win, without violence!
(Terrorism is the Covernnrent's Tool. ) Order copies
f rom : COLT, Box 27 1 -W, Newvernon, N J 0797 6.
a Solar Creenhotrse. Tales of a solar
shack built from iunk in a colcl, cold winter. Plans
with photos & drawing. $2 from E.J . Whiting, 328
.lohn St., Ann Arbor48104.

Memoirs of

OURNAL OF WORLD EDUCATION has a speciaf
summer issueon Education and Human Rights.,
JWE, BoxW,3 Harbor HillDrive, Huntington, New
York'11743.
J

Phoenix Poems, 22 poems about being a woman, by
Joan Freewoman. Available for $2.00: Movement
for a New Society , 4722Baltimore Ave., Philadelphia, PA 19143.
PRODUCTS

Holly Near, Victor J ara, Margie Adams and about a
hundred more women's, labor and other political
records available through Bread and Roses M¡il
OrderCatalogue, 172420th NW, Washington, DC
20009. Most albums $5.50 * .50 postage. Write us
for any political record or for free catalog.
lfyou have acopyofthe "Active Nonviolence" slide
show there is now available a cassette of the scr¡pl
recorded by Vivian Sandlund of the Clamshell Alliance. Several sets of the slide show are still available
at cost. For details contqct Larry Cara, 21 Faculty
Place, wilmington, ohio 45177. (513) 382-3569.
,,WE CAN STOP THE NUKES_ SEAAROOK'72"
Bumpersticker available for a donation (pay whatever you can afford-all proceeds goto the Clamshell Alliance, Seabrook, N. H-) Order f rom Kate
Donnelly, Box 271-W, Newvernon, NJ 07976. Send
131 stamp for informat¡on on nuclear power.

"Committed to Change"

'

SERVICES

"Peace lntern, " full-time pos¡tion with $hode
lsland American Friends Service Committee. Oneyear apprenticeship in nonviolent social change organizing. Starting Date: September6, 1977.
Stipend: $200lmonth plus free room. ,{ppl¡cat¡on
deadline: August 1,1977. Contact: AFSC,2 Stimson
Avenue, Providence, Rhode lsland 029)6. Phone:

lf you are interested in disarmament, feminism, war

!3

is gearedtoward high school level adults. lt's available for $5.00 from: Nancy Schniedewind, 155 Plains
Road, New Paltz, New York 12561.

is a cooperative board

game designed to teach about women and minority
group people who have contributed to American history. ,Appropriate for school or family use, the game

Woolman Hill, very small, very alternative high
school/farm collective in Western Massachusetts is
looking for three people with energy for teenagers
and specific skills in: outreach and fundraising;
counselin g and off icework; general maintenance
and auto repa¡r. Room/board and low pay, closé
community, beautif ul spot r Write about yourself .
Woolman Hill, Deerfield, Mass. 01342.
Position available. National coordinator for Friend'shipment, coal¡tion of organ izations seeking
normalization of relat¡ons with V¡etnam and
providing people-to-people aid for post war reconstruction. Must have knowledge of Vietnam, organizationalexperience and ableto live in NYC. Movement wage. Apply: Friendshipment ,777 UNPlaza,
NYC 10017. Tel: 212-490-3910.
Wl N's computerized mailing service cooperat¡vê
neêds a responsible, conscientious, self -motivated
new staff person to.start by Sept. No technical skills
are needed since we provide tra¡ning. The work requires the abilityto work with others and an organ ized mind and work habits. We need some one
with a long term commitmentto providingthe communications lifeblood of the movement. Reasonable

TITRL Group

knowledge or with ideas about references. Contact
lan Lind,1139-9th Ave. #41, Honolulu, Hl 96816.

List

Prisoner seeks informatidn, articles, periodicalson Taoists Lao TzulChuang Tzu and other reJated
philosophy & ideas. Richard C. MacDonald, 28987'120, PO Box 33 USP, Terre Haute, lnd. 47808.
Convict desperately needs comm unication with
movement people who might ass¡st in obtaining out
of state parole. Eddie Hoskins #144-7 31, PO llr¡x
45699, Lucasville, Ohio 45699.

lAtho
clrrrcl'xrir
I

That's what most Americans
think about social¡sts. That they
are hopelessly out of touch with
American reality, in some cases
comm¡tted to undemocrat¡c
models of socialism, and utterly
forgetful of Marx's most important teaching: "The point ¡s to
change the world."
MOVTNG ON, the monthly magazine of the New American Movement, ¡s different. lt concentrates
on the real-world problems of
building movements for change
from a democratic social¡st perspective.
' t
MOVTNG ON iS a magazine for
people who want to change the
world. A socialist magaz¡ne for
activists. An activist magaz¡ne
for social ists. Subcri be.
I

On

NATIONALOFFICE
DETfuOITWRL,692West
Forest #6, Detroit, MI4820f
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to0t2(2121228-0460
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COLUMBU WnL, SLg Maryland Ave., Columbia, Mo.
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AASTIN WNL/DTNECT AC.
TION, PO Box 7161, Austin,
TX787t2
SEATTLEWNL/WTN,331 17
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MILW A AKE E WRL, 47 tL Lisbon Ave., Milwaukee, lVI
53208

to see lf our dally llves
swear &t
ou¡ polltlcal convlctlons

Seeking more social change workers (poverty¡
peace, feminism, anti-nukes, etc.) to live/work iñ
Maine. Room and board provided. Write L. Dansinger, RFD 1,.Newport, Maine 04953.
New Midwest research institutà seeks unselfish,
social ly-conscious, non-careerist, MA-PhD MOVE-

MENT f und-raisers. Prefer economists, pol it¡calscient¡sts, etc. Semi-scholarly studies on waf-peace
reconvers¡on, etc. Applicants must READ Gross and
Osterman "The New Professionals" pp 33-77, Studs
Terkel "Working" pp 525-527, 537-540, Claudia
Dreifus " Radical Lifestyles," and address themselves to the contents of this advert¡sement. Midwest lnstitute, 1206 N. 6th st., 43201.

HELP!
llm looking for information (in English) about the
split in the J apanese anti-nuclear movement
bétween Censuikin and Gensuikyo. Would be interested in hearing from people with first-hand

Don't move on without me! Send ine
MovrNc oN for the next year (ten issues).

name

tonth ennual war reslstêrs
eugust II-14, I9?7

addr€ss

Iacey, w8shln€ton

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July 14, 1977 WlN23

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