Win Magazine Volume 11 Number 25

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July 17, l97S /

3Od

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PEACE & FREEDOIIT THRU NONVIOLENT ACTION

PORTUGAL: Reform or

Revolution?

:

ANDREA D\ryORKTN:
Redefrning Nonviolence ;
Bicycling Through the
Bicentennial

*t.

Rev.olutionary Portuguese soldiers on base, lst Engineering Regiment (operational headquarters
for the April 25th revolt).

was injured in the course of employment,
and we are raising the issue that the amount

of compensation to be paid should include
the value of housework which can no longer
be perrormed as well as

tît

o

iiflîr*un"o

Ithac4 NY

Henry Bass is wrong aboqt the reasons for
thc nonappearance of Rudi Supek &
. !rn-e¡! lútandel at the rgcent peàple for
SelÊManagement Conference. Supek *us
visaed out of Yugoslavia but chosi to at-

tend a conticting (l think UNESCO) conference in Paria Mandel w¿s visaed into
the US by the State Dept., but he cancelled at the last minute because his wife
was
-NORMAN RUSH
New City, Ny

ill.

The article on "Wages for Housework;' by
Jackie G¡eenleaf [WtN, 7l3l7Sl really did
provide a "rovolutiona¡y socialist feminist
perspective" on an important problem.
Readeis might be interested in knowing
that research has been done which provides
useful information to supplement such a
political analysis
Over the past few yeals, the New york
State College of Human Ecology, Cornell
University (Ithaca, NY 14853)has pro
duced a number of publications reúting to
the economic implications of housewofu
based on this research. A list ofthese
r,eferences is available from the Department
óf Consumer Economics and pubtiä poficy.
Pelhaps the most interesting item in regaid
to Ms G¡eenleafs essay is "The Dolla¡
Value of Houæhold Work" by Kathryn E.
Walker and William H. Gauger (Information
Bulletin No 60, available for 25d). This
publication provides specific monetary
fgures, depending upon zuch variables as
family size, age of youngest child, etc. for
the economic worth of the activities of
female houseworkers ("wives") both who
do and do not hold outside jobs.
.

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Anothe¡ worthwhile study which was
commissioned in conjunction with the
recently concluded UN World Conference
of the lntemational lVomen's Year is entitled "The Situation of Women in the
Light of Contempoiary TimeBudget
Research" (document no. E/CONF. 66/

'

BP/6) bV Alexander Szalai, Professor of
Sociology at the Karl Marx University of
Economic Science, Budapest
I am currently involved in a case before
the NY State Workmen's Compensation
Board, representing a female qorker_who

Bradford Lyttle in his article "lVhat are the
Lessons of Pacifism" [WIN, 6/19/75] is
too much of an apologist for NLF violence,
even though at times very half heartedly.
I found myself.s¿ddened by the use of
violence by all sides in the Vietnam war.
The "success" of that violence was quite
immaterial to me.
In using any means to fight evil and attempting to justify it, we of course ignore
the "man" in which the evil is found, while
often times engaging in the same practices
we say we hate o¡ want to i¡radicate. It is
much more difficult to see a ptactice
eliminated when we engage in it and re
inforce it while trying to eliminate it Most
importantly, however, Mr. Lyttle ignores
the redemptive possibilities for man or
woman. We must remember that God
desires not the death of the sinner, but that
he furn away from his evil wayb and do
good.

In conõlusion I will make one confes'sion,
conceming my feelings rcgarding SE Asian
violence. Although as mentioned pievious"

ly, I was saddened by it, I felt also a particular sense of responsibility for that en,
gaged in under the auspices of.the US

Government. As a US citizen I am under a

legal and constitutional obligation

to

see.

that my government's action in the world is
moral and lawful In SE Asia for many
years I obviously failed in that duty, as the
violence continued to be ca¡ried out in my
name.
-JAY B. LANDAY

Atlant4 Ga

In his lune 26th column, Brian Doherty attempts to show that there was an economic
angle to the Vietnam war after all. He'ay
serts that the capitalists lost markets when
the US withdrew, çiting ûgures from Sdllbørd and Rollíng3tone that supposedly
show that the record industry will lose
$3b0 milion worth of business a year because "the Americans have left Vietnam,
presumably with their stereos"
WhatBillbørd andRollíng Stone ay
parently don't understand is that the
sûe¡eos will continue to consume records
now that they are back in Kansas and Dela,
ware, just as Ambassador Bunker's dog will
continue to eat Alpo
E¿onomic interpretations of the Viet-

n¿¡m war

simply don't hold wate¡. Vietnam

is insignifcant as a source of raw materials,

The ma¡ket it provided us for American
goods has come home. Besideq the Communists have shown wery willingness to
trade with us. Ho Chi Minh, afte¡ all,
smoked Salems until the day he died.
Imperialism has a variety of causeseconomic, political, military, psychological,
religious, and cultural Satisfying Henry
Kisinger's ego was far more important to
the continuation of the Vietnam war than
economics. In general, the American capitalists were opposed to the war, as anyone who
¡ead the Wall Street Journal real:ø;ed.
The world is fa¡ mo¡e complicated and
'interesting
than Lenin t

months

achieve legitimate goals. In countries

demo!¡atic liberties, it is usually best

.

to country to city.but the
landscape turns out not to
so jmportant after all,just

with

to "

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The use ofbarn-yard language may be a
gootl test of our belief in free speech, but I
doubt if it helps recruit more peòple to the
antiwa¡ cause. lndeed, a few ofthe articles

four lette¡ word so often that
if this word is the only item of

interest for the writer.

Disagreements ¿¡mong your writers and
reade¡s are expressed with a ¡emarkable

lack of tolerance for the other's position. Ifç
one feels the other person is beyònd salva- '
tion, one should probably refrain from any
comment at all çxcept for a positive exposi
tion of one's own position.
I guess sexual problems are a major
problem for upper middle class dissenters
and frustrated activisis. I wonder whether
the uæ of your mag¿¡zine as the doctor's
couch is really successful treatment. For my
own cure, Imuch prefer to concentrate on
the healthy, a la Maslow, not on the sick.
May you someday recover the spirit of
the peace that is beyond all understanding,
DONALD S. GROLL

,

argument and petsuasion to achieve
political ends; however, wheîi these
avenues.of resistance a¡e closed off, such as
under authoritarian and. colonial governments, the use of violence may be necessary,
An example of this occured in the Wa¡saw ghetto in Poland during the Second
Wo¡ld War. Having been herded into a
ciosed secto¡ of the city and subject to
virtual starvation, the people heeded
t¡aditional Jewish leaders who attempted
to bargain with the Naeis while they ïerè
taking people to the extermination camps.
Only too late was it realized that appeasing
.the Nazis rivas a fruitless venture, and the
. armed resistance that was finally. foimed
was unable to overcome the massive German frÈpower.
We can apply this event to the Viet. 4amese situatioi. It is diffcult to be'liwb
that the French were about to give up their
colony without a struggle, and had not the
Vietnamese natiöhaüsts chosen the path oi
armed resistance, the country would
probably still belong to France. It took the ¡r
battle of Dien Bien Phu, which cost tens of
thousands of F¡énch and Vietnamese livés,
to convince the colonialists to leave. It took
twenty more yêars of war to convince the
US neocolonialists that attempts to subjugate the Vietnarnese people were hopeless.
All of this would not have happened had
the Vietnameæ merely begged and pe
titioned the French for liberty.
Wa¡ must never be gloriûed, and its horrors should be constantly brought before
the public eye. It must be realized that
war is not the worst evil that can befall
mairkind and that goals exist that justify
-WILLIAM J. VOLONTE
Charlottesville, Va,

Vt.

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The latest issue on "Lesbian culture" has
distressed'and disappointed me.
My reason for supporting you all these

itsuse.

be

seasonal.they create some of it
while listening to the'latest
news,emerge from their apple
baskets'ready to pick,ready
weighing in dreams by the/t
lb. and their kids, a thousand
arms hung out the window¡are
quick to understand everything,
hoes under arms

use.

cause.)

Shoreham,

think they have their wars
to wage,driving them from city

thetv"

The expression of support ofviolence
in some of your articles, and many.of your
letters to the editor, is contrary to the.nonviolent movement. (On a ¡elated issue,
alleged bank ¡obbers are innocent until
proven guilty, even if the alleged robbery
involves mu¡der, but one should not ap
plaud the alleged actionjust because thé
accused supports your social or political

use the same
one wonders

some

rektted to "war and peace and political
problems affectíng
-WIN
The letter by Stephen T. Willingham in the
May 29th issue of WIN makes implicitly
the important point that there are times ..
when fo¡ce and violence must be used.to

Bostog Masd,

has depressed me thd past seve¡al
for several reasons:

them.
Whatever the problems of lesbian culture, they are ¿of problems of wa¡ and

I think you have somehow gotten way
off t¡ack and used to do'some solid re,
thinking abolgl raihere you are an:d what
you are.
-BERNARD KASSOY
Butternut Hill Studios, NY
We belíeve all ¡novements relatíng to líberation of people of any sort are díiectly

"ttrll"**" rO*

I have received your renewal notice. Allow
my subscription to expire. your magazine

pickers

peace.

.

.,

years has been your positions on wêr and
peace and the political problems affecting

muìhroom óut of the back seat
nervously,and full of quick eyes,
stare at the beanfields,hear of
xochqual,invent pictures. .

$5,000

$10,000

$15,000

$20,fl)o

Vol. Xl No. 25

4. Portugal: Reform or Revolution
Michoel Uhlahd Tod Ensign
9. Redefini¡s Nonviolence I Andrea

they follow it down the Side roads
at th irty,l un ging toward"romeo,
michigan on two bad tires,full of
the night in their faces.

Dworkin

12,The Ben Franklin Brigade
Ph ìladel ph io B icycle Coo I i t ion
15. Truth at the Center I Som Tyson

-Peter Brett

16. Changes

19. Reviews
Cover: Photograph by Michael Uhf.

STAFF

M¡lis

C¡k¡n.

Sus¡n Cakars. Chuck Fager

M¡ry M¡yo. M¡rk Morris . Susan Pinei.
Frcd Roscn
Murr¿y Roscnblith :

.

FOODFLOW

with'
city nested in fans, farms
rows of rows
backs hoe rows hoe wide
the flow of onions, rice
where we bow
shapes. . .yield. . .sickle paddy

.

J¡n
¿atry

lattice round townships reap foods
fan to homes, for

city

with

-

s.ndarr. Wandy Schw¡rtr .'M.rth. Thom¡r¡
W¡¡kow. Allen Voun¡. Bavatly Woodward

-MlchaelCort

.l-,

Box 547 / Rlfton / Ncw York 12471
Tclæhorc: 91+33945t5

$28,988.08

0

17 1975

u

$35,000

$,10,000

$45,000

$5o,ooo
hl,o

th.

th.

N Publl¡hlng Emplr. wlth

th. ¡upgorl

Ra¡l¡tar¡ La¡eua. sub¡crlgtlon¡ .ta
yaar. s.cond claa Þo¡t¡É 9.ld .t

NY toool. Indlvldu¡l wrlt.r¡ .t
lor oþln¡on3 sprrl1rd rnd æcur.cy

2 WtN

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PORTUGAI:

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After decades of isolation, Porlggal has suddenlY be'
some a subject of interest to informed Americahs.
The poor qi¡ality of reporting in this óountry's m.edia
has made ii diffcult to get accurate information
about the complex series of events there...We travelled'
, .to Lisbon not knowing quite what to expect. We had
;'no illusions about the desire of the wire serviceå'or
the New York Times lo report fairly on the revolu- '
tion taking place in Portùgal. However, we weren't
quite prepared for the degree to which these news

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outlets have distorted developments there. Some
years ãgo, George Lichtheim, writing in Commentory,
compared the reporting of America's socalled ')na'
tional'l newspapers with that of Le Monde and the .
London Times. He concludeá that the day-to-dáy
.foreign reporting in the American papers was shock'

ingly poor. wc would

gue5s

that their covQrage tif

Portugal represents a new low, even by.,$eir im'

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poverishedstandards.
To

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Tñt;m

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BY Michnet Ukl

Iod

ANd

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i st Party con trol s the I n te rsin d ica l,
trade-un i on federati on,. m an y mun i ci.pal ad¡ninistrations, and has a large followi¡g among
landless peasants in the'Alenteio region iri thé South.

Portu gal's

time interviewing activists and others whose,activities
have been virtually ignored in the rdgular press.'However, we also spoke widely with "ordinary" folk¡,
workers, soldiers, and the like. What we saw'was a
country in the midst of a social revolution.

The failure of the right-wing coup on March 11,
1975, ushered Portugal's revolutíon into a new stage.
Its defeat was the culmination of months of turmoil
set off by the resignation of General Spinola and his
followers last September. Spinola's removal evidenced
of the milit¿nt socialist wing of the
the ascendancy-Forces
Movemeñt (MFA). As news of
ruling Armed
the March coup attempt spread, thogsands of workers
spontaneously occupied their factories to defend
them against sabotage by the putschisfs Thousands
more poured into Lisbon's main plazas where they
cheerpd the mobilized soldiers. '"
Since then, manv big capitalists along with their
military allies have fled into exile. Should they return,
they'll be tried for high economic crimes. A clandes
tine force, the Portugãse Liberation Army (ELP) has
been formed in Franco's Spain; reportedly with South
African and Brazilian "volunteers" ioining the exiled .
Portuguese. The norotious Colonel Schramm, who led
mercenaries in the Congo in 1961 , is rumored to be
one of the ELP commanders.
.With the coup crushed, the Apr¡l 25th elegtions
for the new Constituent Assembly went ahead as
scheduled. During this period o-f intense campaigning,
Portugal's "enlightened" capitalists joined the ranks
of thJSocialist-(pS), Christian Democrat (CuS), ana
Popular Democratic (PPD) parties. As one young
Portuguese Army officer commented, "The Socialist
Party is for clever capitalists and unclever workers."
This officer, who participated in the April 25th revolt,
is a member of MES (Left Socialist Movemeçt), which
the MFA officially descríbes as "made up of Marxist
Christians and odier dissidents of the (old) democratic
opposition." The MES "encourage(s) mass anti'capitall
ist-struggles and the (immediate) transformation of
existing institutions," and therefore ¡ts disparagement
of the PS's socialist credentials is certainly predictable.
Several.political groupings that are not "far left,"
however, have questioned whether the Socialist Party
is sincerely concerned with ending capitalism. For
example, a recent editorial in the 25th of April, the

Errrsiqn
Michael Uhl and Tod Ensign visited Portugol in June,
They both work for the Safe Return Amnesty Committee in New York City,

m un

gi an

t

While the PCP did make an intensive e-ffort to win
uot t, tt',t other left parties emphasizdd politicaledtr'
cation and grass-roots organization otier campaigning.
They criticized the elections as a "ploy designed to
divert newly-released energies and to slow the rapid
'growth
in class cohsciousness."
Since the elections, Socialist leader Mario Soares
has played to the Ford'Kissinger strategy- of isolating
Portugal by repeating the¡r distortions oI !h9 Repub
lico newspaper iase. Ford and other NATO leaders
have seized upon the closing of the newspaper as
' "prooft' o-f the MFA's undemocratic character and.
tire pitfaíls of flirtíng with "communism.r' Maior . '
newspapers in the West have endlessly chimed varia'
I tions on the same theme. They claim that the newspaper was seized by its Communist workers after their
ätrbrts to control the paper's editorial policy were.r,e
buffèd. Lisbon's cafes are buzzing w¡th a different ver'

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and capitalist parties has been well publicized. The
fact that they received 60% of the votes is due to
several factois. The largest ve¡þ-getter, the Socialists,
benefitted from 4ppearing to share the goals:'both
' vaguely advocate sociàlism- of the MFA. ln the rura!
aiãas, where 65% of the population 'lives, the Cathol¡c
'
,Church's unremitting anti-Codrmunist litany helq' "1 '
swell their totats. Village priests warned that the Redsi'
would eat the¡r babiesJaþe the woinèn, and steal:the"
campesinos'land. ln the cities; a half-century of
Salazar's anti-communist propaganda fed fears about
thè Communist Party (PCP). The smallvote totals re'
ceived by the PCP, the UPD, MES, and other left'
socialist parties, doesn't accurately reflect their inf uence among the military and key sectors of the

working class.

redress this imbalance, we spent most of our

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organ of the MFA, indirectly que5tions ihe Socialists'
"commitment to socialist goals."
. The electoral suocess of these social-democratic

sion of "O Caso Republico." lt goes like this: The
printers wanted to create a workers' commission
simílar to that existing at all other Lison newspape6.
They also wanted the paper to reflect oll points of
view. Further, SO% of the Republico3 workers are
mem bers of the Social ist-n ot Com m un i st- Party.
The Socialist editor Raul Rego reiected their demands
and the Þaperwasclosed by the military. On June 16,
when the MFA offered to open the Republìco, Mr.
Rego presented a new list of conditions, including the

right to fire milit¿nt union leaders, For the moment,
the MFA has rejected this. '
lf the closing of Republica by the MFA were
simply an attempt to silence an independent news-

,

paper, as James Reston and others in the western
press allege, then democratic socialists should be
deeply concefned over what appears to be an abridgement of free speech. However, the actual situation is
¡nore complex. Republica is not an offcial organ of
tne pS. lt is a privately owned newspaper, whose
editor, Regq closely follows the Socialist line. Rego
seems to be essentially a maverick, who did courage ou s l y criti cize the S al vzar l Cae tan o d i cta torsh i p s
ãnd was jailed on several occasions. Yet it's from the
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"prerogaiives" of private ownership, not freedom of
expression, that Rego apparently claims the right to
totally control the editorial policy of a mass-circula'
tion daily. The workers disagree.
W-e heard similar criticism directed at the
PCP-controlled newspapers in this regard. Workers'

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When the heard the outlawed popular song "GrandoL
Villa Morena" (Grandola, sun-baked town), they
moved quickly into action against the Caetandregime.
Popular'reaction to their seizure of power was truly
overwhelming-40 years of tyranny ended as thousands

of people pôured into the streets, singing ioyfully and
passing red carnations among the soldiers. Having

: weathered the Spinola'period of transition an4his
abortive grab for powér on March 11th, the MFA
emerged with increased authority over all sectors of
the government and military. The MFA's slogan,
"Putting Portugal on the Road to Socialism," became
the military's priority. Sentiment has grown steadily
within the Military Assembly for gmploying revolutiona¡y solutions to Portugal's pressing problems.

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Soldlers ln the MFA marching at
the funeral ol a soldier killed ln
ihe attempte'd coup ln March. Photo

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lrom Lotta Contlnua/LNS.

commissions have been set up to run these papersO Seculo, O Diorio de Noticias and O Dlario de
Llsboo-but so far they continue to pursue a narrow

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editorial policy of reporting mainly the

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PCP perspec-

tive.

Beyond wanting a newspaper in which a broader
range of views is expressed' (True freedom of ex'
prelsion-Why not give Rego a column?), the move

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a workers commission at Republica is
harmonious with the new wave of self-activity epidemic today within the entire Portuguese working
class. The spontaneous formation of workers' com'
missions reflects the deep desire of the Portuguese to
re-organize production for use and not for profit
Naturally, each left party has its own analysis of the
historical conditions in Portugal today, and therefore,
its unique beliefs on the degree to which true workers'
self-determination can be achieved in the immediate
future.
Soares has also begun to exploit another point of

to establish
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conflict within Portugal-the Azores. He has pleased
the Americans by offering a "blind eye" toward the
bontinued use of Azores bases by US military supply

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ptanes. There is strong suspicion in Portugal that the
US is somehow involved in the newly-emerged

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separatist movement in the Azores. ln reportirtg on a
separatist rally on June 6, Newsweek referred, for
the first time, to Portuguese Azores. Settled by
Portuguese 500 years ago, the Azores is no more a
colony than is Long lsland a colony of the US.

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As a condition for conducting the Constítuent
Assembly elections, the MFA obtained a pledge from
each political party that none would use the election
results as a means of altering the representational
balance between the parties during the transitional
period. ilut, once the ballots were counted, the
Socialists began complaining about "imbalances in
power" despite their covenant. ln late May, as a
further escalation, Soares' party presented a three;port ultimatum to the MFA. They demanded that the
lnterslndical be dissolved, followed by local union
elections, that Republìcø be reopened immediately,
and that new municipal elections be held. ln response,
the MFA has acknowledged "certain distortions" and
has promised to study the requests.

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The Constituent Assembly is iritended by the MFA
a constitution, outline basic rights, and
generally plan for a transition to civilian rule over the
next three to five years. Any proposals, however,
must be consistent with an independent, socialist
Portugal, and subject to the approval of the MFA.
Thus, the outline of the contest for power has beþun
to emerge. On one hand, the social democrats and
reformers are pressuring for greater authority for
parliamentary forms like the Constituent Assembly
which théy domínate, while urging a geslow policy
towards nationalization,of domestic capital and foreign iiivestment. Opposed to this are the radical members of the MFA's Council of the Revolution and Military Assembly (Portugal's de facto legislature) whq
with left socialists, are organizing hundreds of pop¡r- ¡
larly controlled institutions in the factories, barracks,
and ruràl fazendas, As hundreds of factories and
farms have been seized by their workers, workers'
councils have sprung ¡nto be¡ng. Dinamization
Brigades composed of soldiers who cÒnduct political
education have been linking up with these ad hoc
councils, housing commissions, and local governmental councils to form Popular Assemblies.
. An understanding of the ultimate bankruptcy and
failure of Portugal's African policy is essential to
understandíng the domestic revolution now taking
place. The deepening debacle there had a profound
impact on the military. Desertion rates çlimbed as:
tronomically from 1967 onùard, with nearly 100,000
soldiers refusing further service. Resistance in the
combat zones also grew. ln Guinea-Bissau, for examplg many pilots refused to fly missions against the
guerillas. At the command level, the futílity of seeking a military solution slowly gained acceptance. This
fermentation led to the clandestine formation of the
Captains'Movement. On March 6, 197d just weeks
before the ouster of Caetano's regime,'it published its
Declaration of Principles. The Declaration's main
points were (1) thar úhd African wars are unw¡nnable,
yet the Caetano government was committed to a mili-

to draft

tary solution, (2) the existing "fascist" government
must be replaced with a democratic one, and (3) all
"fascist" institutions must be immed¡ately dismantled.
On the night of April24th young officers across
Portugal listened for the signal they had long awaited.

response to the attempts of the PS, PPD

(Spinolats allies), and CDS (only avowed capitalist
party) to court the foreign press and intriguers;'the
MFA has revised its course by cementing its ties to
the new social and productive structurê$ beingcreated
dail,y by the gràssroots movements a¡d by bypassing
the parties' machinery. lt should be noted that we
found'the rank and filè of all parties to be consíder'
ably to the left of their respective leaders and platforms
The ileep respect and trust which most Portuguese
àppear to have for the MFA, has made íts job that
much less dífficulr The Armed Forces-People Alliance (MFA/POVO) posters one sees everywhere are
not shallow rhetoric, but reflect a true socíal relationship. This reality was illustrated by the lack of
populai response to the inaugural session of the
Constituent Assembly on June 2. Only a h?ndful of
people gathered outside the solidly classical Sao
Bento Palace to cheer the opening salvo of the
moderate reformers. Ai Americans, we were initiafly
suspicious of the unqualified support enioyed by the
military. For us, the miliøry, has frequently been the

'niost brutal instrument for enfoibing

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planning and production decisions reflect local needs
and priorities."
During our interviews, it became clear that the
Military Assembly's steering committee, the Supreme
Council of the Revolution, is balancing.two contrad¡ctory policies. On one hand, they tolerate the
creation of workers' organizations to challenge the
tiaditional prerogatives of qhe owners. On the other,
, they proclaim respect for privafe ownership and op'

positíon to nationalization of property. Howe-ver,
ihey've already approved the exproþriation of lhe - ."

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bañks, insurance companies, and priüate mass transit
within Lisbon. Possibly the MFA tolerates the tide ;
of spontaneous worker/soldier/tenant activity because
it cannot stoÞ it without risking civil war. More likely,
. however, the MFA is anxious to avoid antagonizing
its NATO allies and trading partners and hopes that a
moderate public posture toward social change in
Portugal will buy time"against debilitating economic
sanctions.or Worse, direct military intervention. .,.
At a June 12th press conference in Lisbon, we
asked Minister of lnformation, Correira f esuinho to
estimate the total number of factories and faîms that
had.bien occupied by workers and were now ad'ministered by workers'commissions. What, we asked,
was the MFA's position on workersl rilanagement,
soldiers' and residents'councils, and'the like? Mr.
fèsuinho minimized theextent of such seizures and
explained that they only occurred where the owners
had abandoned their property. He assured the assembled press corps that lhe MFA opposed any occu'
pation not preceded by ab¡nÇonment. ln our opin¡on,
his deception typifiês the strategy of the MFA ón this
explosive issue! public condemnation and silent ap'
proval. The reporters for the varibus Western dailies
ând wire servicçs seemed uninterested in thís
(

dia-

US foreign

policy and, to a lesser extent, a means of suppressing
dissent within our country. ln Portugal, however, it
was the military that ended the draconian dictator.
ship and brought forth the promise of democracy and
freedom. They were the ones who defended the
revolutionary process against a band of Spinolistas
on March 11th. Our hotel's cöncierge confided that
the MFA i5 "the guardian of the revolution." The
factthat the military is integrally involved in most
'aspects of the revolution-unlike the armed
f,orces
say, in Allende's Chile-must cause the CIA and the
National Security Council's 40 Committee great
consternation.
The MFA is not a political party. ln facÇ it reflects the contradictions and diversity existing in the
Portuguese working class. No one political tendency
or party appears to dominate the 24Gmember Military Assembly. Most leftistswe interviewed saw this
as positíve. For the present, they are content to work
in unison, sharing a fundamental belief that Portugal
can creatê atruli democratic workers' state in the
foreseeable future. One young eÒonomist described
for us the unified program of the diverse tendencíes '
within the Military Assembly. "There is unity of
practice," he said, "forged around three basic objectives: (1) democratize the m,ilitary, thus preventing
abuses of authority and plotting by commanders,'
(2) establish soldiers' councils at the barracks-level
and encourage links between thqse councils and the
municipal and workers councils fhat exist nearby,
and (3) create Popular Assemblies composed of
elective representatives from these councils so that

.,.?
Businesbmên study wall posters on Lisbon's Rosslo Square. Photo þy Mlchasl UhL

logue-being more concerned wíth filingyet another
story on the Republica case. lf reporters had bothered
to go into the factories, barracks, and housing projects
around Lisbon, they would have seen through
Jesuinho's facile deception.and uncovered what ap
pears to be the course of the Portûguese revolution
and the de facto policy of the MFA.
The dominanrprinðiple underlying this entire
process is that through workers'control decisions can
wtN

6 WIN

7

t

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,t,

be made at the level at which people live and work
which will contribute to the well-being of all sociery.
Further, by creating a national netwoik of local insiitutions, national economic and social policy can be
responsive to.the vast majority.
. . We visited the lst Engineer Regiment's base near
Lisbon on June 4th. lr. is from thÈ base thar the MFA
-directed the seizure of power on April 2+tn. ÁCròii
the street f¡om the headquarters Uúitding, ttæ ioiJ¡.r,
-'have fashioned a library and discussion hãil from i
-'

coordinate its new national campaign, Batalha da
Producao (Baltle for productioh). "
.
. One plant we visited, Eurofil Þlastic Works, employs 1,600 workers, about evenly divided beiween
men and women. Eurofil had been the property of
the Boiges Group, one of the largest synaiðatei in
Portugal, which also owned the huge Banco Borges.
Jose Banha, a workers' deputy at Èurofil, claimeã
that all 88 plants of the Borges group have been
seized and are now operated by their workers. This
¡un1þer doesn't include 25 or so "ghost" companies
use! by Borges to conceal profits aìrd to expaùriate
capital illegally.
After holding discussions with the MFA, the Eure
fil workers seized the plant on February 4th. When
the managers arrived for work, they were refused
entry. Miguel Quina, owner of Borges and one of
Portu.gal's most prominent cap¡tal¡ats, fled to ltaly
with his enfourage tò avoid prosecution for,,economic crimes."
Worker Commission members we interviewed at
Eurofil described their struggles ¡n the past six months
to cut costs, maintain productivity, anä to.seek new
markets tq reduce dependence on Western Europe. ,Since.8-G85% of the plastic items they make are pre
duced for export, they were part¡cularly concern'ed
about a de facto boycott already underway by West
German and British businesses. îhey told of àrbitrary
cancellations of many long-standing orders in recent

'

,former armory. Posters with attractive modern I
graphics
'political adorn the walls. Literarure from the entire

spectrum of the left is stacked on ttre tãUes.
We were guided around the post by Sgt
Jorge
Coragem who informed us rhat mósr óf íhe õrganiz!rlg_tryong soldiers is being done by members õf

MES.(left socialisrs). ,,ThÍ's the oid officers;ciub,,,
he said as we approached a three story Victorian '
mansÍon. "Now all ranks can go there, to use the bar
and othei facilities.,, We stopped for á beer and found
the l'ôunge filted wirh young iotdiers unjov¡r,e i" ãñiËË
noo¡ break. By A.meri'can mititary stanáaias,"eve[i--'
soldier there would have been guiity of several ruló infractions. The only ttrins un¡iorm
uppearance was that they combined long
"UouìinËi,
hair and piatform shoes with well-tailored jungle fãtigues. tt ieems
to us tha't the wearing of camouflãge fati-gues has for
them the significance that beards hãd foicuba's
revolutionary army.
W.e- talked about ihe events of the past l5 months
^ with
five soldierò selected at random. 'One had par'ticipated in the Apiil 24 revolt. He stated thalas the
call to arms went out that night, they were told of
the revolt in progress. ,'Not onê'man'hesitated to suopol".t Jhg rebelling officers," according to Cpl. da Silva.
rottttcat education began immediatelv after the
revolt and reforms were rapidly introäuced into the
m il i t-ary. Sal aries were rai sed- súbstantial y, though pay
is still.low, most privileges of rank were ãdolisnei, ãñä
the soldiers were encouraged to organize their own

t

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{t

99y.1qils to q.ssisr

úe

deriocratiz.atio" ãi iÀu miiärv.
p_ol itical educarionat rech n iques
ng
developeàl'
lJtilizj
in China, Vietnam, and Chile, dinamization UrigäUãs
have been organized to est¿biish contacts between
soldiers and workers and residents in the surrounding
areas. S.ince many of the soldiers had ioined clandestine. radical
.glor¡ps before the revolutíon, they were
equipped with organizing experience aná polítical
theory which has allowed them to join wiih workers
and farmers in the luto for social change.
A process of radîcalization has alsoieen occurrinþ
.in the
industrial zones of Lisbon and Oporto. fhouiñ
the MFA publicly.denies iq we were toid by well- - l
informed activists, journalists, and union officials that
thousands of factories, large and small, have been occupied, with their owners moving into'exile or the
Caxias jail. An array of worker inltitutions. commisslons and assemblies have replaced the bosóes and
now administer the facroriei. Th"re admin¡iir"t¡ue
councils are typically composed of both skilled and
unskilled.workers, along with middle-level supervisors
who, in the words of a workers' council deputy, ,,decided not to jump ship.
There is no doubt that the factory occupations
have the blessing of rhe MFA. The niembeiship of
-the administrative councils has been subject tó the approval of the Ministry of lndustries. Furiher, workeis'
deputíes are in constant contact with the NÉR to

I

Photo from LNS.

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Nonv¡o

¡r5

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weeks.

The coming months may well be decisive for

þr.tug"!! future as a non-aligned socialist country.
Civíl :lrife may be intensifying especially in the '

rural Duoro area in the North, where priests arq
aligned with "fascist" landowners against the new
order. On Junè 15, an arrned band lóoted a military
barracks in the area, escaping with many automadó
weapons. lf the major lrading countries escalate their
'boycott o.f Protuguese goods
while freezing their ex.
ports to the country, the economic picture could
t
larken rapidly. Portugal's over all exports declined
i11!74, with a continued decline registered for.the
first quarter of 1975. Mordover, portugal is highiy
dependent upon the US and Common Markefcountries-they account for 75o/o of all her exports. ln additìon, sales to the African colonies have declined by
in the past year. As the Ministr:y of Economics
ltfird
delicately phrased iq ',We expect a slowdown in d-e
mand fro_m principal clients ábroad;l'Another major

source offoreign exchange, payments from portuguese
re{ding abroad, has also plungèd. tn part, this is
reflection of the recession in Europe,-where a million
Portuguese emigrants have worked'in reient years. lt
alsô'reflects the strong disapproval of tens of thousands of Portuguese who noriv live permanentlv in
other countries, particularly the US and Canada.
lhes€ communities have been influenced by incessant
right-wing propaganda, despire visits by NÉl ip"Lãï
people.
W¡th the. exile of Spinola and his circle, the lines
have been drawn. The question may be: cân the MFA
and left parties mobílizè the people rapidly enough
to succes-qfully defend what they term their ,,natlonal

i

.

BY'Andrea Dworkin
'

. ottd frnotly I twist mY heart
round ogoin, so thot the bad ìs on,
,the outside ond the good,is onthe
, inside and keep on trying to fìnd a '
' woy of becomìng What I would so
tike to be, ond I could be, lf , ; .
there weren't onY other PeoPIe
lìving in the world,

1010

clusion from instítutions which, in fact, you did not
endorse, ln all the years of the civil rights moVement,
I never heard a white male radical say to a black man"Whv do vou want to eat there? lt's so much nicer eat'
ing drits aî home." lt was understood that
wãs'a fegtering pathology, and that that pathology
had to be challenged wherever its dread syrnptoms
appeared: to check the growth of the pathology it'
söli; to diminish its debilitating effects on its victims;
to try to save black lives, one by one if necessary,
from'the ravages of a racist system which condemned
those lives to a bitter miserY.

racism

t7

Anne Frank, August 1, 1944'
the lait words h her diary written
three davsbefore

*t

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Feminism, according to the Random House Diction'
ary, is dedned as "the doctrine advocating social and
politicat rights of women equal to those of men."
Th¡s is onJtenet of feminism, and I urge you not to
sneer at ¡t. not to deride it as "reformist," not to dis'
miss it wiúh what might pass for militance.
. Some of you fought with all'yr heart and soul for
civil rishts fór blacks. You understood that to sit at a
:

ã¡riv tinctrcounter and eat a rotten hamburger had
no ievolutionary validity at all-and yet you also:un'

derstood the indignity, the demeaning indignity, of
not being able to do so. And so you, ànd others like
you, laid yr lives on the line io that blackg would not

independence" ín the months ahead?
CONTACT:
Portugal I nformation Center
175 Fifth Avenue No.
New York, NY 10010

be forced to suffer systematic daily'indignities of ex-

.;

:

by Andreo Dworþln.

And yet, when it comes to yr own lives, you do
not malie the same claim. Sexism, which is properly
defined as the systematic,cultural, political social,
sexual, psycholôgícal, and economic servi.tude of
womeñ to men and to patriarchal institutions, is a ,
festering pathology too. lt feitèis{¡n every house, on
every street, in every law court, in every iob-situation,
on every teievision show, in every movie. lt festers in
. virtually every transaction between a man and a
, woman. lt festers in every encounter betweeri a
woman and the institutions of this male-dominated '
society. Sexism festers when we are raped, or when
we are marríed. lt festers when we a¡e denied abse
lute control over our own bodies-whenever the State
ôr uny man decides in our stead the uses to whicli
our bodies will be puL Sèx¡sm. festers when we are
taught to submít tö.men, sexually and/or intellectual. ly. it festers when we are taught and forced to serye
iñen in their kitchens, in their beds, as domestics, as
shitwcjikers ín their multifarious câuses, as devoted
..àisc¡Èl"s of their wor(.whatever that work may be.

.

,

.o

,'

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WIN

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9

.!.

It festérs when we

are taught and forced

to nourish

and núrture them as wives] mothers, lovers, or daughters. Sexism festers when we are forced to study male
culture but are allowed no recognition of or pride in
our own. lt festers when we are taught to venerate
and ¡espect male voices, so that we have no voices of
our own. Sexism festers whgn, from infancy on, we
are forced to restrain.every impulse toward adventure,
'every ambition toward achievement or greatness,
every bold.or original act or idea: Sexism festers day
and night, day after day, night after night. Sexism is
the fundament of every manifestation of exploitation.
Every fôrm of totalitarian control is modeled on
male-ove r-fernale domination.
I have never heard a white male radical ridicule or
denigrate a black man for demanding that the Civil
Rights Act be passed, or for recognizing the raci.st
values behind any refusal to võte for that act. Yet,
many lefr-wing women have said to me, "l can't quite
figure out the politics of the Equal Rights Amendment. " Further discussion always reveâls that these
women have been denigrated by left-wing men for being distressed rhat the Equal Rights Amendment
might not pass this year or in tþe near future. "The
poiitics of ihe e quai Rights Amendmentl' arent really so obscure-a refusal to pass ERA is a refusal to
recognize women as being sound enough in mind and
body to exercise the rights of citizenship; a refusal to
pass it condemns women to live's ¿s chattel before the
law; a refusal to pass it is an affirmation of the view
that women are inferior to men by virtue of bìology,
as a condition of birth. Among political people, it is
shameful to be a racist or an antisemite. No shame
attaches to a resolute disregard for the civil rights of
women.
ln my view, any man who reçognizes
r¡ght to dignity and to freedom will recognize that
the dread symptoms of sexism must be challenged
wherever they appear: to check the growth of the
pathology itself; to diminish its debilitating effects on
its victlms; to try to sâve womens lives, one by one if
necessary, from the ravages of a sexist system which
condernns those lives to a bitter misery-. Any man
who is yr comrade will know in his gut the indignity,
the demeaning indignity, of systematic exclusion
from the rights and responsibilities of citizeñship.
Any man who is yr true comrade will be committed
to laying his body, his life, on the line so that you
will be subjected to that indignity no longer. I ask
you to look to yr male comrades on the Left, and to

i:i
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yr

t

,at

rl

:

determine whether they have made that commitment
to you. lf they have not, then they do not take yr
lives seriously, and as long as you work for and with
them, you do not take yr lives seriously either.
(2)

Feminism is an exploration, one that has just begun.
Women have been taught that, for us, the earth is fla!
and that if we venture out, we will fall off the edge.
Some of us have ventured out nevertheless, and so
far we have not fallen off. lt is my faith, my feminist
faith, that we will not.
Our explor4tion has three parts. First, we must discover our past. The road back ís obscure,.hard to find.
We look for signs that tell ust women have lived here.
And then we try to see what life was like for those
women. lt is a bitter exploration. We find that for
centuries, all through recorded time, women have ':
10

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been violated, exploited, demeaned, systèmatically

-

and unconscionably. We find that millions upon millions of women have died as the victims of organized

gynocide. We find atrocity after atrocity, exeðuÞd on'
such a vast scale that other atrocities pale. by comparison. We find that gynocide takes many forms-slaughter, crippling, mutiliation, slavery, çape. lt is not easy
for us to bear what we see.
Second, we must examine the present: how is
society presently organized; how do women live now;
how does it work-this global system of oppression
based on gender that t¿kes so many invisible lives;
what are the sources of male dominance; how does
male dominance perpetuate itself in organized violence and totalitarian institutions? This too is a bitter

exploration. We see that all over the world, our pee
ple, women, lrre in chains. These chains are.psycho'
iogical, sociâ|, sexual, legal, economic. TheIe chains
arõ heávy. Th'ese,chains are locked by a systematic
violence'perpetrated against us by the gendef class
men. lt is not easy for us to bear what w-e see- lt is
not easy for us to shed these chåíns, to find thê resources to withdraw oùr consent from,opprgssion. lt
is not easy fôr us to determine what forms qur resis'
tance must take.
Third, we must imagine a future in which we
úould be free. Only the imagining of this future can
energize us so that we do not remain victims of our
past and our present. Only the.imagining of this
future can give us the strengthto repudiate our slave
behavior-to identify it whenever we manifébt it, and
t

I

to root it out of out' lives. This exploration is not bit'
ter, but it is insanely diffcult-because each time a
woman does renounce slave behavior, she meets the
full force and cruelty of her oppressor head on.

Pol¡tically committed women'often ask the quest¡on,
as women support the struggles of other
people?'f This question as a basis for political analysis
and action replicates the very form of our oppres'

'

"How can we

i

. sion-it keeps us a gender clqss of helpmates. lf we
' . are not women-if wswere male workers, 9r.m4lg

blacks, or-male anythings-it would be enouitr fot us
to delineate the facts of our own oppression; that
alone would give our struggle credibility in radical
.

male eyes.

.

But we are women, and the first fact of our oppres- *
sion is that we are invisible to our oppressors. The
second fact of our oppressíon is that we have been
trained-for centuries and from infancy on-td see
through their eyes, and so we'are invisible to..ourselves.
The third fact of our oppression is that our oppres'
sors are not only male heads of state, male capitalists,
male militarists-but also our fathers, sons, husbands;
.bÌothers, and lovers. No other people is so entirely
captured, so entirely conquered, so destitute of any
. memory of freedom, so dreadfully robbed of identity
' and
culture, so absolutely slandsred as a grciup, so
demeaned and humiliated as a function of daily life.
And yet, we go on, blind, and we ask over and over
again, "What can we do for them?" lt is time to ask,
'"What must they do now for us?" That question, I
think, must be the first question in any political dia'
logue with men:
(3)
Women, for all these patriarchal centuries, have been
adamant in the defense of lives othér than our own.
We died in childbirth so that others might live. We
sustained the lives of children, husbands, fathers, and
brothers in war, in famine, in every sort of devasta- :
tion. We have done this in the bitterness of globäl
servitude. Whatever can be known under patriarchy
about commitment to life¡ we know iL Whatever it
takes to'makê that commitment under patriarchy, we
.

have it.
It is t¡me now to repudiate patriarchy by valuing

,

our owÐ lives as fully, as seriously, as resolutely, as
we have valued other lives. lt is time now to commit
ourselves to the nurturance and protection ofeach
other.
.We mustestabllsh values that orlg¡note in sisterhood. We must establish values that repûd¡ate phallic
supremacy, that repudÌate phall[c aggie5sion, thaf
repudiate all relationships and inititutions based on* .

,

male dominance and female submission.
It will not be easy for us to €stabl¡sh values that
originate in sisterhood. For centuries, lùe have had
male values slammed down our throats and slammed
up our cunts. We are the victims of a violence so pervasive, so constant, so relentless and,unending that
we cannot point to it and say, "Theie it begins and
there it ends." All of the values that we might dèfencl

CONTINUED ON PAGE 14

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The Philadelphia Bicycle Coalition ann,ounces the formation of the Ben
Franklin Brigade, a network of citizen houps dedicated to.the common
of redis
ilig;;il.iüf.rõf tft. American Revolution and to the endeavoralternatives'
concrete,
gvelyda¡r
of
simple,
;;;íü;häþrinciples by wlV
ffre grúaAé, u.ity*i¿. .oäUtion of citizens federated with similar coalitions
h w;Ji,îõån, guiti**ã, wi¡"itgtor,,|-'{ss York, Providence and lVlontreal,
sub;tü'ifr;îåir"*i"e ¿eólaration f or the Bicentennial:
health'
1) \[re believe that the bicycle is the- most-efficient, inexpensive and
of
living,
we1'old
standard
higher
of
a
ful form of transpori;¿io;; iä þrms
;h; bi.y.l; io be^self-evident. Thetefore, to create a more perfect environ'
of transportation, we urge that
;;rt ñllo initiate a';p"rk 8¡ pedal" systembicyclgs
and bicycle carriers
uutã*o¡if.s in these cities be equipped,with
sailboats carry
that-justas
then,
no fuilitft"n March 31, 19?6. Be it known,
pool
with.
with,
moot
to
better
ãrrgrn*, r" caÀ shall carry bicycles, thê

I
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v$s

SM

2) \{e urge that buses and ruËtyuyr in'ttiese cities as well as trains inter'
.oná.óiingih.*" cities accommodate people's feeder tttgggt" (bicycles'
wft.ãi.fr"ií*) so as to provide a more optþum trans^portatio.n-, attracting.
iia"rrfrip to'these sysiãms while serving thousands if not rñillions of tourists
in a convivial waY.
so as
3) \{e urge that building and zoning codes in these cities be amended
people's
bicycles'
for
to píovide ãdequate and cänvenient parking facilities
tg il*lttg.the installation
i¡ì.ø. t eirtutiott stratt ue introduceã and passedpublic
buildings, transit
;¡;;t",iheft-prooi bike parking devices at all
stations and historic sites.
pedestrian
4) \{e urbe that bridges, too, be "amended" so as to allow for
ond-the.
Richm
and
unA îi.v.t""trum., *4"*ü"r" ápptoptiate-Wilmington
horse and buggY.
. 5) In keeping with the spirit of the bicycle, the Brigade takes as its motto:
on" teqch one, *d.nd.uuors to periuade thoåe now depende-nt up9n.
then, that a
"u.h
áuiã*ãuit¿r to ¡..äm" inããpendent upon bicycles; be it known,
on the
liberal
eneÍgy'
on
bilt¿6 is the commån senseiehicle, conservaiive
par
excellence!
economics
environment, u **f"Juiion of3eá Franklin
.

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The following groups subscribe to this declaration:
\4lashìneton Area Bicyclist Assoc.'
Citizens For Bikeways (Baltimore)
Delware Friends Fox Bikecology
Philadelphia Bicycle Coalition
Citizens for NJ BikewaYs
Transportation Alternatives (NYC)
Yankèe Pedal Pushers (Providence)
Iæ Monde a BicYclette (Montreal)

CO}üIACT:
PC'TATO PRINTS BY MARK MORRIS

Philadelphia Bicycle Coalition
3410 Baring Street

Philadelphia, Penna. 19104
12 WrN

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Redclnlng Nonvl,olence CONTINUED FROM PÁeE 1l

conseguence of our allegiances to men and their
ideas are saturated w¡th the täct or memory of that
violence. We know more about violence than any
other people on the face of this earth. We have ãbsorbed su.ch quantities of it-as women, ond as Jews.
blacks, Vietnamese, Native Americans, etc.-that our
bodies and souls are seared through with the effects of
as a

& by*

.

'Trr.'

:

¡L

ln my view, any commitment to nonviolence which
is real,

which

il authentic, must begin in the

+

recogni-

tion of the forms and degrees of violence perpetrãted

TNUTH
AT THE
CENTEN

against womèn by the gender class m'en. Any'analysis

of violence, or any commitment to act against ¡t, that
does not begin there is hollow, meaningless-a sham
which will have, as its direct consequence, the perpet, uation of our servitude. In my view, any male apostle
of secalled nonviolence who is not committed, body
and soul, to end.ing the violence against us is not trustworthy. He is not a comrade, not a brother, not a
friend. He is someone to whom our lives are invisible.
As úomen, nonviolence must begin for us in the
refusal to be violated, in the refusal to be victimized.
We must find alternatives to submission, because our

ì

Photo from Vie¡nam News Agency/LNS.

SAM TYSON

submission-to rape, to assault, to domestic servitude,
to abuse and victimization of every sort-perpetuates

violence.
The refusal to be a victim does not originate in any
act öf resistance as male-derived as killing. The refusai
to which I speak is the revolutionary refusal to be a

victim, any time, any place, for friend or foe. This
refusal requires the conscientious unlearning of all of
the forms of masochistic submission which are taught
to us as the very content of womanhood. Male ag

{".ft

gression feeds on female masochism, as vultures feed
on carrion. Our nonviolent project is to find the social,
sexual, political, and cultural forms which repudiate
our programt4ed submissive behaviors, so that niale
aggression can find no dead flesh on which to feast.
To establish values that originate in sisterhood, we
must not accepta even for a moment, male hotions of
what nonviolence is. Those notions have never condemned the systematic violence against us. The. men
who hold those notions have never renounced the
male behaviors, privileges, válues, and conceits which
are in and'of themselves acts of violence aga¡nst us.
We will diminish violence by refusing to be vio
lated. We will repudiàte the whole patriarchal system,
with its sadomasochistic institutions, with its social
scenarios of dominance and submission all based on
the male-over-female model, when we refuse conscientiously, rigorously, and absolutely to be the soil
in which male aggression, pride and arrogance can

Photo by Blalr P¡ttman/LNs.

grow like wild weeds.
ln 1911, the'Japanese ferninist poet Yosano Akiko
wrote:
The mountoin-movìng day is comlng,
I sgy so, yet others doubt,
Only o whtle the mountaln sleeps
ln the past
All mountains moved ln frre,
Yet you moy not believe it.
Oh mon, thís olone believe,

All sleeplng women now wlll

recent purge and dismemberment of Teamster Local
1973 (farmworkers)? These questions should affect
our relationshiP with the UFW.
Searching fór truth leads peop[e to travol as far as
Hanoi, the Mideast, the Soviet Union, Cuba. Does
travelling a long dístance rnake us better able to dis-

øwoke ond move,

Oh, sisters, this atone believe, we aré now awa(e and
we must now move.

|
14 WtN

.own press, however, shows the very same human im'pulse
to play the record we wanl to hear, that portion
of the truth which backs up our bias.
By and large we tend to be çareful not to criticize
wíthin certain subiect areas: Cuba, United Fann
Workers, Allende's Chile. Truth is the first to suffer
from thó reality of the political process. " ln war truth
¡s the first casuality"-Aeschylus, Greek dramatist.
Truth has so many facets'we should be metic-ulous inits search. Çertain aspects should not be blacked out
deliberately or by omission.
So much written about the UFW has bqen as
eulogistic ai any high school paper. Our side right or
wrong-the UFW can do no qrdng! This unending
praisJof the farm w,Òrkers' úñion bríngs several ques'
t¡ons to mind. Is the UFW leadership firmly commítted to the nonviolent process, or is'there a strong.
sesment within the union which has no belief in this
foim of struggle? What do we hear of their internal
power struggles? What does the decline i¡ membership
îrom 40,000 to 10,000 mean for the union and its
supporters? ln the field and on the street: vituperation, intentional hostility, throwing things, cutting
down trees/vines, arson, plea bargaining by those
caught w¡th pipe bombs, playing "chicken" with
deputy sheriffs as a form of harassment, blocking
buiseí of non:union workers-are these the kinds of
actions we wdnt to support? ls there an integral relationship between this kind of low-level personal and
property violence and the fire bombing of Safeway
itores "for.our brothers, the farm workers" (promptly disavowed by the UFW)? Do we need to know that
sôme churches have withdrawn their close support?
And why? Are thesé questions as,pertinent to our
understanding of the UFW as our knowledge of the

"n*o

Þy LNS Womens Graphlcs

co[ectiv6.

Sam Tyson ¡s a long't¡me peoce activÍst who llves ln
J4taterford, Cattfornla, He is oêtive w¡th the Modesto
PeocelLlfe Centen

.:
cern the truth? We tend to accept at face value state
ments wh¡ch come during personal exchanges. Indeed,
we are unabashedly open to truth and certainly run
the risk of aopearing politically naive. Hanoi says the
prisoners aré not being tortured when in fact they are.

Arafat speaks wíth poetic imagery about Arab desires
for þeacä; later the news shouts out the fiiling of
ctrirãienãsãne of these aven^ues to peacd. Muit we
cease talking with {'leaders" because they. are two:
faced, tell ui what we want tÔ hear, use "truth" as a
' ' :n ,
oolitical
weaoon?
' ls it,elitism
to
seek
truth
"movêment"
the
within
at high and.low levels so all can be freêd by the trúth?
The óeace community by its origins is privileged; a
blue'work shirt does not change this. The path to
truth is an infinitely long,iourney which may well in'
clude side trips (surface activity), like the impeach'
ment of a présidênt-not at all very important. The

'

I

president óreated over the years the conditions for hís
own downfall; he planted those seeds which became
impeachment. The truth may set us free but no '
poiitical orocess is likely to be able to do so. Truth
is
self-learn'ed, transmittable only by the living through
it. Low-levél, not grandiose. Tru-th is lìke a ffee from
a seed which c4n expand into a forest, a community:
Belief must be integiated with actÏon.
As important for many California voters às the office seekers last November was a constitutional
amendment about New Melones dam. This initiative
measure was pushed by the Sierra Club and Friends'
of the Earth-organizafions with impeccable liberal
reputat¡ons. lt sðemed lit'e a naturai with one of our
best bogeymen as the opponent: US Army Engineèrs
and the Bureau of Reclamation. Conservationists
wished to block qonstruction of a high dam !o pre'
serve an excellent white'water (shallow, swift) piece
of the Stanislaus River. A smaller dam for needed
flood control work was'suggested.
What seemed like a reasonable conservation móve
turned into a classic example of urban areas treating
rural reas-in a colonial fashion-an attempt to export
a cosmopolitan view from city to country. The white'
water area to be preserved is for a small group of
users, while clean water foíagriculture, clean hydro-

ì

produced energy, and downstream development were
io be foregone. People to be served by the dam voted
Ç1 for its construction whíle liberal r¡rba4 arqas voted
to stop the dam.
Truth became lost in the foam of the white'water
of distortion, lies, part truths. New Melones dam, as
órooosed. wás onã'of the few timës the federal
buräaucrácies had accommodated to citizen pressure:
federal agencies agreed .to dow¡stream recreational
development. Thii would oftsêt the upstream loss 9f,
white.water areas for rafting and kayaking. lt did not.'.
bother the Sierra Clúb that rafting is a money-making
mortopoly nor that local conservation people worked
to get changes in the original dam plan. The'Sierra
Club has a"gag" rule which frees it from opposition
of local units once the national body makes a decision-this is conservation democracy in action. Campaign material tisted the Audubon Society as a supporter of the initiative, though the Audubon Society

@nnot take political sides!
Where does all thís leave the searcher for.the spirit
of truth? Patience and endurance are prime requisites

.

CONTINUÉD ON PAGE 2I

wtN ls-

f,

i

1l I

tÊ
oá

ê

T

cHA
iãi[ror

PLANNED FOR FLORIDA
TOUR,IST'SITE

'

Reverend Carl Mclntire, the conservative fundamentalist preacher, is plannine a new tourist attract¡on for his
lðrñple^ in Cape Canaveral' Mclntire
has brought some 40 Vietnamese
'refugees to the site to live in a recrealed "Vietnamese village,il i ust
"like one our boys went into during
the war," he saYs.
Besiáes beinÊ a tour¡st attract¡on,
M'clntire says the "villagers" will.make
.

procelain elephants, vases and oth.er..
"that Ámericans love so well"'
That Reverend also has Plans'for
undth"r refugee ham[et. . .for Cam'

it"tt

t

Ñi;;'. "

to

PHILADELPHIA ELDERLY
out the ent¡re or¡son population
privaie corp'orätions. Accord' PROTESTf-qB- Nf¡t. .t .
irlto'tn" ¡ourrol, the propoll! ha.s , SOCIAL SERVICE RULES
Ër"en t"¿é uv. t çioyq
F"" hundred elderty peopte sraged a

.,VI ETNAMESE.VILLAG E:'

-LNs

US MULTINATIONALS
USE PRISON LABOR
Several US corp'orations are using.

¿:!:9llt",T:n
il#Ïiffi i;'yl'8li 8iXäiå','ln, iï'åtlitl*;":'l,"lí*Í' iti ffi Jl:î'
'tt"1i""¡:Iå:l,ullcoro'oia rord rhe f[Íf¡;
[äf#$*i'å:il :i:".
-'--';
Journolthey were unaware ot the
on, -tå:rïffiiomemade pìacards and
i,;'rsot' .*;Il¿ prlcra.T, uui-strorutv
posed

iL lorse carillo, l:11:-1.,^- *uuìi;

i

I

i

I
I

""

the iobs of factory
unemployment, and ooulo even oe
way to brg.ak o1 stop a un¡on. ...^-^
"l wish I could say that we wçre
into this by higher

drlui¡*'
a detailed financ'íal
disclosures from all
wtro w¡str ro'take ad- '
;kü;Ñ
t^Å
ñpie
led ::::'as
r";iïJ;üi';t'# ::..?ct of such social services
ü;;;;;afr ;ñ;tMílll,.r'diliiÍå,'.i'jì1.'.i1,¿ã;:.îä.1ïl,rå*['fl iå,qi'
dent of Carton de Colc

nuke.
Stops were made at the six river
town along the route. Being canoe
voyagers on the mighty Missouri attracted the attention qf the"tdwnspeople and allowed us to discuss with
them the issue of nuclear power. Leaflets elplaining the dangers of nukes
and petitions asking our governrnqnt
official to advocate safe energy soürces
were circulated.
Most of the people contacted were
not aware of the dangers of nuclear
power. Even fewer people were aware
. that a nuke is being proposed for Missouri.
At the site of the proposed nuke,
400 post card messages were released
to the atmosphere via Helium filled '
balloons, The purpose of the baloon

,
..

wort.

I

h .'.|:

*:tL"l#

iffi'îliffi

.

the new regulations-dubbed
the'lmeans test"-applicants must

of questions about
their financial state, including their in'

answer

four

pages

come and whether anY member of the
aoolicant's family has ever received
fååeral assistance., Verification of all
information is required.
"The means test is a clear invasion
of privacy," charged Frank Bradley,

heä¿ of the Action Alliance. "lt asks
us to rat on our relatives. lt digs ìnto
our oersonal finances. lt assumes that
*u ure chislers. . . We fear that it is an
enterins wedge to destroy the program
(of seniãr soðial servíces) entirely."
Even the Adult Services Division

'

of the City's Department of PublicWelfare. wt¡¡clr wilt be responsible for

enforciág the new federal rules, sup-- -^
ported tñe
-LNÇ

'

Dworkin, EleanorCooper, Lynne D.

tion.

Shapiro, Julia P. Stanley, Betty
Powell, and rpyself. The week ended
with a well-attended and lively dance
at Columbia University. '.
This was the first year that Lesbians
ran many separate events and that
most Lesbians refused to march with
men in the annual Chr¡stopher Stteet
Parade (which marks the anniversary
of the Stonewall riots). The reasons
that the wonien separated included

accident.

-Paul

E. Schaefer

.
Yes, Korea. June 25 marked 25Years

Protesters.

,

sincê the start of the Korean wàr and
today, with 42,000 US troops in
Kore4 a repeat performance is loomine This is the theme of Yale Professor

'öi¿áis

Smith in tíis Sunday løes
Maguinç art¡cle with the above head.

He qtrotes Defense Secretary Schlgsinger's reçent warning that if North
Korea:starts "trouble," the US "will
go for the heart of the opponent's'
power... .and take more vigorous action than. . .during much of the Vietnam war.'f
On lune'25 in New York the Fréer,dom Leadership Foundation founded
by the Korean evangelist and ultrarightist Rev. Sun Myung Moon,
sponsored "a special commemorative
' program at the New York Hilton
where prominent guest speaker:s will
, discuss. . .why America bears the

crucial responsibility to protect and

leakage of fluorocarbons

.
.

harassment and shoving of Lesbians
by gay men and transvestites in last
year's parade, and the booing by men
of Lesbian,speakers at last year's rally.
Most women st¿ted that theY felt
more comfortable at the separate
events, and all sigñs point to future
Lesbian Pride
-Karla JaY

Weeks.

OREGON OUTLAWS
AEROSOL SPRAY

'

Oregon has become the first state to
outlaw the sale of,aerosol spray cans
which use fluorocarbons-most haír
sprays, deodorants and insectíçidesbecause of mounting scientific evidence that aerosol use.is damaging the

oarth's ozone layer and may already
be íncreasing skin cancer.
A week after the Oregon Legislature approved the ban-subsequently
signed by the governor-the federal
Environ¡nental Protection Agency ¿n.

(Dupont

i

calls theirs Freon) from refrigerators, ¡
air conditioners and other theoretically self-contained systems, and to study

possibilities,for controlling other

.sources of atmospheric fl uorocarbon

pollution.

Corporate producers of aerosol
sprays were apparently caught flat-

several speakers including Andrea

,:AFTER 25 YEARS=
THE PARALLEL"

.

for initiating

a demo
opportune. " -f ¡m fec¡<

would now be contaminated by rad¡a-

an

]'Ün¿.r

which was

.lnstead of celebrating Gay Pride Week
in New York with gay men, most Lesbians here sponsored a separate Lesbian Pride Week (June 21-27\ with
events exclusively f-oT and by Lesbians.
lncluded were a Lesbian anthropology
night, a Lesbian Herstory Night, and a
'Lesbian Video Tape N¡ght. On Fr¡day
hundreds of Lesbians attended a music
fêstival at wh¡ch Casse Culygr, Alix
'Dobkin and Barbaia Cobb, Kây
Gardner, and Jade and Sarsaparilla
performed. On Saturday, a Lesbian
rally was held in Central Park's Sheepmeadow. The women played softball and
had a picnic, and then'lisiened to

presently waiting for postcards to be returried thus supplying us
with information on how the wind currents would spread the radiation from

test.

ln front of the Hilton, some 250
pickets marched in proteit and distributed ieaflets headed ,,Stop US War
Plan's ìn Korea!" lt should have been a
coalition_demo and with many more
pickets.. But it was sponsored'by only
t_ou¡h Againsr War & Fascism and
Workers Wo.rld-party_who, reaily,

,' LESBIAN PRIDE WEEK HELD

We were

',o,L o'.o.

hotel.)

deserve credit
.

to simulate a release of
radiation from the nuclear plant. The
recipient of the balloon carried message was informed that if a serious
. plant malfunction had occurred he

l**it';'"

l?i;""Î'iiii,iil",li,üililËlbt:ü1,'¿'t:i:"î',i;;iii11JåT,i"i:'¡;'
;;ãì¡; ; ; d; iy *om"n
öüü ;;,d;

tributed by rhe Foundation oritside the

release was

:

nounced it is concerned about seriousaqrosol damage to thè ozone's ability
to screen out ultraviolet rays from the
sun, and may ban fluorocarbons soon.
Scientific research indicates that it
takes 20 to 30 years for effects of
fluorocarbons to reach the stratosphere, with irreúèrsible results.î
Afew days after the federal
agency's-¡nnouncement, Sen. Bob . L
Packwoofl introduced Corgressional
legislation modeled after tñe new Oregon law, which takes effeci in March,
"1977. " Americans, in their zest for
convenient push button product¡, are
spraying away a protective shield that
las_existed for millions of years,"
Packwood said.
Available figures show that about
half of the world's flriorocarbon_use
takes place in this country.
Packwo'od's bill, co-sponsored by
Oregon's other senator Mark Hatfield,
would require the'EPA to enforce the
nationwide ban. lt also directs the
EPA to deüelop regulations preventing

preserve freedom there." (The quote
is from a red-white-and-bli¡e nvËr dis-

t

During the last week in )une a239
mile canoe trip was executed on the
Missouri fiver to protest the proposed
construction of a nuclear power plant
in Missouri.
Eight canoeists participated in the '
expedition which began ín Kansas City
and ended at the site of the proposed

means that when we go into a

äorñe ät a "most opportune time" for
õ"iotu¡uñ corporat¡ons. AboutT 5%
iñr ¿octor since hé is still being paid of the prisoners have never been conand any assessment of
victed,the Journal said, and some have relatively little
time would not give
this
at
earníngs
his
years'
awaited trial for as long as ten
for
compensation
-" his wife aðequate
SeventY large Colombian and US
t'är
-LNS
plan
to.
companies are supporting a

wrN

*iu'require

:xt ff;:,lrui'ø
fi'ffiiiili'fuii;iîrå'rl'''il1
ira help in tlie production.lines lately, ' "1ii,

prisoners in Coloñ'rbia as cheap labor,
ägg cartons, abou t s %,9f _tlt_e. y:-s,::_gf
âccording to a special investigative.
rhe com pan v's n o n- p'so n e
report inlhe f uire 20 ll/ollStreet Jour'
nàt. The prisoners are paid as liltle as.
45d a dai for eight.hours work'.ln all
DIVORCE REQUEST REFUSED
cas'"s meiltioned by the p?per, the US
'
doctor still in trainmultinationals paid the plisoners less - A Tulsa, Oklahoma
a divorce from
requested
recently
ing
than the Colombian minimum wage ot
as one of his reasons
stating
wife,
hii
told
offcial
US
one
$1.33 a daY; and
ihat his'wife's iack of a college educathe lournal the prisoner ryor\ proglam
tion would prevent him from rising in
of
exploitation
"coúld be labeled as
the medical Profession.
slave labor for a profit." The corporaHis wife had worked'to Put him
Goodrich,
B.F.
tions involved include
medical school instead of go'
throuch
Colgate-Palmolive, and the Container
herself. The iudge hear'
to-college
inc
of
the
Some
Corþoration of Ameríca.
the divorce re'
refused
case
inr
the
prison labor pro¡ects started a decade
say¡ng that the man was "af'
ôüest
ago.
- Colombian prison author¡ties say
d¡cte¿ w¡th what is commonly known
as 'chuck tho wife' sYndrome." The
c-urrent'
are
prisoners
. that about 6,000
¡udse oointed out that a divorco would
lv workinc fôr US multinationals and

16
I

iìags, rhe

;"' ''ï;'";;l,t*ll,"l,i:'rf,"",l f '-1i",
yglI:j1.i1cP::t nî**:

,ï !:ll,3'ii,.gi?,i lili"Ï,1åüÏ

iiËlill;,

'

lråíÃrriiran

PADDLE AGAINST
THE NUKES

footed by the Oregon bill, and by the
time they began to react the measure
was nearing final approval. lndustry
spokespeoplé later indicated they
would begin to withdraw the spr¿ye
from Oregon shelves immediately.' J
.Corporate interesfs, of cóïrse, can be .
expected to wage an extensive cam- r, .
paign against federal interference in ' ,
.aerosol sales which amount to about, i
" 'l
$3 billion an4ually.
-Normon Solornô¡n

A FOUNDER OF WRI P¡E5'i::rj
On July 5 at Conway Hall, in London,

peacepeople gathered for a memorial
for Harold Bing, a lifelong
educator and a founder of War Resisters
lnternational. He died June6 at the
age oi
irt his home iñ East Lake. í
."He has been one of the most,important pacifists in the history of WRI .¡- ,
says the July isiue of l|lRl Newsletter:
"A lifelong pacifist, Harold spent2/z
years in prison as a CO in World War l'...
He was active in the No More l4lar
service

'

li

movement, 1920-1938 and:founder of
its youth section. Active in the Peace
Pledge Union since its foundation, he
became one of its sponsors. He has
been on the WRI Council since 1925

.

and was chairperson from 1 95O to
| 966, honorary treasurer since'197 2.
He never missed a Council, Executive
. or Triennial meeting except in-the last
yeâr due to his illness.l' -f im Peck

wtN

,

17

,

lf there is prescription that emerges from this work, it
.is the
repeared plea rh.at plople gain
a.

cäntrol of tf,ã init¡íu_
tions that most directly- affect thiir lives. And altnoug-tr wc
have heard this plea before, repetition does not dimiñish:the
'importance of the message. One can put down
,ujtice in
Everyday Life feeling powerlesg an¿ incapabie óf action.
But inaction is not the prescribed solution io the oersonal
troubles described in this Qook or those problãms-fácäJ'-'
everydayly the re.1ders. Zinn challeng.rïiio rry to gain
control of the institutions oT ot¡r cominunity. He tells"us .
^
. that if the efforr is nor made
people acting collectively can develop a society in
wtrictr ¡us
tice is not an empty piece of patriotic eibbeiisiì.
The book may be faulted because ttnn and his associates
are brilliantly descriptive but weak on interpretations. for
example, each section has a summary but these tend to be
too short and never-really develop a cogent analysis. The
writers owe us a share in the inteipretalions whiðh must
havb surfaced in their claçsroom discussions. lnããéa",irrã ,t
book woi¡ld havè been substantialiy irpi"îåã if rhe reader
yg¡e given more direction through the various narratives.
Still, the effort by Zinn and his students results in uitrrUle
ethîog1aply of many of our institutions. that are supposed
"
to'render jusrice.
And, in so doing, f ustié ín Everyday lifu
may assist those who are trying to. overcome structúres of injustice and create a society in ri;hictr human"liberation
is the .
first principle of
k;irü;d

a

tI

.t

ô
t

KS

f¡

th.";; ;'h;ii';ä;;$ñii

t

Now that we're no longer wallowint in

ctA.

whar.we

rh.;ïãp;t: i;i;;;"ry

.

crti;;;;

rhq

has
y!u'p

q

,

,

a
social
who
.

'

are-pic-

to
the

deciêollar

the
and
is
of

for y'all.

It

wtN

-

ï[#1,"Lä::::".#:tft'liffie

reacrion, ted, of coúrse, by_ rhe
The press-coverage of the Portugcse Lawyers Guild has started i radical
law
part by the Rockefeller funded Aomsituation is enough to send a chill down sctroA Aesign;j õ.ü¡gi; pË"pf.- one's
spine,
mon Couse, take effect. You fnight
reminiscenr of
rathei
were reading.just before "order" was_ reasonable tir¡t¡ãn, ánå-¡Täpän
le4eqb_er something abou t matchitrg
äspecialrestored in Chile. The American media ty to appticaiü; i¡g; wo,ñàn
federal funds for candidates who mei
appears.to be setting up a blackand.
cer!a!n specifi cations, theoretical ly
th¡r¿ rüóiiã peqîu. li'Vä,i;á"1¡1,"n¿
to
white picture of the moderates (sociat. find our aUoi¡t a piäià iã,tUáV'üõ
enabling those with little money to
ists and capit3lists) fghring for democ- thai doesn't r"rãmUU
take on the moneybags. lt all sounded
iürtory, wrire
racy against the capitalisrs. The roaqon The peopte's
.so democratíc, but, as usual, the systi*-. zzzc
miglt be to prepare the American puÞ welr jðíCñri., fË,1; iäinüeãËikn
tem works to preserve itself. So far,
lic for a.crushing of everyone to
the only people for the Democratsl
90057. . : ; . À; Ãô1U-Þ;;ib"
left of the Socialist Party, inctuding .iil
who have "qualified" to receive tax
Maryuat on niiii¡r;i Dl*h;;;; Upgrad_
thê communisr Parry, büalso inciuddollars for their campaigns are tlvo
i.s available tróm ttre iiteãrure depr.eveV revolutionary in the country. of the ACLU ar2i Eas¡+ói'fr,Sireer,'
neofascists-Scoop Jackson and
i1S
lf you don't think that rhe press
George Wallace-and, get this, Lloyd
NyC, Ny lOO16. . . . . ;,Wãöh youi
been.trying to set somethÌng up atong sæp. you m"v Uàiomä piñãt tf,"
Bentsen. lf you ask ten peop[e on ihe
street what they think of when they
this line, rake a look.at what
conspiracy.,'Ín"gr it"ããï¡ce fiom ¿
hear Bentsen, nine of them would
been reading, and thin k about it. F¡rst the fol ks of the Great Atlantic
Radio
probably say "Hedges," which should
of all, the. much celebrated Repubtica conspiracy. ttrey proauä'iápes ror
'on
'of
say something about his base of supis not, as has been
a variety
suU-repqrted, the offcial use on the, radio
port. The tenth person might be able
organ of the socialist Party, it is
jects either not dealt with. ór not
to pinpoint Bentsen as the millionaire
newspaper sympathet¡c to
dealt adequately, by the establ¡shed
senator from Texas who drinks a
democracy. And for those of you
media. rtrbir taiäs have titles like ,,Alquart of oil for breakf¿st each mornbelieve that socialism means worker
ternative Lifo.Ëunds," ,,Books for the
ing just to remefnber where his money- control, take a look at how the media people," apdt,ln China, Women Hold
and allegiance-is. The fact that he has
is portraying the.mean, rough necked up Halî tne Sky.'r ¡¡ yol,d líi" tt rüqualified for more money for his right
printers at Republìca, They
full catalog, send a request to GAR{
wing campaign, even though he has no
tured.somehow.as agents of an ihterna- 2743 Marlíand Ay9., bdtimàre, MD'
popular support is clearly unfair. But
tional communist conspiracy, waiting 21219.. . . . ttre Wai tax Resis'tance
then, nobody said it was going to be
lor a phone call from Moscow
national offce has moved to califorfair, since it was a law drafted by the
determine whether or not to set
niay, and will be organizine for a natwo capitalist part¡es with advice from
type. lf you belíeve in worker conrrot; tionår meering August 23 íor pa¡kiil\e,
Rocky's Cause. . . . . The events in
you would accept the fact that printers Missouri. Formore information, write'
Portugal are certainly worth watching
should have some input into the
them at their new address-629 south
for anyone interested in a non-violent
sion making of thoir workplace, ínclud- Hill Street, Los Angeles, CA 90014. . . .
, road to socialism. Due care has to be
ing editorial policy. The white
People interested iñacoi¡¡rins "knowtaken to be aware of the machinations editorial staff of Republíco disagreed ledge, skills, confidence'and Énsitivity
of the sølinists in that newly rejuvewith_the printers, wt¡o included-com- necess,ary to work as a social change '
natd and, despite some proólems,
munists and people to the left of
a1!enç" lhoU¡d contact the Training
h4ppy land, but we should be just as
commun¡sts within their ranks.
Organizing.Collective of the Movement
careful to watch the machinations of
locked them out. lt is not simply an
[9¡ a New Society, 4713 Windsor St.,those who cali themselves "socialists,,
Phíladelphia, PA'1:g'-43. They're orsue of "freedom of the press,'¡ but
to blend in with the political topog.
worker control as well. The America¡ ganizing a program for the fall. . . . .
nphy but whom by their alliances ofpress refuses to report this, preferring That's all for ñow. Bread and Roses to
ton play into the hands of the forces of instead to use red:baiting as a basis
Doherty
-B¡'tan
Watergate, we can sit back and let the
,campaign reform laws, written in large

jusrice.

IUSTICE IN EVERYDAY LIFE
Howard Zinn / Neri, yòrk / William Morrow,

1974

$10.00

I

367 pp.

Justice is a property of a sociat system which tells us someth¡ng about the faírness and humanity of partícutar social
arrangements. The concept of justice is ofterl lim¡ted to the
prevailing body of legal and sotial rules but to fake
such a
narow perspective denies the possibility of human growth
and social change. Any movement whicil defines itsðlf as
progressive or change-orienteúmust try to define
iustice in,
terms of its own vision. This task of reãefinine thó meãn¡nd

of ju.stice is made difficulr because

wprl{ þ4 us.to accepr.the
justice
of official

srarus

pr"*¡iils

ãrfiffiñ"''

iuo. Autittre mythotogy

creared by the staie¡¡the e;"n¿ wórás, thi
sacred symbols of law and governmeñt muit Ue ¿"miitiñeã
and reevaluared objective.ly ro determine tn. nt ot píiãüt,
to evéry proposed set of ideals.
Howard Zinn has offered us an unmasking of American

¡1,-!i'boo.k
in Everyda-y firJ.irris
i.y:li::
worK ¡s the result ofluitice

üi;¡;;il;s

the collective effort gf Zinn, a well_
known hisrorian, and studenrs at Bosron ù"iËJity.
our ro empiricaily verify the qualiry of jústice in
FI9l1-p Tt
rnetr clry of Boston. They discovered that the jusiice of
everyday life bore no resémblan.. to tt ããon;ff;;ion;i

îi;.

rylli1]P1_"f,principtes of fairness rhar were supposed to

be

than obvious lies.
. The work of Zinn and his students povers a widç range

of'

avattaþte to all c¡tizens of Boston. Hence, these iáme prin_
ciples whìch were enshrined in their rexrl;;re litle more

issues perraining to the
þr.rti"ñ.9il1iriirl.'Éori*
is examined as wett as rhê assembrv-ii"ã

iir"ã"l"itv

lrtti..'ài ,uñìäirilr

courr. We learn again of the horroi, ãi p'rì*nìii.;d iü¡n_
justices of the workplace.as they .ru Jo*rånti¿
in tt ¡,

!ïÍ;l,l'ffi ,l;',,i:filï"x""i:fil*:i#,'[:',;_.,;f

ß"*

tive and often brutal serv.ice.orsani3i¡."rrË;Ë public and
p¡ivare. rhe iustice_wll"l,IllL
h,ñt;d;is soughr in

lq
rhe¡rciry"lP'j.":..:::^t'gp-!y'lon-gx¡steñi'iñr-ðriäaör,
eve

n movemen ts rowarq_s r^e|9ry i ng i nstitu tio ns were fu
ti lei,

iJ,llJ"ïr:'#:i?:å,i."j"i"::"1',,:lm;'ny*,fl ,iffiiffi :tr,
signed to serve People.

;'

,

-Bany

THE LAST WOR,DS OF DUTCH SCHULTZ

lVilliam S. Blrroughs /_lilustraæd | 115 pp./ New york /
The Viking Presl / $8.95 .
Dutch Schultz, born Arthur Flegenheimer, moves almost
naturalistically toward his death-gunned down in the
Palace Chop House in Newark, ñew ¡ersey, on the night
of October 23,1935-from thä first i^se oî William Sl
Burroughs' new "Fiction in the Form oÍ a Film Scriptr" .
.
The Lost l4tords of DùfthSchultz, In the little more'tlian.twenty-four hours that Dutch had to live. while he lav in a
hqspitalbed, he spoke about 2,000 words, which werã . :' :
recorded by a police stenographer, and wliich Burroughs
uses as a point of departure for this ,,scripl',, ln the
¡,, 1
scene we see "a skull-faced porter,, with ihe number 23 on ,'l' "
his.ca¡ and t}tat_number is an objective correlative to the . _,.1
'l
night that Dutch's "number" will-come,up; the f lm, in
,.
sense, represents Dutch's consciousness/dèiir¡um anä
-.n
life thru his eyes as he lies fhere,in the hoipiral, .¡i1.,
,

füst
i
we

åilË.r,1
'

' 'i

Aã Dutch's tife is revealed in the 236scene! that make
up the script, we are never allowed to forget the presence
of the policc stenographer, who is ,,thin, grey, spãctral, be.'
h ind steel-rimmed glasses. . .expressionlésE pdnð¡l poisóa
over his 9!ipþ9ary1," The. police
¡1e¡ographêia.,looking
remarkably like Big Bill Burrôu¡ilts,,-provides a coqn¡ãr- .
part, an objective reality, to Dutch,s hallucinating one,,ähd
we see Burroughs both as author and as player. Lãter ón. _.. .
the tÊchn¡c¡an who is helping to tap a plionô is ¿escriUeJ aS' .l
"the same-actor who plays the police stenographer,, and the
picture ofthe stenographer given us on pagi 71 ¡s that of -.,
Burrou.ghs, while the numerous other phoios appearing
throughout the book are those of the ¡,real" påriiclparía.
told, on the inside dust jacket of ttre Uoo'þ ttrit
!V..-utu
the "fiction" is cast "qqite appropriately,, in the form of a
film script, but we are not told why tfie events are por.
trayed any more approprialely th¡s way than they would
be in a novel. But the way in which the sceires faäe and dis,
solve, not to mention them tum_bl¡ng into (or against) each
other, given Burroughs' very skillful handliirc oi Uottr tlle
audio and visual elements of film making-thã'sounds of the
hospital occur ¡¡s a motif, and the sceneican change within

.

.

wrN 19

I

i
seconds from Dutch being shot at the Chop House to his
birth to an atomic explosion to a couple making love-force
the viewer to respond emotionally (his subconscious reacts
for him ín that images are often presented so quickly-or
simultaneously-that their effect on him is subliminal)
whereas he would be able to react intellectirally to some.
thing that he could read slowly, even reread, and deal with
.

on his own terms, rather than beíng overwhelmed.
There is no doubt that Burroughs, with this "script", has
written his most advanced "cut up" to date. (ln the cut up,
the printed word or the taped sound is literally cut up and
then rearranged at random, lett¡ng one's subconscious move
the pieces, as one would shuffie and deel Tarot cards, so that
they can appear in new visual and sound patterns.) One
cuts himself free of established connections and patterns,
destroying what Burroughs has called the Control machíne.
Allen Ginsberg in an intervìew by John Tytell that appeared in Partisan Review in the fall of "1974, said Burroughs came into the Democratic Convention Hall at
Chicago in 1968, carrying"his tape recorder'with all sorts
of riot sounds from Tangiers like shutters slamming and
(he) started spraying all these sounds out on the balcony of
the convention, and within an hour the place was in an up;
,roar." While some might see this as an.irresponsible action,
Ginsberg goes on to say that Burroughs wants to dlscover
"where the original imposition of brainwæh comes from"
so that he may combat it and "liberate consciousness from
the conditions imposed on it by the Control Forcesr"
whether those forces are the ClA, the economic control
monopolists or the antisex forces.
Should The Last Words of Dutch Schultz find its way to
the screen (what a film it would be) the consciousness of ,
everyone viewing it will not only be !'liberated" but blownapart. This "script" has the impact of a-4i;

*,nn.,O Knight

q

PSYCHOANALYS¡S AND FEMINISM: FREUD,
RE|CH, LAtNG, AND WOMEN
Jutiet Mítchell / Peîtheon, 1974 1435 pages
ln the early 1'960's Wisconsin historian William Appleman
W-illiams (a founder of the New Left) wrote a book about
Marx entitled The Greot Evosion, lt concerned the failure
of the American academic community to come to terms
with Marxism. The Women's libelation movement and the
New Left are also guilty of a great evasion, according to
British feminist Juliet Mitchell, They have failed to recognize the validity of the 'science' of psychoanalysis as
taught by Sigmund Freud. Whatever one's first reaction this
idea ìnay be, there is no longer any doubt that Freud must
become a central point of departure for debating the ¡deologies of women's liberation and the revolutionary movement. lt is no exaggeration to say that Juliet Mitchell's
tome has already had that great of an impact within the
movement (see ín particular the essay by Eli Zaretsky in
Soc ia I ist Revo I ut ion no. 21 | 22).
Mitchell's.defense of the "science" of psychoanalysis is

,

wlÑ

',

The Deadly Nightshade is a good album for beginning
feminists. lt's not the most militant set of lyrics in the
world, yet there is nothing that a militant feminist would
disagree with, or find. inconsistent with her own .philosophy,
Well, there's the song about "We got mus¡c anU it's all wç
need" that a welfare mother rnight find a little hard to swal.low, but it probably is true for. the musicians wh;o play it.
There are songs for situations that'different women.can
un derstan d ; a-now-successfu I woman h i ri n g u nèäìþiblred
boss, explaining that he has to meet those same tough requirements she did ("Would ybu just roll up your pants?"),
a bride deciding on her wedding day that marriage isn't
what she wants after all, a choice'between losing a card t
game or a boyfr,iend ("You know I love him madly tiut I
need the mone)¿ badly"), a wife putting herself first for a
change, to her husband's distress, and, my own favorite, a
..woman who gets a nose-iob to win the man shq loves.
There are also songs about Jesus and Nashville and onions.
Something for'everyone.
Musically, the band is quite diverse. Their music has
el3:rnents of rock, country, soul, bluegrass,.and pop. The
production, however, is not the best. The vocals are mixed
so far forward that ¡t is often difficu.lt to hear the instruments. Since this record has a casLof thousands, including
stars like Leslie West and Felix Cavaliere and Eric Weissberg it is unfortunate that they cannot be heard more
clearly. That is, however, a very picayune complaint to
make about an album that is otherwise so friendly,.strong,

promr¡lgates.

REVI Elv:

.

and supportive.
ls there someone out there'try¡ng to shoot you down?
And they tell you theyl¡e not trylng to shoot you down?'
luell, they're tell¡ng you a lie:
Chlcks hove wlngs, but they don't fly,
ryrf::rffl.lror"r.,
And you don't have to stay down

THE DEADLY NIGHTSHADE
produced bÍ filix Cava¡¡ere Þh;"tor RecordsBPL1.0955
i

cage?
sttck

Did you ever thÌnk that you livedjn a
Well, they're calling you o'!chìck"
And the name jus{ieems to

*

:

'

I

And you still.don't thìnk you're llving ìn ø cage?

All

@

The Deadly Nightshade is the first rock group signed to a
major label (Phantom Records ¡s d¡stributed through RCA)
to have a clause in their contract prohibiting sexual exploi-.
tation in the band's promotion. Naturally, it's an all-woman
group. lt's been funny to watch the ads, æe the advertising
dopàrtment try to l¡ve up to ¡ts side of the agreement and
still usé ¡ts tried and true methods. Mostly, the ads are just
the jacket photo, with a little necessary informatign like
who made it-and who plays on it. There was a full-page ad

Truth at the C€ntar.CONTTNUED FROM pAGE

15

phantom
lyrlcs guoted are by ths Deadly Nt sttsh.ade,.
lqZl
Muslc, a D¡vlslon of Phantom Records lnc./Nucky Ltght
Mus¡c co;;
lnc. (ASCAPI.
t

'

for continued involvement. Truth comes in many
forms, frgm many sources. Each of us puts it together the best we çan in our own unique biend.
Truth suffers from self-serving. Knowing the negatives
of the UFW can coldly turn us off, or, equally, can
help us decide how to exercise individual responsi-

in a recent Ms.
So when, on one of my bi-weekly trips to the friendly
neighborhood record storg I saw the record, with the picbility in the light of these facts. ls the very mobile
ture on the jacket of three normally-dressed smiling women,
nature of the farm worker a p4rt of the problem?
I remembered all of the above and bought the record on
What have I done to lessen the preisure of this group. "'
faith. Since it is a friendly store, ïhe guy working there lbt
under siege? Êorgetting the theatrics of the gueirilla
me lisien to it on the store's system. After abouf three
syndrome, how do we feel towards the ebullient and
songs, he shook his head and said, "lt's too bad. They're'
indomitabfe spirit often seen at farmworker gafhergonna get compared to Fanny."
ings? The organization of farm workers has had a
Well, that's ridiculous. No one in this band wears a yellow, long, tough history. Poorly educated, poorly paid, unpink, blue, and green Afro wig Fanny is more into heavy
protected workers endured hostility and violence.
metal these days, and the N¡ghtshade is more iÀto countiy.
Justice and equality demand the continued and inThe Nightshade is also more consciously political. Tlie only
creased involvement by those who believe in a sense
real similarity is in the vocals, which for both groups are
of community. When there is a lack at the edge of
sweet harmonies. And oh, yes, both bands are all-women..
¡onviolence, our responsibility calls us to try to fill
The guy in the store is probably righ¿
the gap quietly, not with a holier than thou attitude.
We might just learn something, too.
4nd he's right that it's too bad, because if comparison
are forced on me, t'd have to say that technically,'Fanny is
Justice and equality, as practiced, are not neces.
abetter band. Which they sþould be, since they have thè
sarily nonviolent or loving. Our lifetime work i3 to
experience and confiden ce that comes with five albums. Bui
bring justice/equality closer to the nonviolent ideal so
no one feels compeltedto compare the,New Yort Oolis io
. jr:utñ ban shine moré urigtrtty in its wholeness.
,

This leads Mitchell directly to one of the most controversial aspects of her argumenû the Oedipus complex is expressed through the nuclear family but it originates in kinShe locates patr¡archy
ship structures that are outsíile
not in the reality of ¡he family situation or in the power_of
men but in:the universal myth of the primal father and the
exchange of women. I
What logically follows from Mitchell's view of the
Freudian unconicious as the "domain of the reproduction
of culture or ideology", is an autonomous women's movement wh¡ch will struggle to create new post-capitalist structures in the unconsciõus: a new "Oedipus complex," a new
method'df éntering culture, will ultimately have !o be
brought into existènce if the rule of patriarchy is to be
destiãyed. Mitchell ió not, by the way, talking about creating a matrilineage which she views as just another variation

Loggins and Messina, even though both of those groups are
male.

intellectual¡sms ("it's too abstract" or "it lacks common
sense"). Rather we would do well to emulate Mitchell's at
tempt to trânscend the mystífications of the present even if
we ultimately do so in opposition to the very "science" she
-Thomas Good

it

cal scope of her work: she is noÇconcerned with Freud's
biography since a scientific theoiy should be verifiable independent of the subject who formulates it; nor does she
consider herself bound by the dístorted ideological uses to
which this "science" has been put. She acknowledges the
accuracy of feminist protests against the patriarchal iudgments in Freud's works. But she also points out that
feminists such as Shulamith Firestone and Kat Millet substitute actual social reality for Freud's mental representation
of it and hence havq completely misunder'stood Freud's

20

her

on the theme of the law-of-the-father.
Juliet Mitchell is thinking within the conçpxt of a theoretical system thafw¡ll be unfamiliar to mariy of þer
American readers. Mitchell seeks to ground her feminism
in science. "Science" in social theory today is the sacrosanct term of European structurafísm represented by such
divergent thinkers and tendencies as Levi'Strauss, Louis
Althusser, Michel Fo"vcault, Roland Barthes, ,lhe Annoles
historical school, the English New Left Revlew (Mitctrett
is an editor) and Juliet Mitchell's'own mentor,'Jacques
Lacan, founder of .'Ecole Freudienne de Paris;'
.Juliet Mitchell has thrown down the gauntlet to her
American sisters and the movement as â whole challenging
us to rise to new theoretical heights. "Long before a situa:
tion is analyzed, people wish fof ifs overthrow; such is
utopianism or millennarianism and it requires a creative or
mystical turn of mind. Often its perceptions are perceptive,
its descriptions accurate: Reich, Laing and Fifestone ciffer
us near perfect models of this; Freud/ would contend,' l
starts the analysis." (Mitchell, p. 361[
It is not goíng to be suffcient td s¡mply dismiss Mitchell's
Psychoanalysis and Feminism with ,the -usual Amçrican anti-

Oedipus complex.

uncompromising. The term "science" defines the theoreti-

intentions.

But the ideological vapors surrounding Freud are so
thick that Mitchell is forced to deal with them again and
again in her basic exposition of his thought. She reiterates:
it is essential to realize that Freud was not speaking literal- '
ly in his terminology (penis envy, the Oedipus complex,
castration). The structures of the mental unconscíous rather
than the conscious perception of the processes of the mind
are the key to Freud's thgory. "The Oedipus complex is tþe
repressed ideas that appertain to the family drama of any
primary bonstellation of figures within which the child
must find its place. lt is not the actuolfamily situation or
the conscious desire it evokes." (Mitchell p. 63).
Mitchell's explanations of how the little girl is iransformed into a woman parallels Freud's descriptions of the
Oedipus complex which she describes as the most important formulation of psychoanalysis. Very briefly: The boy's
desire for his mother and'subseqirent fear of castration by
the father finally results iri his identification with the
father (the internalization of the superego). The girl first
desires her mother but later exþeriences her lack of a penis
as a loss. She becomes aware that she cannot possess
mother and thus transfers her desire to her father who she
hopes will give her a male child, the mental equivalent of a
penis. Later the desire for a penis is-transferred from the
iather to the husband. ln the preOdeipal'phase the girl
and the boy are similar:ly assertive. But with the shift of
desire for the father in the Oedipal stage'the girl's sexuality
undergoes a complex transference from her clitoris to her
vagina. "There is nothing chemical or biological'in this
transition-at least not that Freud knew or cared aboutthe question is one of a psychological shift to the'destiny'
of wifehood and maternity." (Mitchell, p. 108).
The Oedipus complex is the essential process by which
the originally bisexual boy and girl enter culture as man
and woman. ln the Mitchell-Freud thesis the Oedipus complex priginates in the symbolic murder of the pr¡mal father
by his sons who are jealous of his prerogatives over all
women and who, after his murder, internalize the guilt
they feel over his death. This guilt lies behind the develop
ment of morality and the superego. Civilization can thus beo
defined as respect for the law'of the dead þrimal fatheri
At this point in the development of her Freudian "science" Mitchell brings in the French anthropologist Claude
Levi-Strauss and adopts his kinship theory that the legally
contrôlled exchange of women by men is the basic cultural
factor which distínguishes human soc¡ety from the world
of the primates. ln primitive societies marriage and the ban
on incest e.stablished the.primitíve kinship structures which
formed the basis of communication and exchange. The ex'
change of women by men between families and not the
family itself is the basis of human society,. These primitive
kinship structures persist in óur own unconscious today ín
the form of the authoritative role of the father and in the

,

.-

rl

WIN

2I

,
month blglnnlng 8/1. S€nd rosum6: 3950

OPFORTT',NITIES

PEOPLES

Ralnbow Blvd.,.Kansas

Work wlth UFW on summer BoYCOTT of
gfapos & lettuce ln NY M6t. Ar6a; foom,
board & ôs/wæk. Contact Leo or Mary
Joan Nteto, UFW/AFL.e|O, 331 W. 84Sr.,
NYC, 212.79958OO. (Also cheap uled ca(s

qJ[f,ENN

n€6dêd.)

.
FRCC tF NO €XCHANqE
OF
IJ{VOLVCO A¡{O '

¡¡

WRL Plalns/Mldwest off,ce needs new
'reglonal.coordlnator. Communlty organlz-

lng outroach, speaklng, ofllc€ sklllr t2OO/

clty, Ks 66103.

N€w Mldwost research lnstltute s€€ks un's€lflsh, soclally-consclous, nón-caroerlst,
MA-PhD MOVEMENT €cohomlsts, polltlcat
5cl6ntlst9, €tc. MUST be able to got grants
or rals€ funds. Seml-scholarly studles on
war-peac€ reconv€rslon, etc.. RËAD Gross.
.and Ost€rman':The New Profosslonals"
pp. 33-771Studs Terket .,Worklng" pp. '
525-527, 537-540, Don Btsgs, ..Breaktns

oilLY

2oÚYOhO$
OTHERWISE ¡2 EVERY

o3818 (60&447-22801.

The Communist Church of Boston prêssnts

G

¡ntgrestlng speakèrs each Sunday ât

ils

Inter€stod ¡n land trusts? Vegetarlan cooklng? Râdlcal mus¡c? Gañdhl's wrltlnqs?
AiÌårchlsm? Rådlcal hlstory? Th€ GoodBoox catâlog has tltles ln all tñese ar€as,
ând more. ]t's lr?e from Box 437-W, goe

o2l02..

am

CITHTT

OII NMT

nagazlne prbltshed
Never seen
by Amcrlcen war reslsters eÉled ln Canada?
Get a Eample copy or eubscrlptlon to AMEX'
and the Agee book whlch ls unavallable tn the
U.S,: sample lssue â¡d tnok - $4.00, aub
a¡rd book--$8.00. Inclrde ad'wtih remlttance,

Women's and other polltlcal records. Wlllle
Tysóh, Meg Ghrlatlan, The Humôn Condþ
t¡on, Vlctor Jara and others. We'r€ an anth
caplt¡llst, collectlvely run store. Br€ad and
Roses Commuñlty Muslc Center, 1724
2oth Streot NW, Oupont Clrcls, Columbla
2OOO9.

NONCOMPETITIVE GAMES for chlldr€n
and aöults. Play togethsr not agalnst each
oth6r. Ffêê catalog¡.Famlly Pâst¡mes,

P.O. Box 189, Statlon P

Bolssovaln, Manltoba; canada ROKOEO.

Toronto, Ontarlo, Canada

q

THE POWER

OI

THE PEOPTE

NONVIOLENCE ¡N AMERICA

prp¡ (8!áx 1îol of phoognph¡,
lllu¡tl{oni ¡nd hl*orlcd ¡xt

. oyrr 200

pppr¡Hlcrüon prlo

TOTAL COST
Paperback. .. ...$4OO
Hardbound.....$11.00

Available'Early 1976

Froc Rccod Goll cction

R¡uicrus ll¡ntrd: (llo
¡hip t0u lEl rucords
po3b8r
h¡nÉlin¡. You pry

t

¡ccords. Applicànts

rcccptrd

Ersis.r' tor rpplicrlion rritc:

tlt2 fuïr¡br

Glrçlr,

NYC SIMPLE LIVING-nonvlolent. egalltarlan, social change communlty seeks âddlt¡onal actlvlsts. ctuster, è/o Kendrlct<,
14rþ34 Village Road, Jama¡ca, NY r1435.
Pr¡sonêr and full tlmê music stq(lent needs
,fÊel-terêel tape recorder to hèlp. ¡mprove
as a musician. Wrltê to W¡lllam W. Fostor,
Míssouri State Pênltentiary, Bcix 9OO, Jeffêrson Clty, MO 65.101 for detalls.

WIN StaffOpening

to

take responsibility for WIN's business activities-fu nd raising promotion, etc. Preferably someone with
experience either in publishing or
in movement fund raising. lnterest

in writing, reporting, phõtography
or artwork a plus. Country living.
Movement wages. Many intangible
benefits. Phone (914) 339-4585 or
write Box 547, Rifton, NY 12471
telling us something about yourself.

lll 't¡$ftcI

Illrrrl¡t'ü ,ll2lt.

\ qt
'tlr Qßt,or
ratry nú þ.* [
làl¡; ]tñrt lr ll ttf,t t an ùtng (üt ilV
fb ü¡f ,. ,rûr in,pttJú tfu Nn

A'bARpeR
m pÀpeRBAck

E

ã¡,

Jl

ø*t7
OlrOrr

lo ,|l,p nütrttt lÜít

HELP!
ANTI-WA R ANTHO LOcY. Wanted poerhs,
songE consclenilous oblector statements.
Pl€ase send to Mark Kramr¡sch, 55 Camberwell church stfeet. London sE5.

We need someone right away

AIUÍEI(-Canada

STAFF OPENING: DIRECTOR OF
YOUTH ACTION-Persons should have
ability to create and admlnister the
organ¡zatlon of action projects r€taflnE
to nonviolencs, mllltarlsm, consc¡€nce
,_and peace and justlce concerns. present
ly the youth program focuses on mllþ
tarlsm in education, countêr-recrultment, ùmnesty and nonvlolence. Posþ
tion requ¡res pubtic sp€aktn9, group
work and wlll¡ngness to travel part flme.
Commitment to paclflsm and soclal
change through act¡ve nonviolenc6, a
must. Send resume to: Fôllowsh¡p of
Reconclllat¡on, qox 271, Nyack, Ny
10960. Tel.r (914) 358-460r

.?

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t pRKGAMP/
August 1975
lqüon:

conpreþnrirl.,,

l¡rqlç¡rtrr
Plr c¡il|üJr

U.F.W.

L,

-RENE OUEOS

"A.tightlyr.onttructod phitorophical
and ¡ocial trcatmcnt of ¡ndurtri.litm,
which concl,uds¡ that m¡jor changet '.
will be nccosary to bring the plairet

içto ecolog¡crl oauilibriu m.,,
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Not r/trrn

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nn n¡ú to b. tbt;
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Harper o) Row

nt

wt
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E POWER THAN WE KNOW by Dave Deliinger. Just
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UNDERDOGS VERSUS UPPERDOGS by Jim Peck. Just
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HOME coMFoRT by Mar:ty t'eíér.tneTOTAL LOSS
communards describe life on one of the more successful,
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*From the Vlllage Volce

you take this opportunity to subscribe to WIN for a
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wtNNtNG HEARTS AND MTNDS (Sr.SS¡
the books. Enclosed is $6 for a six month su.b.

'

BACKGROUND TO THE MIDDLE EAST CONFLICT.
The best short history of the Middle East conflict we have

found.40 pp.
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50d

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BY BREAD ALONE by Lester Brown & Eric Eckhôlm.,A
telling argument for acting now to help stem the deepening
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. $3.95'

(w¡th the Vietnam war finally over it's time to step up
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To: WAR RESISTERS LEAGUE
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[ ] I enclose $[ ] I enclose $-

Add

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A NEW WAVE FROM THE OLD INDIA by Khushwant

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