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æâce ANo FREElifll

I

THRat

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ANOTHER LOOK AT H¡ROSHIMA AND THE BOMB
CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT ON A.ROCKY ROAD ,

Þgopte's PARTY EMBRAcES socrALlsM
REPRESSION BiJILDS IN SOUTH KOREA

ACT¡ON

Ausust 1, 'te74l 201

HO MORE VTETNAMS
u,

t

Ë

st

I

I

lations An inaccurate and 2nd hand
knowledge is

as useless as

experience.

all inauthentic
-SAM ABRAMS
Enfield, NH

I'm

asking for is some practical help,
some ideas and suggestions that perhaps
will help me start thinking in some new,

What

more creative vein Tóday marks my 14th
day in captivity in McHenry County Jail
(fm doing 90 days for destruction of d¡aft

in Berwyq lLin1972\. I'm trying
to figure out some way to deal with the
blatant sexism that appears to be integral
to prison life-both on the part of the
authorities and the otheÍ inmates. I guess
the latter is who I really want to deal with
files

(To be honest I have no desire to invest
energy in developing a rapport with the

'

guards here.)
:
Because of our isolation and the typical

kinds of sexual tensions which go hand in
hand with imprisonmen! jokes and teastng
concerning sexual prowess and of coufse

Photo by Bob Fitch.

rilidly rejecting things, and attributing
all our hang-ups to others: "I tenounce. . ''',
"overthrow the culture we live in with its
masculinist lies," "a language devised to
perpetuate a system. . .", "for the military. .
the police. . .thé government . ."'
But his piece is wa¡m and vital and
he is

'

I was very happy to read John Stoltenberg's
statcment "Refusing to be a man" IWIN,
6lLU74l.It said well a lot of things that
need to be said and to be though aboul
But I can't go all the way with him. I
don't think "objectification" of others is an
unnatural creation of American society of
which we must purge ourselves. I think
that objectification of others and person/
pefson encounters a¡e both natural ways of
responding to others; what we have to learn
is to put the latter in the center of our liveg
including our lovemaking. When we do that,
there is room for the former-for taking
pleasu¡e from another in lovemaking, and
for giving pleasure, using owself as an
insüument (Not that lovemaking proper
doesn't bring pleasure! Just that selfìsh
pleasure, and alt¡uistic giving don't have to
be taboo as long as they don't dominatg
and aren't disguised as something else")
It was particularly good to see him affi¡m the validity of "soft-erection sex" and
"no-erection" sexuality. I too have learned
that the identification of sexual enjoyment
with lhe hard penis is a bind which hounds
us with worries and blinds us to many other
dimensions of our sexuality and physical
intimacy. Bùt I can't aócept the devaluæ
tion of the hard e¡ection either, his
characterization of it as something society
teaches us to do unnaturally. I think that
if John has leæned not to get hard eiectiong he has subdued an aspect of his
natural sexuality, forgone part of itsjoy.
Wþich is OK, if it is the best way for him
to get out of the bind of expectation, and
. to explore the many otherjoys! But not
everyonÇ need take that path.
In fact, I find his writing "hard" and

"rather dead-feeling" in
2 WIN

those plaoes where

.

i*

sþhtful elsewhere. -GEORGE BERGMAN
Berkeley, CA

I have a problem which I thought you could
give me some opinions on.
I'm expecting a baby in a few months
and I'm living with the father. He's into
this thing that we have to get maried for the
baby's sake but I refuse.
I would really like

some response

from

couples that have a child but haven't seen
the need to mafiy. I've run out of arguments
and hds sure that no one has done it be-

fore.

DIANA DeVORE
c/o WIN
Box 547
Rifton, NY tr2471

Mike Abel's statement ( 7/ 1 Il7 4\ Ihat
violence was part of 'oAristotelian"
tragedy is not quite accutate. In 5th century Attic tragedy ( a more correct label'
for the plays which Aristotle discussed a
couple of generations later), the ACTS of
violence never took place on stage; the
results of the act3-the blinded Oedipus,
the bodies of Agamemnon and Hippolytuswere brought forward, but in the entire corpus of plays, no blow was struck in view of
the audience, the acts ofviolence were
rather reportetl in speeches
An accurate knowledge of Greek polis
culture is of much use in the formation of
a radical insight into all sorts of human re

marital fidelity are rampant. (ie. "If you'¡e
a vegetarian does that mean you don't eat
pussy?"/"She doesn't listen." "Then you're
not telfng her right! You've got to get her
attention first!" (slap of hands) ) Because
so far, I have not wanted lo create huge
interpersonal conflicts with the people I
must live with I have merely bitten my
tongue and let things pass It'has been
practical (convenient?) to do so, but I do
not feel it has been adequate.
I would welcome suggestions from any'
one that might help open me up or strengthen
me. I think it would be especially interesting
to me to hear.from other people who are or
have done

time.

-CHUCK MYERS

McHenry Co¡rnty Jail
2200 N. Seminary
Woodstocþ IL 60098
A recent peeting of the WRL Executive
Committee decided to commemorate
acts of resistance against the Indochina
War by producing a drømatic presentatíon
(it needs a name-Cøvalatde of ResistanceT,
Tríbute to Resistance? for instance-got a
better idea?). This presentation will consist
of statementq songs' poems, etc. by indi
viduals ¿nd organizations who opposed the
war in an endless vâriety of ways-draft.
and tax evasiorb draft file,burnings, fasting,
sitting-i4 deserting the military, demonsüating and vigiling
We start with an enormous advantage
Joseph Chaikir¡ one of the world's leading
experimental ditectots, has volunteered to
head this project (Production date is late

Feb.'75.)
Before a director can do this, however,
we need to collect enormous quantities of
material from all sectors of the antiwar
movemenL We need Your help. Wè need
suggesiions about wheie to looþ what to
read, who to inte¡view. Wê are lcioking for
books by o¡ about resisters, deserters,
eriles, persons underground, in prisons.
About trials of conscience, CO statementq
leafletg news and magazine articles
describing acts of conscience-any stats

ment or event concerning the Resistance
in which individual responsibilitv had a part,
It would be of eno¡mous helP if You
could edit and evèn comment on the
material you send in.
This is not just a'retrospective: the war
continues; among thosg :Who opposed jt
some are still in jail, in exile, or suffering
government harassmenL SaigonÌs prisons
are full Wè want ou¡ dramatic ef,fort to
be an affrmation of the role of each indi
vidual in creating a good society and a
peacerur

worrd. -"åïirü;i:i,:"ri
New Yçrk, NY Í0012

Months and months ago Chip Sharpe wrote
to this space asking why the Roxburl War
Tax Scholarship Fund kept its refused tax J
money in a banlç and why we did not instead use the money more directly to help
the movement. This late reply is to let
Chip and othe¡s know how the Fund's
steering committee has'tried to approach
the problem of funding movement and
community programs, and how we have
tied to tie this funding into the practice of
tax refusal
At the time of Chip's letter we were in
the final stages of forming a free loan program to do just what he psked" After some
time taken in getting the procedures and a
separate loan committee organized, the
Fund now has a sofar sirccéisful scheme
for providing no-interest loans.
At present one of our loans is'paying for
a journalist's trip to Chilg where he will be
acting as an observer for Amnesty International; we expect to complete a loan to
the Boston Ctothing Co-op, an expe,timent
in providing employment to ex-prisoners;
and other loansare pending.

"But-l admit it was a while before we
even started thinking seriôusly about a loan

program! (The Fund rvas founded in 1968.)
At frst, this was because of the ad-hoc natue of the [ìt¡nd: we simply did not believe
thâtfhe Roxbury Fund would last beyond
thdtrises of 1968-1971. We felt that it was
enough to encourâge pepple to ¡efuse wa¡
taxeS and that it was sufficient to hold the
members' monies in escrolv (so that people
could be reimbursed for seizures). Arid our
'bank-an inner-city one, fottnded at the tail
end of civil-rights agitátion- seelrìed, with
its announced emphasis on the rebuilding
of black neghborhoods by blacks, to be
something apart from your run-of-the'mill
do.,1yntçwn banks that poured their depositors' money into militarism and landlordism.
With time, our opinion of our bank bê:
came more realistic. It also became clear
that the Fund, though it might not last
forever, was more than an a{-hoc responte
to particular acts of the govelnmenl Thii
is not to say that the membership is particularty radical or even particularly committed io ongoing tax ¡efusal, but merely't'
that the majority of members, once having
deposited money in the Fund, have been
lisposed to leave it there, seizures from
iheir other assets notwithstanding. In effect,
thÞ membership was telling us to find ways
to make its monçy more available to lhe
"
movemen! and it was allowing us to'iù¡" '
1
larger risks in order to do so'.
Even so, to undertake experiments with
ttie asséts of some 400 people and still re'
tain the reality of participation, at least in
the overseeing of-such experiments, is no
small tælc The steering committee never

'¡'

*

Hiroshima and Nagasaki Revisited.

....

.4

Ruth llold
It's Tíme to Start Worrying About the
. .. ...7'
Bomb Again.
Hendrick Hertzberg
WeSow Seedsfor
Bette Johnsop

Peace..

.....9

-,

Tiger Cage Vigil and Fast in Washing-

DC.
ivtar¡Swann 1'

.. ....10

ton.

I

The Civil Rights Movement in Atlanta. ¡12

Jerry Wingote
People's Party Convenes... . . .

...,.,

14

,ls1n Ptgt
Repression Builds in South Korea., . . .16
Jon Borry

Kim Chi Ha

... .."17
......20

Changes.
Reviews.

.

CONTINUED ON PAGE 22

JI

STAFF
marls cakats
susån i:åkars
nancy johnson

trtrþ'm

ffiþffi

Vol. X Number 28

August'1,'1974

mâry måyo

ffi,#)

plnrs
frod roscn

3U3ån

mâftña thofit¿scs

FELLOìil TRAVELER,S

"

History has been made! As of July 23 our Û¡preceden-ted-c-ampaign to raise .'"
$20,0ó0 has gone over the top-wiih.a grand total of $21,357'18 havirig 9".,mg;:".
in! Îhanks to you, our loyal and exceedingly generous readers, wÞ've made

itand thefutureof WIN i;assured for sometimetocome"'u

.

",''
Our sincerest thanks to those who sent in contributions both lárge and
those
well
as
who
were
much
appreciated-as
was
very
small-every one
unable to contribute but sent messages of support and encouragement.
During the course of this struggle we discovered again just what a unique
and remarkable group our readers are. Yqu can be assured that we will be
working as hard as we çan to justify your faith in WIN'
After this issue we'll be taking our. regular August break from deadlines
and not publishing again until our Seþtember 5 issue. We uvi this time to
catch up on other work as well as to get a little rest. To those planning to
submit articles, love letters, etc. th.e next deadline is August 23'
Again, our deepest thanks to everyone. For your sake and ours let's hope
that it won't be necessary to go through all of this again.

.\

frncc 'bGlv¡llc + la'fy coffln + lynna colñn
dl.n¡ d¡vlcs.+ rulh da.r + ralph dlgl¡ + chud(

f¡ier. + r.th foldy + jlm for.sl + L¡h lrlt¿
trrfy,¡¡arr¡-nç¡t h.wofth + ad hadam¡n + gr¡ca
hld.man + bêcky ¡ohnson + p.ùl iohñ¡on
all¡3on k.rpal + êr¡19 k.rÞGl + p.tGr khÈi + tohn
kyp.r + ollot llnzcr + ¡.ckron maclow + tulh
ma.s + davld mcrcynold3 + m¡rk morrB.lf .¡lm
9.Ck + tåd rlchards + ¡9¡l roodanko + nancy
roatn + wandy schw¡rtz +'mlkc stamin + balan

wrgtal+bùarlyúroodwar(L
box

147 r¡fton

york

ncw
tclcphonc 914 339.{5At

,.

_.',,

12171

wc€kly

l?a ta.

Love,

tccompån

chvalopc.

The WIN Staff

{lDÞ.rt

wtN

3

HinoshÍma and

ône eets

You, oll the people of the world, osk Hiroshimo

You, all the people of the world, ask Hiroshimq
Here you will come and see, pleose,
How deep their blue is!The waters of Hiroshìmo, the sky of Hìroshimo!
from o poem by Tokanori Shimizu

-Excerpts
entitled, "To People," from the collection,
"Songs of Hiroshima"

Atomic bombs were dropped August 6, 1945 on Hiro-

shima, August 9 on Nagasaki. Nagasaki was one of
two alternate targets for the August 6 bomb, but
since that day the weather in Hiroshima was good,
at 8:15 am the bomb was released over its densely
populated commercial quarter, where at that moment
people were going to woik, children to school. Fortythree seconds later it exploded, releasing a shock wave
that spread through the city ataraíe of 2.8 miles per
second.
Less than an

hour later a message was received on

Tinian lsland, where theB-29, Enola Gay, had taken
off some seven hours before: " Results clear-out, successful in all respects." And at the assetnbling area
the next bomb (the last in the stockpile) was readied
for the explosion of August 9. The primary target for
this bomb had been a steel manufacturing town some

distance northeast of Nagasaki. However, the visibility
there was poor and lhe Ù29 went on to drop its bomb
at11:02 am over a densely populated residential sec.
tion of Nagasaki, home of'the Mitsui shipyards (which
incidentally were not damaged). lmmediately following the release of each bomb, parachutes were dropped
that carried instruments to measure and record the
effects of the explosions, and these were later recovered on the ground.
I was twenty-one in 1945, so that my entire adult
life has been lived in the Atomic Age' Over the years,
Hiroshima and Nagasaki have become for me, as for
many others, symbols of the evils of warfare and of
the danger that confronts all life on this planet as
long as nations have stockpiles of nuclear weapons
mañy times worse than those dropped on Hiroshima

and Nagasaki.
. ln Mãy, 1973 I travelled in Japan with my husband,
visiting scientific laboratories in many cities. We decided to go to Hiroshima and Nagasaki because we
felt that ãs Americans, we ought to see for ourselves
what our atom bombs had done. However, both of
ús were somewhat afraid that we were performing
something of a ritual with little contemporary meaning. We could not have been more wrong, I shall try
to tell about what I saw and felt.
First Hiroshima. Our hosts were professors at the
4 WtN

Nagasaki are therefpre

ãnt¡i.tv different, though thp extent of the killing

By RuthWald
To sing the misery of Hiroshima,
To sing ond to move your heorts'

from Hiroshima and

University who had moved to Hiroshima atter the
war. ln fact, about two-thirds of the residents of
Hiroshima have come since the war. The 1972-73
edition of "Japan on Ten Dollars a,Day" puts the
population àt 534,000 somewhat higher than the pre'
war population of 41 9,000. Through war time evacua'
tion and the bomb the number of residents dropped
to 1 36,000 at the end of 1945 and stayed at about
that level until some time in the fifties. However
iäãulr u¡iáthima is a bustling, modern city thai is '
growing rapidly now that many of the much larger
and more industrial cities in Japan are becoming too
large for comforL
The most significant thing about the geography
(and the fate) of Hiroshima is that it lies in a flat delta, where seven rivers ffow into the I nland Sea. For
this reason, the entire city, unprotected from the
atomic blas! was destroyed by the bomb..All wooden
houses (and that means dwellings) were fláttened and
burned; the larger steel and concrete buildings became either piles of rubble and twisted girders, or, at
a greater distance from the hypocenter, scorched and
empty, windowless shells. Many of the city's 78
bridges were destroyed or rendered useless and the
rivers soon began to fill with the burned and iniured,
many of themdying who t¡ied to lessen their pain in
the water. Today's Hiroshima is a new city, almost
completely built since 1945.
T'he geógraphy of Hiroshima is reminiscent'of lllbw
Orleans; Nágasaki by contrast is like San Francisco.
On a beautiful bay in the China Sea, this lovely city
is built entirely on hills that slope down to the har'
bor. Nagasaki is only about 500 miles from Shanghai
and, before the war, Nagasaki people often found it
more convenient to go by sea to Shanghai than to
take the cumbersome train iourney to Tokyo. Historically, Nagasaki is the center of Catholicism in
Japan . Íhe 6omb exploded directly over the. Catholic
quarter, destroying the large Urakami Cathedral,,as
well as Nagasaki Uiiversity and Medical School and
the Univer;ity Hospital, the largest and best equipped
hospit¿l in town.
Îhougtr different in their design and action, the
two bombs killed and iniured about the same number
of people: in Hiroshima, 87,150 killed, 51,408 in'
jured or missing a total of 138,558 known.victtms as
of November,1945; in Nagasaki, 73,884 killed,
7 4,909 injured or m issing, a total of 'l 48,793. ln the
intervening years the number has risen to approxi'
mately 200,b00 victims in each place, about half of
them dead, an equal number injured and missing'
However, ihereäs the city of l-iiroshima wás virtually
wiped ou! only about a third of Nagasaki was destroyed, for here the blast and heat were confined by
the ñills to the densely populated Urakami section'
The rest of Nagasaki with its lovely sloping streets
and old wooden houses, temples, and shrines nestles
against the hills entirely unscathed. The impressions
'

and maiming was about the same.
Each city has set aside the area near the hypocenter as a niemorial to the disaster and to its victims
ån¿-frus Uu¡lt a Peace Park and a large musuen-Tll'
Þ.a.. Musçum in Hiroshima, the lnternationãl Cultural Center in Nagasaki-to house the ghastly
memorabilia of those days: the twisted frame of a
bicycle; glass bottles melted into deformed lumps;
sinÉed clôths and underclothes worn at.the time by
chil-dren and adults; a small, charred metal lunch box
containing the charred remnant-s of the lunch carried
to school*that day by what would shortly be a small,
dead schoolboy. (Many schoolboys died that day in
Hiroshirna, because a large group of them were work-.
ing near the hypocenter on a school project to proteðt wooden houses against fìres. ) Thte are "the
statistics of the damage and pictures of shadowgraphs
of human figures burned into the walls in front of
which the people stood when the bomb exploded;
pictures of people, the patterns of whose kimonos
were burned onto their skin. At the Hiroshima museum a 30 minute documentary that won an international award and that is shown twice a day, once
in Japanese, once in English. We saw the Japanese
veision, but the visual impact was quite enoughl
The survivors of Hiroshima have constÉucted a
targe map in stone, on which they have.tried to locale all the houses that stood in Hiroshima before
8: 1 5 am on August 6, 1'945, with the names of the
people who lived there and their occupations'.4
i¡mitar map is now being cornpilqd in Nagasaki' The
Ñuguiuf.i niurrut also h"as on its walls fiãnslations of
a fèw stories and poems by children' I should like to
quote two; the first by Hif,uo Tstijimoto, a boy of
five at the time of the bomb:

Mqmmo's eyes followed the beam, She fit her right

shoulder to the beam.

" Yo-heove-ho, yo-heove-ho, " She endeovoured with
might and main,
"Crqck! Crack! Crack!" Free did legs of my sister be-

come.

But down did Mqmmq drop. Never to get up,
Momma was bombed at noon, ,When getting egg'
plants in the fietd.
qnd red";'
Shäri, red ond crisp her hair stood' Tender
':
all
over.
her Skin wqs
'Peeled off was the skin over her shoulder that once
lifted the beam off my sister,
Constant blood was spurting from the sore flesh
appeori ng.
, ,Ma-mma begon to struggle with pain ond
qgony,
-With po¡n and ogony She left the world for heçyen
that very evening,
Soo'n.

While looking at the exhibits in the Nagasaki museum,
we.struck up,a conuersation with two young Americans, who turned out to be sailors off án'aircraft carrier.'They had decided to spend their shore leave finding out what had happened in Nagigki on Aqgust 9,"
1945. there wasn't much to say. Allfour of us were
too shaken by what we were seeing.
We were told that in both cities, within a day or so
of the bombing, funeral pyres were erected to dispose of the deãd, often without proper identification'
Relatives, who'wanted to give lheir loved ones a
proper 6ur¡dt, would come and take some ôf the
äommon ash to bury as their own. The focus of the
Peace Park in each city is a large, black, marble sarcophagus containing the names of the known victims
and eaih year at the memorial commemoration,.the
'coffins are opened and names are added of the victims known to have died of the effects of the bomb
during that year. Engraved on the coffin in Hiroshima
is the insóription: "Please rest in peace, For the mistake, Shall not be rePeated.r'
Át one end of the Peace Park in Hiroshima is the
Monument of the Children, a tal l, three-legged arch,
at the top of which stands the statue of Sadako Sasaki, a young victim who died of leukemia at the age
of twelve. During her last stay in the hospital, Sadako
tried to fold one thousand paper cranes, si.nce according.to traditìon, if one folds a thousand cranes, one
ru"n huv..u wish, and she wished to live. She died after
but children from all qver
having folddd 6l-3.çflánes,
'paper'cranes
so that the mcinuTend
to
Japan-began
ment is decoratëd with marìy multi-colorêd chains of
paper craneiïùthìle Itloeiked o.¡t 4.group of young'
.ictioo.l children, who were visiting the Peace Park
with their teacher, added their chain of cranes to the

I'm a boy in'the fourth grode now

At o primaiy school called Yomazoto
The ploy-ground is cleared up

now

¡r

There's no troce of that terrible day now:
My playmotes do not know thot
lviany people, , .were once burnt to oshes'

I recalt cosually that verY daY,
I crouch where mother was burnt
And feel the earth with oll fingers

;

When I dig deep w¡th o bomboo there
of block chorcool aPPear
And mother's face is seen dim in the earth,
Pieces

The other is by Michiko Ogino, a girl of ten'at the

time:
IJnder a follen house my sister was madly crying' The
beom would not move o bit'
Even o soldier hod gone, saying: "Nothing cqn be
'
done! Nothing can be done!"
I noticed a person coming like an arrow: Liþe o
women it looked.
She's naked;she's dìscolored' "Why! Mammo!" Now
I felt free from donger'
Our neighbour tried with atl his might. But the beom
would not move a bit,
"You must giye up! Nothing can help ¡t"' So soying,
he too went owoY PitYing us
The flomes ftored uþ,'Momma's face went ashy pole'
Mqmma tooked down at my sister. Sister's smoll eyes
looked up frorp under,

.

i

,.

many others.
The memorials in both cities make a special point
of the victims' enormous yearning for water, particularly cruel in Nagasaki, whioh has no river. ln
Hiroshima, the eternal flame that burns for the victims rests on a stone monument entirely surrounded
by water. The large and beautiful fountain at one'end
of the Peace Park in Nagasaki carries a plaque that
reads in part: "Augusf 9, 1945, many people burnt
all over by the atomic bomb, crying for water' . '
Remembering this their last desire and praying for
the souls of those victims we offer them this fountain,
also with prayers for everlasting world peace. . ."

ln addition to the immediate iniuries inflicted by

wlN

5

a

I

the blast, fi¡e, collapsed buildings and splinters of flying glass (people were literally studded with splinters,
which had to be removed one by one at the civer-run
first aid stations, before they could be bandaged), in
the next few days many people came down with
radiation sickness-fever, vomiting, bloody stools,
loss of hair, and other symptoms. Other diseases
developed more slowly: seVeral types of cancer, leukemia, anemia. Owing to the extreme heat and radiation many of the victims developed keloids or claw
marks, ugly distortions of the skin into tough, stringy,
bulging scar tissug which were extremely painful.
And these keloids resisted repair: fresh skin grafted
onto the affected areas in turn developed keloids. Only about ten years åfter the exposure, the tendancy
to develop keloids subsided sufficiently to permit
more súccessful plastic surgery.

Let us now turn to some óf today's realities for the
residents of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. To me, for
whom Hiroshima had only the symbolic meaning that
I identify with the disaster of nuclear weapons and
war, the first24 hours in that c¡ty were total frustration. I had come in order to try to'relive what
happened 28 years ago, but to our scientist hosts,
Hiroshima was the place where they live and work
and raise their families. To denizens of Hiroshima,
for whom politics is not a'primary concçrn and w'ho
have come there since the war, people like myself, who
come there more concerned with what happened in
1945 than with what is happening in 197.3, are worse
than a nuisance. Because there is an arrogance in the
way in which we are prepared to brush aside the
realities of their lives and use them orimarily as
vehicles to transport us back to August, 1 945. Needless to say, there are those in Hiroshima and Nagasaki
(as elsewhere in the world) who have dedicated their
lives to the elimination of war and who are only too
eager to talk of their experiences as a way of dramatizing the need to end war. Let me quote from a poem
by Sadako Kurihara entitled "l Would Be a Witness
for Hiroshima."

It was August 6 in
At

an early hour

1945,

of the day;

.Men ond women were to stort their daily work,
lühen unexpectedly
The city and all were blown away;
Blistered hideously, eoch ond all;
The seven rivers were frlled with noked corpses,

I would go whereuer it

is, os

a witness of the

Hlro

shima Trogedy,
I might procloim its misery;
I would sing for my life
t'No more wors on the earth!"
Thot

However, ít took me a little while'to comprehend
that most people in Hiroshima and Nagasaki live their
líves in the place they think of as their home, not an
A-Bomb Memorial. lndeed, some bomb victims resent
being objectivized as The People Who Were A-Bombed.
For many of them were not only bombed, but subsequently became research material for various doctofs, scientists, and social scientisis, some of whom
came not so much to help but to study the effectsof
the bomb.
6 WIN

The first person from Hiroshima whom we met, a
while before we ourselves got there, v/as a young man
who now lives in Tokyo. He had been a young child
in Hiroshima and was indoors when the bomb exploded, far enough from the hypocenter to be unin:
jured. However, there is the specter of radiatlon
damage. We did not pursue the subject, particularly
since he progdly showed us the picture of his recently
born fìrstchild. This young man was angry at the continued publicity to which the victims are exposed and
accused peace groups of exploiting them for political
purposes. I disagreed with him because I, believe that
the danger of- nuclear war is so great that I am grate-,
ful.if some of the victims (such as the author oi the

'...''

f'

Tts Tivre

rd'SrnRT

a

RRyl Nq

"Witness" poem) are willing.to help the rést of us
realize the personal horror of their experience. However, we,must understand those who would prefer io
have us forget that they experienced the A-bomb.
Their reluctance to come forward is one reason.
why it has been impossible to determine whether i

b Aqninr

.

persons who were exposed to the bomb's radiation
have sufered genetic damage. We spoke with several

radiation biologists, who explained why this quest¡on
cannot be answered on the basis of the HiroshimaNagasaki experience. The main reason is that in order
to assess genetic damage one must be able to follow
the medical histories not only of the victims, but of
all their descendants for at leãst two generations, and
preferably longer. Now, by and large, people who may
have been exposed but have no serious symptoms, try
to hide from such studies precisely because of the
possibility of a genetic taint. Those who have symg
toms, try at least to shield their children. lt is bad
enough to have experienced the bomb, but it is al'most worse to have
this fact cast permanent doubt on
one's own health and that of one's descendants. The
hazard is practical as well as psychological. People are
afraid that it may be diffcult for them or their children to marry for fear of potential genetic trauma.:a
Long range studies have therefore been quite ünsatisfactory because many potential participants have
avoided identification while others, who were initially included, have dropped out.
We will never know how great or permanent harm
has been inflicted on the survivors of Hiroshima and
Nagasaki. And we cannot bring back their lovçd ones
as one of them has asked in the poem, "Give Back the

,

Give bock my father, give bock my mother;

Give bock my elders;
Give me my sont and daughters bock,
Give me back myself,
Give bock the human race,

As long as this life losts, this life,
Give bock peoce
Thot will never end'

-sonkichi

Toge

We cannot bring back the dead. We can only mourn
with the living and with them insist that there be no
more Hiroshimas or Nagasakis ever again a'nywhere

in the world.

Ruth lUold is o distinguished biologist at llarvord
University. Her scientific work is done under the
name Ruth Hubbard.

.i'

|

...j

HenrzbcRc
HÈÑdnik
.
ili

'

People":

-

''

..

:i

revenge on whÒever attacks them first. On the conûaryfnuclear arsenals are maintained precisely in
ordei to prevenf such a-holocaust, until the day when
the nations of the world will agree to disarm together.

up' that

burden.

"'

ì

A nuclear weapon is not.a weapon in the sense that
a rifle; orå:¡i'rtîiof brass kni;ckles,-or a pit fullof
poisoned stakes, or a planeload of napalm, is a. weap
on. A "conventional" weapon is designed partly to
ftighten, but mostly to kill. A nuclear weapon' we

.

Then Hughes m4de his startling statemenL He said

if

he ran

for President, people would have to under-

.. . stand one lhing about him'ver:.ç.cle4rly, and that was
that he woqld never, under any circumstances, use
nuclear weapg.ns. lt'would be a terrible thing, he
' went
on, if some enemy of the United Stales were to
use hydíogen bombs to murder tens of millions of
American men, women, and children' But that would
be no reason for the President of the United States to
' use hydrogen bombs to murder tens of millions of
m"n, *otln, and children of som,e other nationality'
What Hughes was suggesting of course, was unilateral nucleär disarmamenL So far as I know, he is
the first US Senator-indeed, he is the firsf high official
of the Federal Government-to have made such a su.ggest¡on since the days of America's nuglear'monopoly'
It .must be remembered that Hughes is a sÛangp
bird. He is a mystig a man who is giving up the power
and prestige ofla seat in the Senate in orderto do lay
. religious work. At a time when most people who regarã themselves as serious prefer to keep their religion
ón the shelf. where it can be decorative without inter'
rìi¡ñlølrr ir''é important business of life, Hughes is a belleving Christian. ln 1972, when Hughes was briefly an unañnounced Presidential candidate, the ioke in
' Washington was that his campaign manager{vas a tree'
Up to a point, though, most of the people who make
policy for the countries that possess nu¿lear.weapons,
and most of the citizens of those countries, would
agree with Hughes. They would agree, that is, that
tñe murder of one population does not justify the
murder of another. Büt, they would object, Hughee
is not being realistic. Hé ta¡ls to see the point of
nuclear weápons. Countries do not maintain arsenals
of nuclear weapons out of a desire to inflict horrible

T

r

arãtotO, is designed solely to frighten-to frighten
the owners of other nuclear weapons. ll is a deterrent'
This is why the members of the Strategic Air Command seg no irony in their slogan, "Peace ls Our
Profession"
The theory of nuclear deterrence is worth .^"tìnìnã
because'it may yet be the death,óf us all.
The theory of nuclear deterrence is that no nation
will launch a devastating nuclear attack on another if
it knows that it too will be utterly destroyed in re'
turn. Or, to put it more precisely, of the following

two po"ssibilities-

1. A United States without nuclear weapons is at'
tacked and $estroye{.by the nuclear weapons of other
countries,
2. The United St¿tès and other countrjes destroy.
each other thror¡Èh inadYertence or miscalculation ,

ufiéê of*tertor" arran ge me nt'
likely, accordinã to the '
theôry of nuclear deterrence, than Possibility Two.
The deterrent's effectiveness depends on its
"credib¡lity," the assurance that under certain sets of
çircumstances it will in fact be used. The only way to
be sure that a nuclear arsenal is fr:ightening enough to
deter other nuclear arsenals is to make it appear ready
. to go off, and the only way to assure that appearance
t is tõ make it consonant with reality. A deterrent that
t

the effiìiñË"
,tu ncter
:Þô;;ìbilì;t d;eí;pre
iía

uff is no deterren t al all, because such
secrets cannot be kepl To be fully effective, the
deterrent must be a kind of doomsday machine. The
Uriited States possesses such a deterrent, and so does
is secretly a bl

the Soviet Union.
The deterrence theory rests on two assumptions:
that all the nuclear powers'will behave rationally in-

wtN

7

sofar as nuclear weapons are concerned, and that accidents will not happen. -[hese are rather shaky
propositions on which to gamble the future of human
life, and, combined with the hairtrigger readiness
required for credibility, they create a situation in
which a holocaust is extremely likely. Even in the
absence

of

madness or error, the worst could happen.

The memoirs of many who were involved attest to the
fact that the United States and the Soviet Union
came within a hâir's breadth of nuclear war during
the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. War, on that occasion, was avoided-but what if it had not been?
Hundreds of millions, perhaps billions, of people
would have been burned, blasted, suffocated, and
irradiated to death. The genes of the survivors would
have been damaged, the great and beautiful cities of
the world obliterated, and the painstakingly accumulated artistic and cultural heritage of civilization
physically destroyed-all because of some nuances in
communication between heads of state and a few
acres of conçrete and metal on a medium-sized island.
The disproportion is so great as to suggest that there
is something radical ly wrong with the very existence
of nuclear weapons.

A social or political mechanism that works nine
hundred and ninety-nine times out of a thousand is
generally counted a success. Suppose, for example,
that there were a method that reduced recidivism
among persons released from prison to one-tenth of
one per cent, or that cured nine hundred and ninetynine of every thousand schizophrenics, or that reduced unemployment to one worker in a thousand.
No one would begrudge the inventor of such a method
the honors he or she would richly deserve.
Nuclear deterrence, however, works only if it
works always. lf it works nine hundred and ninetynine times out of a thousand, tlien it is a total failure,
ln consequence, nuclear deterrence has the in-

triguing peculiarity that it cannot be tested. lt

has

worked so far, and nearly everyone acts as if it will
work forever, or at least until that ever-receding day
when the nuclear powers, great and small, decide to
abandon their arsenals together. Confident affirmations of the reliability of deterrence will continue to
be issued until the moment of annihilation.
Let us dream for a moment.
Unilateral nuclear disarmament by the United
States would be undertaken openly, and television
crews, foreign diplomats, and representatives of international organizations would be invited to observe
the dismantling of our warheads. The initial reaction
everywhere would be stupefaction, giving way, I
imaging to a dramatic improvement in the world's
moral and political climate. Leaving intangibles aside,
however, there are three ways in which the other
nuclear powers might react to c¡ur action:
The most horrible possibility would be an alÍack
on the Un¡ted States, now that such an attack could
be launched without fear of physical retalíation.

I

think this would be very unlikely-far less likely than
mutuql qnnìhilation is under present circumstances.
An unprovoked, genocidal attack on the first nation
in history ever voluntarily to renounce its most powerful weapon would be a crime against humanity dwarfing anything in the past, including the mass murders
of Hitler and Stalin, and I do not think that either
the Russians or the Chinese are prepared to commit a

I wlN

crime of such enormity. A world conquered in that
fashion would be ungovernable, and a government
perpetrating such a horror would, I think, quickly be
overthrown by its own people. Nevertheless, it could
happen, remote as the chances are; and it would be
undeniably "better" for the United States alone to
be destroyed than for the Soviet Union, Europe and
much of the rest of the world to be destroyed as well.
But if madness and evil on such a scale are loose in the
world, humanity does not stand much of a chance of
survival anyway, no matter who possesses or does not
possess nuclear weapons,
Second, the othèr powers might refrain from following our example, at least for the time being. This
is the likeliest development,; it would be too bad, but
it would still represent an improvement over the
present situation. There would be one less nuclear
power, and more than half of the world's arsenal of
hydrogen bombs would have ceased to exist, with a
cónsequent drop in the chances of accidental war or
war through miscalculation.
The third possibility is that the other nuclear
powers would follow our example. Many of the obstacles to multilateral nuclear disarmament would
have been shattered at one blow, e.g., suspicion of
American motives and sincerity, the problem of
inspection, and the purported need of other nations
to maintain a nuclear deterrent against us. The
chances of multilateral disarmament worild certainly
be much greater than they are now. lt would no
longer be possible to argue that giving up nuclear
weapons is "unrealistic" or "contrary to human
nature." And for the leaders of the other nuclear
powers, there might even be some political advantage
to be squeezed out of following the American lead.
Before Vietnam, the peace movement focused its

attention on the Bomb and on the questions, such as
testing and civil defense, which the Bomb raised. Jhe
danger of nuclear annihilation has not receded in fhe
intervening years. While some developments have
tended to mitigate against the possibility of a nuclear
disaster, others have increased the danger. The "hot
lines" between nuclear powers, the decline of cold
war passions, the cooling off of trouble spots such as
Berlin and the growth of summit diplomacy have
been more than counteracted by nuclear proliferation, the multiplication of power plants producing
weapons-grade plutonium, the development of'
multiple independent re-entry warheads ànd anti'ballistic missiles, and the psychological complications
of terrorism and economic chaos.
A large segment of public opinion, I think, would
now be hospitable to the idea of unilateral nuclear
disarmament. Over the past generation the spectrum
of opinion on nuclear weapons has shifted sharply to
the "lefl" ln 1956, Adlai Stevenson was attacked as
a virtual traitor for suggesting that the United States
might consider stopping atmospheric tests if the
Russians would do the same. Now, eighteen years
later, nuclear disarmament is an offìcial goal of both
the American and Soviet governments.
Moreover, Watergate has awakened a new public
appreciation of the ends-means problem and a new
solicitude for the fragility of our democratic institutions. And in this connection it is important to
realize that the mere existence of nuclear weapons is
a threat to d.emocracy, because these weapons make

it oossible for an unimaginably destructive war to be
started and fought by a few hundred people' Conventional wars can also be started by a minority, but
thev require the acquiescence, if not the support, of

ll^ir"

proportion of the population; ánd if a large
maioîitv turns against such a war, it can be e,nded
Ithãueh there is no way of restoling life to those
ìvno häve died pointlessly). There can of course be no
ouestion of mobilizing public opinion to stop a thermonuclear war once it has begun.
Hughes is right. The strategy of deterrence is im-

moral; more to the point, it is illogical. lf we are not
going to use nuclear weaporis-and, unless we are
prepared to adopt the monstrous belief that there.can
be such a thing as "justifiable genocide," we are not
going to use them-then the only course of action
that makes any sense is to get rid of them;'

{

Hendrik Hertzberg is on the stbtr af The New Yorker
and a frequent contributor to wrious publicotlons -a
including WlN.

,:

\A/e Sow the Seeds of Peace
are horrified here at nuclear expJçions around
ihe wortd in recent weeks, and fearfúl that Nixon's

All

ãíitriUuting nuclear "goodies" in the Mideast may
more nuclear armament'
stimulate
"""öã
it',"tt is much action here-Fiji AToM (Against
Testing On Mururoå) Committee called a meeting
ttãie. aitenA.d by people from organizations.in NZ,
Áuiratia, Francé (Francais Contre la Bombe), Tahiti
Èi¡i. á preliminary to a much expanded confer"nî
ãnr. oiu Ñuclear Free Pacific. All agreed to work to
biine oeople from every island group to lTeet at Suva

a¡nbitious proiect, as iiland.people
óooi and plane travel expensive, but what is more
n..èttuty than that the people whose homes, livelihood and lives have been continually put at risk by
ihe nuclear powers should speak in a collective voice
to the rest oî the world? Contraiy to what the nuclear

in

Áiiil, igls-an

ir.

Dowers seem to

think (and sometimes

even say) there

àre people in the Pacifìc, and thqir lives are just as
valuabló as lives^of people'in the rich countries that
continue this murderous exploitation of a peaceful
part of the globe. US peace people are of course also

US military takeover of Micronesia being
one of the tragedies of the Pacific. ,.,
A young võlunteer crew of 12 is pütting the 62'

invited-the

year old American sãiling vessèl Fri in order, hoping

leave on its voyage with messages of peace by
Hiroshima Day. Éeie you can help: rathér than
simply confronting the French at Mururoa as last
year, the Fri hopes to deliver 100,000 peace messages
io the French at Tahiti, the Americans'at Guam, the
British in the British Solomon lslands, the Russians
at VladivostoÇ the Chinese at Shañghai (if e\4erythinÈ .
works ou! they hope also to sail iñto the lndian Ocean)
A NZ printer has donated stunning cards saying "We
sow the seeds of peacel' in the fc¡ur languages, ând
with space for your own message. A 50d donation to
Fri makes it possible for them to take this cargo on
their 18,000 milq, ye4r-long voyage. They will both
pick up ánd-deliver mèssages along the route. Airmail
501 for the two-part card, one to keep, one to send,
and instructions for getting it to the Fri. (Or do what
I've done, buy enough to send one to the head of
state of each nuclear power.) Can your organization
distribute cards? Please airmail orders with money to
cover to: Yacht Fri, Private Bag, Central Post Offìce,
Auckland, NZ. Prime Minister and Mrs. Kirk, church
leaders, Ílany others here are helping, but everyone '
here asks me, "What are the Americans doingzt'

io

Please

help.

-BETTE JOHNSON

40 Cowan St.
Ponsonby, Aukland, New Zealand.

,"¡ì,,:,,:....

The Yacht Frf-on one of the
postcarcls protesting atom¡c
test¡ng which the

FRI w¡ll

dêliver,

wlN

9

Tiger Cagev¡grl and Fast
in \A/ashington,
BY MARJ SWANN

Thus, when Carol Bragg and Jerry Elmer proposed
the T¡ger Cage Vigil and Fast for this summer in
Washiñgton, it seemed to me to be a necessary, if
not particularly pleasant, action, At the same time,
I wondered to myself how A.J. Muste had always
managed to convey enthusiasm and a ready-tego
spirit about new proposals for direct action, and
whether he really felt the e¡thusiasm he conveyed.
What eventually took form was a sustained Tiger
Cage Vigil and Fast, in front of the Capitol, with
groups coming from different parts of the country
for a week each, with most people fasting for three
to five days while they sat shackled in the Tiger Cage,
or leafleted and spoke with the thousands of tourists,
or made Congressional'visitations. Some might wish
to stay longer, or at least to fast longer. Support has
come from-almost all the peace and anti-lndochina
war organizations-support in the form of endorsement, recruiting, and organizing, but very little
financial assistance. (That's a strong hint for you to
send a contribution io the address below.)
We anticipated no problems with the Tîger Cage,
because WILPF had had a one-day displa,y right in
fiont of the Capitol last June, and no one had made
serious objections or tried to get us to remove iL ln
fac! that experience and the feeling as we took the
Tiger Cage down that evening that we really should
be staying were part of the impetus on my part for
feeling this could be a very effective action this year.
But our anticipation turned out to be wrong; there
were objections to placing the Tiger Cage replica in
front of the Capitol for six or seven weeks-all kinds
of objections. We were going to ruin the grass; we

A good-sized group of New Englanders started off
the first'week, and on Tuesday morning-after an all:.
day briefing session on Sunday and intensive coverage
of Congressicìnal offices on Monday seeking support
for haVTng the Tiger Cage where we wanted it (where
the mostCongrosspeople and staff and the most
tourists would see it, naturally):-we set up the cage
adjacent to the Center Capitol steps. We were im'
mediately threatened with arrest and forcible removal of'the cage, so we took it down, and began iñ'
stead a vigil on the çapitol steps with large photo'
graphs of Vietnamese and with large posters. Our
lawyers began to prepare the court case and a couple
of days later we did assemble the Tiger Cageat the
permitted location, under protesL
There were interesting and heartwarmlng ex'
oeriences. to be sure. This is a brief report from
it4arie Slaîon, who participated during the second
week:
The Third day of my Wrt¡cipotion in the Tiger Cogç
Project wos unquestionably the day that stand_s out
mo-st in my mlnd. Early in the doy, a group of seventh
or eighth grode students come by. Their fìrst qaestion
was.-"Whère is the tiøer?'t After I talked with them
iät¡tt, they began tô understand the situotton' I

1ó WlN

Wâtson.

Photo þy Kafl Bisslnger

On Thursday morning, .luly 11, ourTiger Cage
rather than the CCNV one was assernbled at the top
ofle Capitol steps near the Rotunda.{qor. Thq.vigil
niouo lfröm Philadelphia area that week) 'ivas askecl
io rbvb it slightly soas not to bloçk traffic, but no ¡

told them I woutd be shockled in the coge until 4:00.
Loter in the day, the students returned and offered to
help me escapé,'fney would keep the "mon" busy
while I got away.
Later in the-afrernoon, Bill lUood ond I were the
only people with the cage, A tour¡st from Urbana,
ttttnoß came by and, when she saw thlt we'were un'
derstaffed iust'then,'skipped her tour of the Copitol
in order tó help us'teaftei' She even sot o ipell in the

åii.Ã

coge
"-"öurìng

the week,'we developed o very gàod rop
poticemon on the corner, He exploìned
port
'that witñ the
he did not support whlt the govemment wos
doino ìn Vietnam'dnd that he wqs glad we were there'
At ine polnt he offered to stop ialking to us if\ue
feared ihot passer*by would be hesitant to occept
our leaflets'if they believe/ thot he was hosslÌng us.
At oné point,'a college stúäënt went directly to
tolk to hß"Conóressman as'a result of stopping 9nd
totkino wtth'ui He came bach later to tell us that his
Reprísentative (from southern rilisco7si2) hød ,
prômised to voie ogainst further oid io Thieu. ln
ã¿âiiøi. g¡tt tøpãa tu a stqff membèr of the Appro-

small space.

'

Other highlights of the action so far include:
Bob Cheîow:eth, an American POW who spent six
years in Vietnamese prisons, spent one whole day
in the cage.
shackled
- -Epìit"p"t
'
Peacõ Fellowship clergv and lavpeóþlè=
conducted a Eucharist Mass on the steps of the Capitol
at noon one day, joined by proiect participants, tour'

'motion

ists. and Congressional PeoPle'

obout American support for South Vietnam'
In all, I have found my porticipotion in this proiect

Êach Fridãy evening, Nguyen Thoa prepares a Viet'
namese dinnei with wñich þarticipants who are still
fastins break their fast, or increase their food con'
rrrpüon if they have begun to eat lig-htly.
Oh u"*. I found out why A.J' always seemed to
have the erfitrus¡asrr-for new endeavors' lt's because
¡nto soiiìetñing like ihis, it grabs yòu
än..

a very moving exPerience.

\

i,

Meanwhile,-preparations were being made' by Gen'
ter for Creatiúe Nónviolence (Washington)'and Jonah
House (Baltimore) people for the trial. of thg four
oersons whdhad entered the South Vietnamese
þrocurement Ofüce last spring and spilled human
blood on the files. The trial was to take place on Tues'
day, 'July 9, and these two groups planned to have
Tiger cage demoñstration after the trial'
irréiä*î
'"
ónearly iuesaiy afternoon, therofore, some 100150 peoplé walked irom the US Courthouse carrying
i f¡e.iC"g. reþlica with someone shackled inside it'

vä, s"t
*1"',í tt.óu*riJl

Debble Bomberg' M¡kê De Gregory ancl Jim Peck on the Steps of Congress.
Photo by Karl Bisslnger

lg:i,T"l'-:

.'CO'NTAGT
'

At present, the Tiger

..

't

Cage Vigil and Fast are slated

io conïinue until August 17. There's still time for you
to sign up for a week in Washington, whethei or not

ftréi riiärl.¿ lp

the east steps of the Ca/itol and
into the Senate to set up a vigil
ãntrance
aóÃänããa
'iuntil all aid to Thieu is stopped'" Of course they
were blocked from entering the Capitol,so they
front of the door and began
àlãce¿ the Tiger Cage in
the law (l don't know
read
weie
Thãy
iheir vigil.
what eicuse was used that time), they were threatened
with arresq but they stayed. And lo and behold, they
weren't ariested! They stayed the rest of the day, and
car¡re back for the whole next.daY,

ot Úttåts were issued. Thal'äfternoon¡'"f oan

joined the vigil for several hours, ànd she and
Nsuven Thoa sat together shackled in the cage;. part
oitÉe time singing isong which political prisoners in
South Vietnamese rpisons sing and which has been
smuggled out and sent over here' Many press people
were: the.re.tó ihterv iew'J oan, and' a nu m ber of Con'
gresspeople and aides stopped at the cage. One Con'
ãr.rtman sat in it for a while, then went back to his
óffice and sent his aides over to do the same so they
would know what it feels like to be shackled in that
Baez

pr ia t t o ní Co m m ìt te g w ho req u este d d eta i I ed..i n fo r-

would violate DC codes about building a "structure"
without a.permit; we would violate an "occupancy"
code because of fire laws; we would set a precedent"Today, one tiger cage; tomorrow 25 tiger cages,"
one officíal told us; we were going to be there all
summer-that was different from one day; we would
obstluct trafüc and distraot people; etc. etc.
Fínally, we were told we could set up the Tiger Cage
on East Capitol Drive, out near First Street (on the
grass yet!). We decided to put ¡t up in our desired.
location and see what happened, know,ing that the
ACLU planned to go to court for us and request a
restraininf order, which is usually a faster legal
process than arrest trial, and appeal.

Tom Cornell, Chrls Payden.
Traver, Joanne Sheehan, Bill
Ofenloch, Susan Powers, JudY

;

you are from one of the areas taking one of the re
maining weeks. There's st¡ll tim'e for you to send that
contribution even if you can't come to Washington.
Just writ'e or call: Tiger Cage.Vigil and Fast, c/o ,
wtLPF,120 Maryland Avenue, NE, Washi ngton, DC,
20002,2Q2- 54+0141, or 54Ç9259 (eveni nc).

Marj Swonn was one of the founders of the New Eng'
land Committee for Nonvìolent Action ond hos pon
tìcipoted in countless morches, vigils and other
demonstrations.
WIN 11

TheCivil Rigtús
Movernent in Atlanta
BY IERRY WINGATE
ln 1968, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. was assassinated
and laid to rest. The empty farmer's wagon that had
borne his body and the sounds of clomping mules
had barely faded into the distanqe when his closest
associates began to vie for the power and legacy of
America's greatest nonviolent leader. The movement
that gave America such a great hope.for effective social
change was ripped apart by.petty and often bitter
bickering. Rev. Ralph Abernathy, King's chosen successor, became President of national SCLC. Coretta
Scott King, Martin Luther King's widow set up her
own Martin Luther King Center for Nonviolent Social
Change (WIN,217174). The Center is liberal, at best,
and deliberately avoids direct action, Martin Luther
King's most potent weapon.
Rev. Andrew Young, the brightest of Dr. King's
proteges, aligned himself with Ms. King and then left
the street level movement to become Representative
from Georgia's 5th District in the US Congress.
Jesse Jackson began to build his Operation Bread'
basket into his own power base in Chicago. And Hosea
Williams became the controversial leader of SCLC's
Atlanta chapter, giving him a free organizational hand
and independent constituencY.
Now, in 197 4, Ms. King is attempting to raise $1 0
million for her center, to be built around Dr. King's
grave beside Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta.
Locally, the Martin Luther King Center is often referred to as "Ms. King's ten million dollar mausoleum."
National SCLC has not had an effective program
for some time. lt seems to run yet on the momentum
of Dr. King's actions.
Hosea Williams' SCLC-Atlanta Chapter has been
the most active of the three maior groupings. Hosea
has experimented with nonviolence in leadingmany
labor strikes in Atlanta, challenging local politicians,
speaking out for economic iustice, fighting against
pôlice aõtion in the blaók community, and establish-

ing a "poor people's kitchen," serving low cost meals
to poor blacks. Hosea has phenomenal energy, an ex'
'tremely dedicated staff and a substantial and faithful
followíng. However, Hosea often speaks strongly be
fore he thinks and has alienated many potential allies.
Hosea is also strictly a one-man operation in terms of
program and decision-making. He has built a "leader
culti' around himself and; in fact, is often referred to
by his staff as "The Leader."
ln the years since Dr. King's death, SCLC, SCLCAtlanta Chapter, and Ms King have engaged in somewhat of a cold war. Abèrnathy and Williams have
rnaintained a facade of solidarity because, in reality,
they need each other since their constituencies overlap a great deal. Ms. King has remained aloof from her
husband's organízation. Of course, all three groups
claim to be carrying on the work of Dr. King and his
name. ahd works are constantly evoked by all three
groups. There is no real cooperation between them.
The three personalities don't even attend each other's
rallies or marches.
With the situation alrèady in limbo, recent events
in Atlanta seem to have set the stage for a showdbwn
12 W{N

Atlanta's first black mayor, Maynard Jackson, has
lost control of the police department. Jackson fired
the Police Chief, John lnman, but lnman, claiming
the Mayor was operating under the new city charter
while he, lnman, was contracted under the old charfer,
refused to leave. ln fact, lnman held the department

headquarters with his Special Weapons and Tactics
Squad (SWAT) and threatened the new police chief
who was appointed by Jackson. At the same time he
obtained a court ordef restraining the Mayor from
interferring with his duties. Meanwhile, the City
Council attempted to impeach lnmañ for refusing to.
turn over police documents relating to the police
department placing a political spy inside an influenti¿l
Atlanta black newspaper. Again, lhman obtained a.
court òrder restraining the City Council from hólding
impeachment proceedings or interferring with his
duties. Thus, Chief lnman became totally independent
with no civilian control and all elected public officials
restrained from interfering with his duties as police
chief.
While all these political and legal maneuverings
were going on, lnman's private army, especially his
highly armed and racist SWAT and Decoy Squad
units, were carrying on a program of terror and murder in Atlanta's black community. Twenty three
people were killed in 18 months and the circumstances surrounding many murders were suspect. For
instance, in one case, seven cops answered a domestic
squabble call and found a 1 3-year-old, pregnant, mentally retarded black girl having a fight with her mother.
The seven cops claim the girl came at them with a
knife. She was shot through the stomach and digd. '¡
Hosea began to organize against the terror and
murders. Several marches were held, demanding an
end to police terror, the removal of Chief lnman and
abolition of SWAT and the decoy squads. The marches
were large and quite militant and, of course, irritated
the cops and lnman.
Then, in mid-June, thè cops murdered another
black. The boy was a17-year-old who had done time
for armed robbery. He jumped parole and an arrest
order was issued. The cops who were sent to pick ,
him up claim he went for an offcer's gun and in the
struggle he was shot in the head.
The black community was angry and Hosea called
a march for J une 26th. He intended to caïy the boy's
body from the King grave to a park in downtown Atlanta where Abernathy would eulogize him. The night
before the march, the Mayor, the Governor and,the
Justice Department sent people to talk with the dead
young man's mother. They intimidated her into refusing to let Hosea have the body for the march. The
Mayor claimed that he was concerned over his inability to guarantee the safety of the marchers be
cause of cóurt orders restraining him from jnterfering
with the police.
With the body, Hosea's march would have been a
legitimate funeral procession and sublect to police
protection. Without the body, the police viewed the
march as an illegal demonstration-the excuse they
had been waiting for to move against Hoseâ and those
who accuseã the Þol¡ce of terror tactics.

,t,

At the moment when the black commu,nity was
righteously angry, the cops were worked uþ and city
government in Atlanta was in a crisis, the King family
publicly came out against the march. Naturally the
press was full of this nevvs on the eve,of .the march.
ilev. Martin Luther King, Sr. ("Óadd.y" King).tele
phoned Hosea and iaid, "Hosea,.don't,you.bring'
ihat robber's body to my son's grave." Williams reportedly cried over the phone as Daddy King'showed
no understanding of the struggle of Atlanla'srblack
community for peace and safety.
Before the march began, an agitated Williams addressed the crowd and reportêd the call from Daddy
King. lndeed, the march assernbled half a block away
from the grave and Dad on the gate of the white picket fence that surrounds
the tomb. Williams seemed to tie undei a grëat strain
as he vowed to march despite the 4t{tude of Daddy
and Coretta King. About 1,000 maiõhers ch4nted in
support of Hosea and the march besan. moving down
Aúburn Avenue, the heart of Atlanta's black community. The wagon that was to have carried the dead
young man's body"was draWn by men as a symbolic
gesture. Hosea stood in the wagon facing the marchers
and using a bullhorn to lead chants and songs.
As the head of the march reached the street that
divides the black community from the downtown
business district a host of riot'equipped gops appeared.
They moved swiftly to the wagon, pushing it to the
- curb. They raised the front of the wagon ahd Hosea
tumbled out the back i,nto the hands of the cops.
Then they waded into the crowd, beating people with
riot sticks. Mounted côþs charged into the marchers,
trampling some and beatinþ mahy heads. There had
been absolutely no provocation. While this scene was

statements and behind-thÈscenes maneuvering When
it came time tã stand up and be counted, they aligned
themselves with liberal elements who w.ere alrpady at
odds with the movement. SCLC-National came out
in strong support of Williams and pledged their're'
-to\
sources
tirä struggle
tension on Sundäv, Jùn'¡9,
Momma Kinel Dr. Kine's mcither, was shof to death
as she playeA"ine organ"at Ehnezer Baptist Church
Sunday worship service' The assassin'ap.parant.during
'ly had no
political moiivation. A church deacon vås
aiso killed'and a woman injured. This tragedy'natúrally stunned everyone and suddenly everyone was
close once again as they mournqd for a woman,who r
was respectei by all. H'osea got out of jail and for a
while it was almost like the early sixties as lèaders
and black people'sat together and sang Southern
spirituals of mourríing and |oy, laying to rest another

ÂIh;Ëì;ñ;;iii';

'

"

:

i

;;
nonviolent warrior.
The future? One can only hope that'lines of communication will open up, that the organizational
Ltxucturgs and decision making processes will open
' up, that:white and black groups will wdrk for ioali'
tion. And that a spirit of constructive criticism and
a determination to place the movëmènt aboyç per' '
sonality will lead to an effective 3truggle for social

i

i

change.

Jerry llllngate is a leader of the Atlanta Workshop
in Nonviolence (AtllN). He has lived in Atlanto for
two

common throughout the country in the sixtiqs, it
was an Atlant¿ first.
A crowd waiting at the rally site heard the screams
and marrched down behind the cops, chanting angrily.
The cops had dispersed the march so they turned
around and attacked the other crowÇ, There were 14
arrests and many injured. Skirmisheircontinued for
about an hour as people tried to make it to the rally
site to regroup and plan strategy. This was finally accomplished and SCLGAtlanta staff called lor an eVê:
ning rally at Williams' church. Most of those arrested
were chdrged with minor otÌenses and rel€ased tnat
evening on bond. Hosea Williams, his sorl,'and an Athnta rñinister werq held on $10,000 bond e¡ich ahd
charged with a variety of offenses iñcludin?'i'inciting
a

riot.'f
At the evening rally

an angry crowd fill.ed the
.church to hear a variety of speakers including longtime civil rights activist John Lewis and Bernard Lee,
, executive director of National SCLC, call for con'
tinued struggle. Hosea telephoned and vowed to re'
main in jail until lnman was removed. One black City

Councilman vowed to join all future demonstrations
against lnman. He said, "l've tried to be argood boy
and play it the¡r way, work through the system. . '
but no more."
i
The black community was electric wi¡h frustration
and rage that night as black leaders vowed to march
every ãay until lnman was Sone' ln this.ex.plosive
situation the rifts between Abernathy, Williams and
the King family were out in the open. The.commuity
was setior the battle against the Police Chief and
policê terror. The King family had made a.poor de
ðis¡on and, worse, created a scandal

with their publ¡c

Atlanta protest of pol¡co brutallty. Photo by Lynn Hendêrson/

MILITANT/LNS,

wtN 13

function as a party that considers itself sdðialisf when
you 8.o to your convention to talk with those who are
standing agzinst you, like laissei-faire capitalists, or . .
whatever other gobbledygook. . .!', (Anárchist Keathley
r:eplied that, "So long as ihey don't kerp me out of
meetings, it's no skin off my nose.") ,.nn
Many, other delegates felî that th'e use of the label
"socialist" would facilitate gaining ,lunity on the 1eft."
Prese.ntly, for the People's Þarty,:,unity of the left"
largely means working out the iérms of a ppssible
merger with the New American Movement (NAM),
the "avowedIy. socialist" national organization which
was also founded in 1 971. NAM is ai-so structured

P€OPI€5 PARÎV
CON1/€N€ç
/

BY SETH FOLDY
I caught a ride to lndianapolis for the lndependence
Day weekend convention of the People's Party with
J. Paul Cotton, a73-year old ex-minister, salesperson,
and a member of the reincarnated Socialist Party,
USA. He is presently entertaining notions of running
for Congress as an independent from a rural Ohio
districL
In fact, just about everyone at the convention
seemed either to be running for office, or was an
elected official, or saw herfhimself as a potential
candidate. There was John Peterson, who covers the
Urbana, lllinois City Council meetings for a local
paper, taking photographs from his elected council
seat Kathy Kozachenko, a delegate from the Ann
Arbor Human Rights Party, was recently elected to
the Ann Arbor City Council-"the first openly gay
person ever elected to public offce." And, of course,
Ben Spock was there, who is still perfectly willing to
spend three-quarters of his lndianapolis "open-lines"
radio interview answering questions about child-care.
One might call the People's Party'the Movement's
answer to electoral politics. The Party was founded
in Dallas in 1971 as a leftist third party. lt has rather
unique origins as a coalition of autonomous local
organizations which are basically committed to electoral organizing; affliates presently include such
groups as the California Peace and Freedom Party,
the Human Rights Party of Michigan, and Vermont's
Liberty Union. As such, the Party provides a national
focus for these local strongholds, the most ambitious
project to date being the Spock/Hobson presidential
race of 1972. fhe essential strength of the organization lies in the grass-roots organizing efforts of the
local afiliate groups, not in a hierarchical chain of
command. ("Washington doesn't run things.")
The results of the Spock/Hobson raöe were a
tribute to the inherent strength of the communitybased coalition. Over 78,000 people voted for the
slate in the ten states in which it appeared on the
ballot. For the most part, it was the local affiliate
organizations that put out the energy to get the
People's Party candidates on the ballot. Ben Spock
speculates that the slate could have gathered over
500,000 votes ("enough to be noticed") if the names
had appeared on the ballot in all 50 states, which
highlights the importance of the local organizing.,
In this non-presidential year, People's Party affiliates are running about 200 candidates for ofüces
which.range from school boards to the US Senate.
While activityòn many movement fronts has diminished, it was satisfying to learn of some of the advances being made on the electoral scene. The California Peace and Freedom Party (PFP) was respon-

sible for the recent US Supreme Court decision overthrowing candidate filing fees, whiðh are often set
high enough to exclude all contenders but those running in the two major capitalist parties. The Ypsilanti
Human Rights Party (HRP) won two seats on the
City Council last April, and now holds a crucial
balance of power between flve Democrats and four
Republicans. A growing alternative economy in the
Champaign-Urbana area is supported by two young
councilpersons, one on the council of each city. And

around'local organizatiôns, and shares a pofitical
philosophy similar to that of the people'i party, although it has never concentrated on èlectolal organizing nationally. The recent appearance of other
organizations with similar goats, sùüh as the new
Socialist Party, USA, and the National lnterim Committee for a Mass Party of the People, (phew!) has
stimulated much discussion about avoiding duplication of effort, possibly by creating a unified ,,democratic social ist" front.

so on.

Those forces working towards an "openly', socialiit People's Party succeeded; the Party has now written "socialist" into its platform, despite the ill-organized efforts of the anarchists, and of,others who
fear the use of the term due to its ambi{uous and dis\
torted image in tþé public mind.
Before this was done, however, the Party plenary
defeated the hotly debated proposal to place the
description "feminist socialist" into the Party platform. "Huh," I hear you say, "what's that?" Since
the term seems destined for movement "voguer" and
since it was defeated in a roll-call vote by only one
and one.half votes, it is apprqpÊiale that I should
relay some of the discussion around its meaning.
.Feminist sgcialism means to "come out, to be gay, to
discover the gayness in everybody" according to
HRPer Diane Auton. lt "automatically means that it
is democratic socialist with a small f il"', said Chuck
Avery of the Party National Office. Hmmm.
The development of feminist socialism has largely
been carried on by members of the New American
IVlovement, and is presently being expounded by Herbert Marcuse. Much of the discussion of the term at
the convention was spent airing vague nretapolitical
implications of the label, such as those above. Môst
agreed, however, that the need for the nevt/'term
stems from the evidence that victory in the'bonflict
between the classes ("socialism"), does not neces'
sarily resolve the basic conflict between séxes. The
use of the term would, in theory, convey the concern of the organization on both fronts.
Supporters of the "feminist socialism" proposal
pushed the term for many different reasons. Many
simply supported the basic concept, and wanted to

The convention itself was a sticky, hot conglomerate of caucuses, confusion with Robert's Rules of
Order, delayed ágendas, beer, sweat, peanut butter
sandwiches. The stage was embellished with a large
1lstar revolutionary era flag, and an early Anrerican
Don't Tread On Me banner, beneath which hung a
handmade sign: Porties are a ,humctn right! Of course
eùerybody had something to sell-anarchists were
distributing buttons that read, US Out of North
Americo, and the Socialist Party ran a reasonable
trade in IWW songbooks,
Much time was spent on the annual ritual of "revising the Platform"; the Platform being a wordy

document essentially calling for decentralized, demo
cractic socialism, ("worker-consumer control") as welf
æ an end to racísm, sexism, agism, and so on dowh '
the line.
It was understood from the begínning, holvever,
that there were major issues which would dominate
discussion, namely: canning the Party philosophy in
a short label-("Should we coll ourselves socialists?");
building "Unity on the Left"; and questions surrounding the Party's approach to feminism.
Many had come to the conference dead-set on
putting the word "socialist" into the Party platform.
The two best organized groups working towards the '
socialist label were the Cal¡fornia PFP Socialist Campaign Collectivg and the Human Rights Party. The
California people made little attempt to hide the fact
that their lobbying foi the label was connected to a
split within the PFP. Three different "groupings"
within the PFP ran candidates in the last California
primary: the Socialist Campaign Collective, the
Li bertar ian Al I iance (Anarch ist andI or La issez-fai re
Capitalist), and a "United Coalition." The socialists
ran a successful campaign, nominating 22 out of 24
of their candidates, nearly 213 of the entire PFP slate.
An embarrassmenthowever, was thaú anarchist Elizabeth Keathley, carried the nomination for Governor
in a closely divided four-way race.
Socialist PFPer Gayle Justice left no doubt that he
hoped a label like "socialist" might help drive the
anarchist/capitalists out of the Peace and Freedom
Party, as weil as the People's Party. "You iust can't

I
I
I

j

14 WIN
I

crystallize it in the Party platform. Other¡ fell,agatn,
that it would aid efforts to merge with thé New
American Movement. And, according to Wayne Lind'
berg of the Party National Office, "We.want activists,
and the activists are the ones who gain rëspect for
when you take a stance like that."
vou
' Unfortunately,
there was little discussion, (at least
in plenary), as to how the People's Party defines
fedrinism. Doubts were raised that "a man cannot
be a feminiÍ" which, for the most par! went unanswered. (One person suggested replacing the word

I

with the
' "feminist"
feminist." And
so

Flaming Faggots' coinage, "ef-

on. . .)

The narrow defeat of the term appeared to be due
to the basic ambiguitv that surrounded the term,'
combined with the votes of that hard-core whibh
i
wished to avoid any use of the word "locialilt."
From the distracted discussion of the term at the
' convention, it is too early tote!1. whether or not lhe
term will cóntinue to beleriously explored, or', ' ,¿..
í simply printed on banners, and then forgotten. t1
ihe official theme of the1974 convention.of tie
People's Party was "Up from the roots!" Like any
other movement conference, most of the work that
will ultimately effect the growth from the grassroots '
happe¡ed in workshops, in caucuses, and in lnformal
groups gathered,in the evening around beers or slee¡
ing bags, (i.e., anyWhere but in plenary). ln that
" respect, most of the convention attenders seerned
satisfied, with the possible exception of the anarchists/capitalists. They never made much headway
i¡ their campaign to direct the People's Party against
the lnternal Revenue Service, whom th'eir spokes-

!,

--j

,;

person compared with '1The Gestapo, the Plumbers,
the SS." lt vrpuld seem that the däys of the¿nar-

chists/capitalists in the Party arehumbered.
l.n the meantime, people are gearing up towards
election day. The hard work cohtinues. The Cleveland
Plain Dealer recently carried on item about Keathley
in California, passing out leaflets as she wandered up
and down Venice Beach in the nude.

t'll

-sée'iòu

.t

t

ai thelpolls.'

Contact:
The People's Party
1065 31st Street NW
Georgetown, DC 20007
The People's Party also publishes Gross Roots, a
monthly tabloid tracking developments on the electoral and non-electoral scene. $5 per year.
Seth Foldy, WIN's long-time Cleveland correspondent,
is moving to California this fall to further his educa-

tion,

f

:4
.l

;ì

¡

Deoole's Dorfv

1974 no liohol èonvdnl ioñ
.

Symbols from c RASS ROOTS

wtN 15

1,

c

vertising slogans: British West lndies"
i
" Bird of the.Air"; Delta's " Ready
When You Are"; and Air Jamaica's
stewardesses who "make you feel good
all over." are iust a few of 'those seen
on TV ñomescreensnow.
-tt\S

.;

h

A FROG IN EVERY POT
Certainly one of the mbie infiovative
solutions to the problem of próviding
high quality, low cost pròtein is that
proposed by the Mexican government.
The government is pro.moting frogfarming as a way of fighting malnutrition among the Peasantry.
" Frogs are delicious," said Alfredo
Ortiz, who is in charge of the program.

A
N

THE POWER OF THE PRESS
They are goiñg to kitl a poet

in Korea¡

o
z
J

the papers report each day,
without protest the press
just reports the news,

(From the !,/Y Times Mogazine, )an.7,1973)t
from The Road to Seoul

they have sentenced and reviewed
and resentenced him to death.

I am going;

in the boardrooms of the presq
sentenced him to slip
between the linesblack penned-to a political

Don't cry, I am going
through the black passes,
Through the thirsty passes,
Along the wearisome road to

prison's inky end,

drowned in the silence

back.

flat

us (in rhe US)
know of Kim Chi Ha,
but what we read ín the press:
that they have sentenced him

corn.

COURT UPHOLDS
'riórr¡esr¡c

nlc-úï

¡'..

for daring independently
to attempt,

GO FLY

Ministers are coming out.
They waddle from obesity,
and sediment seeps from every pore.

thesky airline advertising campaigns
as degrading to women, the airline

frightened power

inaCorona...

-Jan Borry

One shouts loudly not to deal in foreign
goods
While he himself lights up a Kent. . .

copyríght O L974 Jan Barry

-Kìm Chi Ha
The death sentence aga¡nst K¡m Chi Ha and four others was
commuted to life imprisonment on July 20th. Ten fellow
defendents, however, still face death.
They were charged w¡th hav¡ng organ¡zed or supported the
Federation.of Democratic Youth and Students, which the
government bel¡eyes masterminded the massive student and
Chr¡stian demonstrat¡ons against the regime of Park Chung H¡
in late March and eaÍly Apr¡1.
Expressions of support for the South Korean political
prisoners cân be sent to the I nternational Comm¡ttee to suÞ
port K¡m Chi Ha, G44 Kagurazaka, Shinjuku-ku, Tokyo, Japan.

stewardesses union recently stepped

up its protests, asserting it "is ready

to take all appropriate act¡ons, including lawsuits if necessary, to halt
the spread of these disgraceful and' ..
discri minatory cam paigns.

black sedan,
But démonstrates his humility by riding

simple truth

..,

Denouncing the escalation of sex-in-

One buys a Mercedes-Benz in addition to his

to offer the plain old

YOURSELF

The Ministers and Vice

with their right. . .

out in one American colony,

.

And then when they frnolly cought me [for publishing Five Bandits/, they put me ¡n o smoll room
ond told me to write a poem praising the Government, . .l refused, ls it our fate to reml¡n poor ond
suppressed? No, it is not fate, lt is 0 trogedy coused
by power-a corrupt power.
rKim Chi Ha, in a 1973 interview in The NY Tìmes

oÏ

WORKERS,TO PICKET
A recent California Court of Appeals

:l

With peerlest dirt¡ mucuslined eyes,
They command the national defense
Wíth their golf club in rheir left hand,
While fondling the breasts of their mistresses

to death

16 WIN

to

..

from Five Bandits

for what do any of

presses

tiz. "The peasants will rtren have ample
sr¡pplies of free protein with which
supplement their diet of beans and
NC Anvil

To sell my body.
Without saying when I'll come

between the rollers of the pr,bss,
from a poet into an obit.
(some editors', who loathe
writers, secret little revengel

that

tein content and a lower fat content
than both."
"Our idea is to fill all the irrigation
canals and lakçs.with frogs," sai^d Or-

Seoul, I am going

and roar
of deaf blind headlines
squeezed

I

s

Crossíng the white passes,

"They taste somewhere between chicken
and fish, but they have a higher pro-

"

The recent protests by thestewardess organizations, aimed part¡culaily
at National and Continental Airlines,
were triggered by a new variation of
National Airlines' "Fly Me" campaign
planned for the fall. The proposed '
campaign would feature stewardesses
promising, "l'm going to fly you like
you've never been flown before," The
stewardesses being screened for the
advertising spots reported that they ;,
were instructed to say it,,like youtre
standing there naked."
,,Advertising is the most
insidious
form. of mass media perpetuation of
the derogatory image of women as sex
symbols and as an inferior class of
human beings," charges the Stewardr

ruling, giving domestic workers the
right to picket the homes of their employers, has opened the waY for in'
tensifying the organizing of more than
8 million domestic workers.
Workers have the "unqu
LN6
right to band together for col lectivè
bargaining pu rposes. . .and the right
esseg for Womens Rights (SF WR) in
to peacefully picket in an effort to
their position paper entit led "The
advertise thei r grievances to the pubMyth of the Great Playmate in the
lic," the court ruled..
sky."
The case involved the Palm Springs
"Contrary to the popular o plnron,
mansion of Walter H. Annenberg, U$
airline stewardesses are not al I 21-year- ambassador to Great'Britain. Annen'
old Ba¡bie dolls who.live irf swinging
berg employs a permanent staff of
singles com plexes pursuing the des38 on his 350 acre estate, includ ing
Perate 'l ove me' image of the Cd'smq..,.,.1 1 5 greens keepers on his 1 8 hole golf
politan G¡r1."
course.
ln addition to viol ating a funda¡. T' .'., Lionel Richman, attorney,for the
me ntal human righl SFWR contêhìs"* 'AÉì:jcro Liiborers Local 1 184,5aid
that sexist advertisi ng poses a real
Annenberg went to court "to getrid
safety hazard, as it conditions men to
of the ptc kets because it was embaras¡. ,
refuse to take safety-related orders
ing to his guests." Annenberg's regular. from "objects of their sexual fantasies." guests include Richard Nixon and
Although National Airlines has
Spiro Agnew
denied SFWR's allegations, they do
Greenskeepers at the Annenberg
concede that their controversial "Fly
estate had struck in FebruarY,1971,
Me" campaign has.benefited the airwhen Annenberg refused to.meet v/ith
line considerably. During the past year them or discuss their demand that they
they spent $10,000,000 for advertising should not be paid $1 an hour less than
oromotion. Similarly, Continental Airunionized workers with similar jobs on
iines, whose slogan is "We really move
public golf courses.
our tail for You," Puts between
The court ruled that "the food bill
$5,000,000 and $6000,000 annually
into advertising.
for a maid or greenskeeper on an èsOther airlines also utilize sexist adtate is the same as the food bill of the
wlN 17

{

greenskeeper at the Thunderbird

Country Club or a maid at a Hilton
Hotel. . .
one accepts employment. . .
.in "Wh.en
a private home, he/she'doés not
thereby become some kind of second' class working person."
-LNS
SPNs

Contrary to recent reports, (see Wl N,
6/1 3) the Pentagon has not discontinued its use of SPN codes (Separation
Processing Numbers) on the records of
discharged veterans. According to the
Central Committee for Conscientious
Objectors, An Agency for Military and
Draft Counseling the records of each
veteran leaving the service will now
have a threeletter code which will indicate the actual reasons for the vet's
discharge. The three-letter code, according to a source in the Office of
Assistant Secretary of Defense, Manpower and Reserve Affairs, will replace
the old number codei which have been
widely publicized. lt has also been revealed that under the new system only
125 codes will be used.
Reports in WIN and elsewhere have
stated that the Pentagon put a halt to
secret SPN codes, but in reality all
that disappeared were the code num
bers on the veteran's own personal
copy of his records. The record of discharge (DD Form214) which the
military keeps in internal files and in
computers still contains the SPN codes.
By converting to the new threeletter óode, a Pentagon offìcial explained, the information can better be
utilized in their computer system.
The new codes, to begin July 1,
1974, will be uniform for all service
branches.

Veteráns who want a narrative interpretation of their SPN code can
write to their former service branch.

-ccco

ANOTHER TAX REFUSER

On J uly 19th Martha Tranquilli; a longtime peace activist and war tax refuser,
now 63 years of age, went to fail for
nine months after the US Supreme
Court refused to hear her appeal.
Martha had been convicted last year

of tâx evasion. She surrendered to
federal marshals ín Sacramento surrounded by alarge group offriends
who demonstrated their support. She
said she felt fit to endure prison. "l

killing."

-MEM
FAG RAG/GAY SUNSHINE
The long-awaited ¡oint issue of Bos.

ton' s Fag Rag and San F rancisco' s GoY
Sunshine has finally come off the
presses! Published in San Francisco,
the 48-page newspaper analyzes the
18 WIN

said

Wayne Morse a few years ago, "then
I will continue to be intemperate."
Morse, the abrasive Former Senator

from Oregon, died last week of kidney

china. From that Point on, Morse was
among the most outspoken opponents
of thJwar, in and out of Congress' "lf
I sav that ihe United States is the
ereátest threat to world Peacê," he
äeclared, "l say so simply because it

failure at the age of 73. He died camis true. "
for the Senate seat he had
Mv most vivid memorY of WaYne
lost six years ago in the heat of the
Morsé is from the televised hearings of
Vietnam war. A champion of trade
the Senate Foreign Relations Comunionism and a friend of labor, Morse
lost the support of labor heavies in '68 mittee in 1968. Senator Russell Long,
because of his outspoken opposition to hawkish supporter of LBJ, was defending the war by wrapping himself
the war. He lost his seat that year by
in the flag and recalling the greatness
about 3000 votes. This year, with war
of America. Long's colleagues, mostly
passions cooled, he had just won the
to the war, but aware of the
opposed
Democratic nomination for his old
seat and had been given a good chance publiÒ eye, were courteously listening,
and appropriately applauding. Excçpt
of regaining it.
for Morse, who was quietly, but qúite
On August 7, 1964, Morse, along
noticeably, reading a nevvspaper.
Alas
wlth the late Ernest Gruening of
He was a man of crusty indepenkE cast the only two votes against the
dence. At 73, he died too young. -FR
infamous Gulf of Tonkin Resolution,

'paigning

TO BE REVISED

won't pay for

WAYNE MORSE
"lf the truth is intemperate,"

the virtual declaration of war in lndo-

first five years since Christopher Street,
and where the gay movement is going

from here.
Besides analysis, there are articles
on forgotten gay literary fìgures
Stephan .lonas and John Horne Burns,
an exam¡nation of Donald Webster

Cory, as wellas interviews with com'
poser Ned Rorem and film'naker

Arthur

Bressan.

The joint issue is available for one
dollar and can be orderedfrom: Fag
Rog, Box 331, Kenmore Station, Bos'
tonO2215; or Goy Sunshine, Box
40397, San Francisco 94140.

lating rights of free speech or free
press. Speaking for the majority, Justice Potter Steward said, "newsmen
have no constitutional right of access

to prisons or their inmates beyond
that afforded the general public." He
said that the restrictions under consideration affected'the public and the
news media alike, and they were "not
part of an attempt by the state to conceal the conditions iñ its prisons or to
frustrate the press's investigation and
reporting of those conditioñs." Jus-

tices Douglas. Brennan, Marshall and
Powell dissented from all or part iff these
Kyper
decisions.
The Reporters' Committee
-John
for freedom of the press labeled the
ruling "a major constitutional defeat
PRISON NOTES
for the right of the public to know
what is happening in our prison system." ln his dissenting opinion, quoted
Late in June the US Supreme Court
in a Vlashington Post editorial, J ustice
handed down three decisions affecting
Lewis Powell stated:
the rights of prisoners and ex'cons,
"The people must depend on the
and all of them are bad. ln a 6 to 3
press for information concerning pubdecision in Richardson v. Ramirez the
lic institutions, The, . .absolute procourt ruled that states may deprive
hibition of prisoner-press interviews
convicted felons of the right to vote
'negates
the ability of the press to diswithout violating the equal protection
of the laws guaranteed by the Constitu- charge that function and thereby subtion. The denial of suffrage is constistantially impairs the right of the
people to a free flow of information
tutional even after felons have served
out their complete sentences. Justices
and ideas on the conduct of their
government. The underlying right is
Douglas, Marshall and Brennan all
dissented in this çase, which has given
the right of the public generally. The
press is the necessary representative
logal sanction to the punishment of
individuals even after they have paid
of the public's interest. . .and the inwhat is euphemistically called a "debt
strumentality which affects the pub-

to society."
ln two other decisions, Pell v,
Procunier and Saxbe v, liloshington
Post, the Court majority ruled that
state and federal prison ofücials have

the right to bar journalists from interviewing prison inmates without vio'

lic's right."
Maryland recently used prisoners as
strike breakers during a strike of town
sanitation and waterworks employees
in Ocean City. The executive director
of the Maryland Classified Employees
Association which represented the

striking city workers asked officials not
to use-prison labor, and accused offìcials
of a minimum custody prison of threatening to send'prisoners to a- penitentiary if they refused to perform scab,.
labor. A state official said that prisoners
had worked as trash collectors fqr
sevçral years and denied that theY
were stiike breakers or that they had

been threatened. Such incidents com-

plicate the struggle for prisoner rights
by dividing prison wor:kers from other
'nyorkers.

Many prisons are located in placás
remote from towns and cities, and
transportation for visitors is always a.
probiem. ln Washington, DC a sPeci{
Metro chartered bus runs Saturday r

The People's Bicentennial Commission,
a motley group of American revolutionaries determined to keep us aware
of our radical heritagg was mentioned
on this page several weeks ago. Since
then, it's become even more apparent
that they must be doing something
right because they are making few
friends in the big business community.
The July issue of Nittion's Business, a
p.r. tool of the corporate overlords,
contains a blistering attack on the
three year old organization. ln an
article that runs along the lines of
"PBC-Communist Plot or New Left
Springboard?", the author decides that
',t ir Uät¡t, poiniing out alonpfhè way
that the group has been investigated
by the House lnternal Security Com'
mittee, aka HUAC. One of the things
that threw the peoPle at Nation's
Business the

fuithest was that PBC

4¡d Sunday mornings to Lorton reformatóry, a 25-minute drive that
costs $2.50 round trip. ln Dayton,
Ohío the Ex-Cons for a Better Society
Çoord¡nate Sunday morning free bus
service from that city to four Ohio
pr,isons, the buses provided by various
area church groups. The need for such
free service is great, and providing it
can be a very practical prolect for
prison support groups.

Bruch Ashley, whose'court martial in
1973 received national attention, has
lott another round in his legal battle
to be free of the Air Force without
punishment. The Ccurt of Military
Review in Washington, the fìnal miliúary review court, upheld the part of

n
AIII)
n0$D$

too

his sentence

still remaining,

a fine

of

.'

0,000 and dishonorable discharge. ,
Meanwhile Bruce is involved in a civil
case in federal court which he hopes
will reverse the courl- mart¡al conviction. For the past year Br'uce has bqen
living on a farm in southern Ohio and
working 4s medical director of the
Adams-Brown County medical clinic
located in Ohio's pooreit cou[ty.
Eventually Bruce hopes to farr;n the
land and develop a nonviolent study
center as well as direct the medical
clinic, but his current work load-see$1

ing fìfty to sixty patients,a day and
delivering about two hundred babies
a year-places these plans very much
in the future.
. -Larry Gara

weather has been acting a little stranger
than usual lately, you might be able to
blame that on the government as well.
Trying to lay to rest tlìe old notion
that ''Everyone talks about the ¡veather,

about
the !
'
féderal government, through the Debut nobody ever does adirthing

it," there ii

,

increasing evidence that

pártment of Defense, is trying to con-.
irol the weather for less than honorable
purposes. Senator.Claiborne Pell of

ithoue'lsland has even gone

to hold

some

so

little publicized

far as

,

hçarings

"

"claims that the free enterprise system
is not really free." (!). . .Joltin' Joe
(McCarthy) has left and gone awaY,
hey, hey, heyl AccordingtoThe Naþas finally begun to
;
softên its red baiting rules. Recently,
the executive board of that body lifted
a restriction that barred ex CP-USA .
members from holding office for five
years after they had left the party. According to one beneficiary of the,new
rule "Anti-communism ain't what it
used to be.". . .The Ann Arbor Human
Rights Party, a democratic socialist
third party alternative to the Republbcrats in that Michigan city, has been
making several strides in community
electoral organizing lf you'd like to
find out more about the HRP, particularly their recent hard fought but ..
losing campaign for rent control, drop
Íhem a line at 516 E. Williams, Ann
Arbor, Michiqan. Ask them to put you
on their newsletter maiting list. . .
Another place where radicals have
madeit to the City Council at least, is
Cotati, California, where three people

tìon, the AFL-CIO

WIN 19

REVIEWS
sDs

Kirkpatrick Sale
Random House/Vintage paperback
An intriguing aSpect of Kirl< Sale's history of the Students
for a Demociatic Society is the apparant reluctance of
former members to comment on it. During the 60's, SDS
contained some of the most articulate activists in the New
Left, but only a few have come forward with responses to

this important book. My own relationship to SDS was
peripheral. I was a member during 1965 and 1966 but
never felt comfortable; feeling, in retrospect, intimidated
by the assertiveness of its leaders, who seemed from the
outside to be part of a closed circle. Also, I was no longer
a stucient and the New Left failed to provide an organization like SDS to which activists off the campus could relate. lnasmuch as SDS was the focal point of the New Left,
I continued to relate to it with regard to its impact on the
nonviolent wing of the movement where I subsequently
worked.
Sale has written a thorough, detailed, readable history

of SDS. He traces its evolution from youth affiliate of the

for lndustrial Democracy through
its position as independent beacon for new left to its final
social-democratic League

terrorist and self-destructive phase. The history of SDS
is the history of the 60's decade. With SNCC it prgvided
the ideal of participatory democracy and the beloved
community during the period when the civil rights movement was in its classic, nonviolent phase. Later, it led the
way into community-organizing and then, moving back on
campus, pioneered in the struggle against the Vietnam
war. At the same time that it fumbled the challenge posed
by The Resistance, it became bogged down in a disastrous
struggle with Progressive Labor over correct ideology. This
led to the Weatherpeople and the various RYM factions
that ended with disintegration. The factionalization of
SDS and the bitter internal disputes that that entailed cast
a pall on the entire movement that many people feel has
not yet lifted.
Sale accurately traces the public history of SDS in a
movement-orientated, though (from within that perspective) objective way. Even more important, he understands
the crucial importance of internal political dynamics, and
he describes the way SDS worked as a measure of what it
became as a political organization. Sale describes the struggle to put into practice the internal democracy that was
so essential to the way SDS viewed itself. He describes
the tension betweèn the idea of a cenlralized organization
with a strong national leadership and a decentralized movement with strong independent chapters. He is even perceptive enough to describe in detail how the office worked,
because thís too is essential ín determining what an organization will becorne. ln the case of SDS, anarchy and
decentralized decision-making were confused with disorder. Except when Clark Kissinger was working in the
national officg the nuts and bolts aspects of organizational
work.were neglected. There was l¡ttle effort to raise money,
keep books, o.r service local chapters with literature orders.'
But, in the later years, political tracts rolled off the presses
by the dozen
Too briefly, Sale describes the personal lives of the SDS
heavies. Thþ women's movement evolved as a response to
the male chauvinism of SDS (and Resistance) leaders.
20 WIN

While Sale notes this occurrence, he does not describe the
dynamics of the situation as he does other aspects of the
organization's internal affairs. I suppose it will take a
woman to write this kind of book on SDS, and one is certainly needed. ln the meanwhile, Marge Piercy's gssay
'The Grand Coolie Damn" is an evident starl

Sale identifies PL as the primary cause for SDS's decline. He traces the history of PL as an independent "Maoist" party alongside the development of SDS and describes.
how PL attempted to take it over, but destroyed it in the
process. With the opportunism that is characteristic of
sectarian parties that consider themselves heirs to an old
left political tradition, PL, a small movement wjth no fdllowing dissolved itself only to emerge as a disciplined caucus, committed to the PL line, within SDS. ln SDS, PL
posed a theoretical challenge that SDS could not meet pn
its own terms, and probably should have ignored.
The kind of politics represented by PL has long been
the plague of the American lefL The Leninist concept of
a small, disciplined, elitis! vanguard party in sole posstission of political truth contains within the seeds of revolutionary betrayal, factionalized in-fighting, and a hierarchical, totalitarian movement. PL entered SDS with a prefabricated shake and bake theory of revolution that
looked impressive on paper because it oontained quoted
citations from all the old-time revolutionary names. SDS,
being an activist organization, had not worked out its own
blueprint for revolution. Faced with the PL challenge, SDS
took the bait and abandoned activism in queit for a theory
of its own.
Before the PL challenge, SDS prided itself on its lack
of rigid ideology and its conscientious efforts to avoid the
polemical mistakes of the Old Left Experimentation was
the essence of SDS and chapters were encouraged to go
off in different directions and learn from experience. lnherent in this was afraternal spirit that there was no one
sure way to revolution and that within the organization
people would learn what tactic worked best, and where,
why and how. From these small-scale experimenß, a /ûïin here, a rent-strike there, guerrilla theatre, work among
the poor, etc. an ideology tuned to the experienie of
American life would emerge. But it would be slow in coming and not always readily apparent.,
Responding to PL, SDS abandoned this tradition.
Looking for a theory to match the rhetorical Maoism of
PL, SDS reabhed into the Old Left kettle for a theory of
its own. Power centered on those members of the organizations who could quote Marx, Lenin or St¿lin best SDS
fought PL Òn PL's grounds, with a rigid ideology of its
own. The quest for the correct line inevitably led to splinter groups. At the fin¿l national convention, delegates are
waving little red books at one another and chanting the
wisdom of Chairman.Mao. Sale's description of this scene
would be hilarious in its absurdity, but the delegates took
themselves seriously and the result was the end of the New

Lefr
My own feeling is that Sale places too much blame on
PL and that SDS began to decline when it failed to respond
to the challenge po¡ed by the draft resistance movement.
Organized draft resistance, remember, came initially out
of SDS. ln 1967 Greg Calvert of the national offìce was
one of its most articulate spokesmen and the first mass
draft card burning was initiated by Cornell SDS. Beginning
in 1967, the draft became the most important issue on the
left Not only did it have an effect on Vietnam, but it
touched the life of every draft age. man. The Resistance
was forr¡ed to confront this issue directly and to advocate
noncooperation and encourage mass public supporL SDS
hedged on the subject, gave token support, and then

tions, Leadership of the economy's essential ogencies, i1- '
cluding the uniiersities, is ptaceã in the hand.s of men in '
whom'the boss (sic Costro) has confidence. (Page 51 );
In actuality Cuban society remoins outhoritorian snd
hierorchized; Fidel mqneuvers ¡t os he.sees fit. The result is
q sort of mtiitoristic society. (Page 34);ln public everybpdy
ìs for Castro, in privote his portisons are lesç numerous
- Everybody goes'to the demonstrations in the Plozo del lq
Revótuc¡ónl You leove from ívhe'rever vou work and it's
oþligatory, (Page 59); ln the finol qnalysis, Castro*as con'
iàírr" onty in-nimsetf ond is unable to delegote ftitl respon.sibitity, He remains the sole leader snd feels that he has to
see to and fìx everything by himsetf, (Page 106)

abandoned the movement in favor of debating the merits
of the Chinese and Russian revolutions. By tur:ning away
from the resistance movement, SDS was turni.ng its back
on activism and opening itself to the possibility of a takeover by PL theorists. Later, when SDS returned to activism (as with the Weathermen) it did so in a way that
made sense only within the context of its own convoluted

abstract theory. This was tragic. At the precise point that
the movement was making inroads into the political mainstream and mobilizing millions of previously passive people
into active opposition against the war, SDS turned to the
violent and adventuristic tactics of a vänguard movemenl
The tactics of the Weatherpeople drove the newcomers
away and alienated many vetet'an movement.organizers

'
CENSORSHIP AND SPYING
. , .vigìlance with ,the increosing control of nèiqhborhoods
by the Revolutionary Defense.Committees (CDRs) stonding
in for ond hetping ihe official police. Everybody belongs
"
to the CDRs untess he wonts to miss out on mony.advln- '
tag;s . .Capitotist society denied the wotrker his dignity.
. .",Pot¡", inquisition inîhe Cuban revolution ogoin denies
worker. (Page 1 19) ,
i!,1o t1e

At the point of breakthrough, with air opportunity
to create a truly mass movement, SDS went bananas and
æ well.

it had helped creatè.
Sale's history of SDS is an ir¡portant book.

destroyed the movement

Kirk

Any'

one thinking of building a new movdment cir of picking
up the pieces of what has now become the "old new left"
ought to study this book.carefully. ln laylng out the story
of SDS with such objectivity and detail, Sale provides us
with the resource tö learn from our follies and to build
from that aspect of SDS that did touch so many people
and inspire them to change their lives in an effort to
,. -Marty lezer
change the country.

ts

cttsAsoclAllsT?

Rene Dumont

ùiöËt"*,'i

gz¿.

(or¡g¡*l ly published

,r[¡est

;.

CUBA: A MILITARY DlcTAToqPHlP
.
jt!

q1i

. ln Fronce the military. ' ,sponge on the national economy' I
ln Cuba, they are toking over command of the national ,

,*ioríy, ai¿ tnø is eien moredanqe¡ous'.(Page17.9);

llhei:n t drrived ot the oirport of the lsle of Youth, the
frrst poster I sow, proclaimed: W9 want to .tr.onsform nature'

'
in' French in 1 970' )

posíei odded "And Society," l¡lhqt troubled nie'
thdt'ilìlsec:ònd poster shòweà a helmeted soldier
i¿wlr¡ns over .the yóung mon and woman on either side'of
i¡r. tr s BEcotúttNG :LEARER AND cLEARER THAT
THE ARMY IS CHARGED WITH TRANSFORMING
'ë u-s I i ioc I E I v. 1e us"t 8 3' 84, mv em phasis) ; M/È
liiiot¡o, was urged'nol only to eliminote inefficienc¡'ond
d i sorga n i zo t lo n fa la Len i n'Trots ky-Stal i n and consortsour õnrasel but"to cope with the poss¡ue resis-tance of a
iõiPir'
i.

inei"rord

From the jacket bluib we gather that thç importance of
Dumont's book lies. notlso much or only, in his ". . .richly

vtns

detailed.. , .devasta,tins. . .obrtrait of economic.disorder
ind m¡títor¡zotion (my emphasis) ( a vast literature on this
subiect exists), but primarily because, "it comes from a .
friend of the äevolution, who.at earlier times praised Cas'
tro's efforts to create a socialist nation. . .Dumont, a dis' I
ri*ritfrã¿ agronomist, a veteran Ipro-communist] activist
*hä; in theI960's paiO [on Castro's invitation] several
long v'rsits as an expert adviser to, and sympathizer with,
Castro's Cuba. , ."
"The book created a sensation throught Europe" because
for Dumont, to dispute the infallibility of Castro, and-even
dare to deny the socialist nature of the Cuban revolution,
is, for the Castrophiles, a heresy co-mparable only to-a papal
eácyclical denying the existence of God. Since the Castro'
philã's invariably 6rand any diverse criticism.as CIA inipired, we will lót Dumonti himself, summarize hls themes
und cÉarget in the following collection of quotes'

;;;';;;;;;,b;,;i;;;;iiñ;

(pue"99l:

',
'

Havana Premier Fidel Castro proclaimed three days of '
'. :
national mourning and Cuban officials termed General
'Peron's death 'a b'iow to all Latin America"' (New York . , )
Timeg July 2,1974). The proclamation was not made ' !
solely for tactical purposes, but in recognition of the affinity between theCaitro and Peron regim.es. In following;r' ,.;
i
Dumoht's description of the Cuban'system, one is struck ' '
Peron's
totaliïarian
by the remarkable resemblance between
Paternali3m'and Castroism, which Dumont hastens to remind us "nbt tðfcäget that despotism has alwals been'
badly enlightengd, and power corruptsr"'he flatly contra'
d i çts' h i mse lÊùl'the ve[y.nçx t par-agraph :
- ' 'reneweà
'ithe ti.rye.hos come toþròfiresi from this (Castro's) sort '
of
absolute monarchy to o more modern versfun
of what I witt oversimplìfy in colling limited, if not consti-. t- ,
tutional monarchy., . " (Þage 141, my emphasis).
Herein, lies the major flaw in Dumont's otherwise excellent
work. His remedy does not even begin to measure up to' : '
his diagnosis. He remains the prisoner of his subconscious
loyalties. He ís still a Marxist-Leninist. He still clings to the
vain hope that the chronic diseases afflicting Castro's Cuba
and the socalled "socialist countries" can be miraculously
patched up by a few totally inadequate measures.
Nevertheless, Dumont merits our respectfor his coura'
geous (albeit tardy) revelations and for his willingness to
attempt a serious reassessment of the Cuban Revolution,
Assoried Castrophiles would do well to follow his example-

"ln

'
WORKERS AND UNIONS
of the unions,
rql"e
be
taken
diminishlng
the
should
of
Note
which are, . ,due to disappear [and with them cgnsequently .
the right to strikel ent¡i¿\y... .since the state is (in prÌnciple)
governmentol
síate of the workers. . (puge 52); The
the
'¿'ãciiions se", to hove
been ¡ntended.f or the people, but it
ios not government by the people, . ,They used to hove o
copitatist boss, ond now thev hàve another bo-ssrthe odministrotor who represents the boss. , .(Paqe2'21

THE BOSS
Oswoldo Dorticos, Presìdent of the Cubatt Republic, is not
the number one man in Cuba. , .This ploce belongs to
Costro, PrÌme Minister of the Revoluilonary Gouernment,
6s¡¡¡nander-in-Chief of the ormed forces, and First Secrelirv of the Cuban Communìst Poiy, . .(Coçro himself is)
thá key factor in the delegot¡on oipower in Cuba. As on
änciit, one eìther has or has not tóst Costro's confìdence. .
¡s5ignment of reryonsibÌlity depends on personol connec-

-i

i

.

-Sam Dolgoff
wlN 21

ì.

'I

CONTINUEO FROM PAGE

3

felt free to just go out and do néw things
with the members' money, no matter how
"safe"; every departurc involved several

.

months of feedback, via newsletter polls
and at least one general meeting (these
have been held twice yearly) with as many
of the members as we could cajole to show
up (recently a¡ound 30).
Our first experiment in this direction
was the Roxbury War Tax Fund. This has
grown to the point where it and the Boston
Movement Bail Fund have been able to
open an office and pay subsistence wages to
a staff of threg and develop a ¡eliable
corps of volunteers.
In its first year of operation, the Bail
Fund experienced no defaults; this encouraged the steering committee to

develop the free loan program. In this we
were guided by the experience of the
Philadelphia WTR Fund;and our loan
prog¡am is modeled upon theirs.
In all this the steering committee has
tried to couple responsible and productive
money management to a resistance perspective. On the one hand we've cor¡
tinued to exhort people to give substance
to their sentiments of norrsupport of the
govetnment's crimes (which we see as extending far beyond SE Asia) by the refusal
to pay taxes; and in our various hassles
with the IRS (one of which is going on
rþht now), we've stated that our reason
for existence is resistancg and that IRS
may go peddle its paranoia elsewhere. On
the other,hand, we've tried to use the
money entrusted to us to help þuild anti
war, peoplecentered progxams in the light
of an ongoing rsevaluation of the risklevel acceptable to the membèrship of the
Fund. I for one, have felt this a difücult
discipline to accept Aird perhaps it gives
Chip some idea why our loan program has
been so long in coming.
At present, we make loans only-to.
Bostor¡a¡ea grouþs. There are seve¡al

foi this Fiist, we view ourselves
primarily a community group, even
though a number of ou¡ members come
from throughout New England and even
more distant states. But we continue to
believe that there should be alternative

reasons
as

funds in every city where the¡e aie substantial numbers of movement peoplg and
that the funds should do their work lobally.
Second, we attempt to follow up our loans
by close contact with the groups or persons
loaned to. This is not only to insure against
defaultg but is also looked upon as a wây
to build sorirè continuity into the move'

menL Alternative funds-because they
know what's going on-can bg not only a
source of funding, but a nexus of info¡4ation for the movement groups which
they sewe.
We'd be very interested in leæning of
alternative funds and their loan programs
in other parts of the country. ;
By the wa¡ we've changed our name.
We're no longer the Roxbury War Tax
Scholarship Fund, but New England War
ED AGRO
Tax

Resistance.

Arlington, MA
22 WIN

Prop [ets
Bonnd
Bullerin
to
but
ll

FreG

no 3 ¡nvotvod
Oth€rwl3G

3l

ls there an experienced movement printèr
who wants to come to Ch¡cago to take over
a go¡ng shop? Some money needed. I've had
it with thls clty. Bob Freeston, Omega
Graphlcs, 711 S. Dearborn, Chicago, lL

"Grace Paley's art br¡ngs the,gift of life.
Her stories make me weep and laugh
. . .and admire."

60605.

SEXUAL POLITICS: books and posters on
20 word3. femlnlsm, gay liberation, men's
lim¡tcct
conscloug
wörds.
l0
ov.ry
ness raisingt Free catalogr Times Change
Presq Penwell-WN, Wash¡ngton, NJ O7882.

THE SHAGGY ACCOUNTANT. BooKkeeplng systems and servlcet Work collectlves, free school+ day care centers, food
'co'ops and alternatlve endeavors of all sorts.
Much experlence. Free consultation. BostonCambrldge area. Eric Weinberger, 46 Arl¡ngton, Newton, Mass Phone'(6!71 24+O75a.

GODDAR D/CAMB R I DGE GRADUATE
PROGRAM IN SOCIAL CHANGE. An Ac.
credlted MS program of Goddard College'
acceptlng students lor !974-.75. Ptoièct
areas include workplace and commun¡ty
organiz¡ng, culture and soclety, femlnist
stud¡es, power structure and the economy,
lmperlallsm and national llberation. Catãlog
avallabla 5 Upland Rd.r Cambrldge, MA

92t4O. (6t71 492-O7OO.

US COMPLICITY IN SOUTHERN AF-

RICAN RACISM AND COLONIALISM.
End the news blackout. Read about People's
Movements, Us polltlcal, económlq mllltary
¡nvolvement. Read SOUTHERN AFRIcA
monthly magâzlne, $s/year. Write for
sample, SAc, 244W, 27th Street, Dept. W,
New York, NY lO0O1.
IMPEACH NIXON bumperstlckers¡ 3 for
for $1,O0, 100/$7,
5OOl $22, 1,00O/$35, 2,500/$75. I mmediate
shlpment promlsed, Alrmall 10o/o extra,
Doveco, 5625 Woodlawn, Chlcago, 60637.

$1.OO. Buttons: 6

Seeking Manager for retall storè. Background
ln Natural foods, buslness experl€nce necessary, abll¡ty to ra¡se capltal, & manage
lnvestments. Send resume: The Center for

Human Survlval, 52 Main SL, West Lêbanon,

NH 03784, 607294-a947.

WOMEN lN SPORTS. 6 duraþle 8" x 10"
reproductlons of women skilled ln gymnastics, softball, track, welght-l¡ftlng, and
judo. Suggest¡ons for uslng the photos ln.
cluded, $3.0o plus 351 malllng to¡ c. cade
.or P, Kuess, 2lq3 Emerson, Berkeley, CA

94705.

Radlcal changes are needed ln thè Gay
Movement to overthrow the ¡mp€dlments
to rsal progress. The All-Mighty Stonewall

Nation-Free! Gayl Proud! lnvltês only

those seriously willing to work toward n€w
thrusts at r¡the gay establlshmont" and its
"straight" counterparts to wrlte to AMSWNFGP.1437 Polk St. No. 4 SF, CA 94109.
Do it now, let's not let th6 corrupt "leader-

shlp" contlnue to mlgd¡rect th€ movements,
Wrlte ¡n detall--what you can do; what
AMSWN can do to help yor.r. Ask for cle'
talls on "A New way of Be¡ng Gay."

Nêw Mldwest resèarch lnstltute seeks unselflsh, soclal ly-consclous, non-careerlst
MA-PhD Movoment economlsts, polltlcal
scientlsts, etcr who can get grants or raise
f unds. Semischolarly stud¡es on war-peace
reconversign, etc. Read Gross and Ost€rman
'¿The New Professlonals" pp 33-77, Mldwést
lnst¡tute, 1206 N 6th St., 43201.

ln Urbana, lL, a good place to get
WIN and other good things to read
is Earthworks at 1 31G1 312 W.
Main St ln Springfield, lL, try the
Spoon River Co.op at 122 S. 4th.

'*
(L'I'2If you like,

-SUSAÑbONTAG

Songs of the Labor Movement w¡th f olk
singer, Ted Johnson, 1l¡OO on Sept. 1.

T he

TRUTH-lN-RECRUITING¡ a tist of atternâte
sources of ¡nformatlon and matèrials whlch
may be consulted by young people considering onlistment ln the Unlted States
Armed Forces with a separáte list of
materials especlally usef ul to adults workins
be

obta¡ned from Allce Schaeffer, 564 West
189th 5t., New York, NY l0o4o.

.

Apple p¡ckers needed, S€ptember-Octobei.

A wofk trip; no alcohol, dru9s, sex. lnter-

vlew now. Greenleaf Harvesters, South Ac.
worth, NH.

Short Stories by

GLOBAL SYSTEMS OPPRESS US ALL
We're organizlng ongoing actlons ¡n support
of Third World groups. Ask for our newe
lêtter. National Coalltion for Soclal Change,
58 N. 3rd St., Phlta, PA 19106. (2t5-92r

Cmce Palgy

6763)

i

1974 WRL NATIONAL CONFERENCE

:t

"sAVE OUR WHALES" Order Whale
stamps, $1 a sheet, from Toby Mallln,

lL 60659.

End oxploitat¡on, oppression and war.
Build a frlendly, classless, domocratic
world. Joln the Soc¡alist Party-USA,
1012 N. 3rd St., Mllwaukee, Wls. 53203.

WRL/west looking for a new stâff person to
run the office, ETC. Deadllne 8/15. writel
WRI- 1380 Howârd 5L, 2nd Fl., San Frâncisco, CA 94103.
WRL offlce staff looking for free refrigerator
that works to ke€p brown bag lunches cold,
alsg work¡ng FM radio for morale. WRL,
330 Lafayette 5t., NYC. 212-22A-9450,

-IF

IT'S A JOB, WHY CAN'T YOU QUIT?''
New Mllltary counterrecruitment leaflet
avallable from AFSC, 407 S. Dearborn,
Chicago, 69605.

ALTERNATIVE PERSPECTIVES ON LIV.
lNG. Wê cover all aspects of Life.economlc,

cultural, lnterpersonal, health, politlcs ¡n
the GREEN REVoLUTION Magazine. Your
name and address on a postcard, get a a

freo sample copy. Send to: SCHOOL OF
LlVlNG, 3959 Shedd Terrace, Culver City,
Los Anqeles, cA 9o23o.
WRL Plains/M¡dwest Off¡ce is plannlng fall
programs. Desire input and suggestion on
workshops, speeches, etc for fall. Wr¡te¡
WR L Plal ns/Mldwest Reglonal Office,
3950 Ralnbow Blvd., Kansas City, Kansas,
66103. ..

Ttlho
I

.

6351, N. Oakley Ave., Chicàgo,

oldest

FanaçStrarss& Choux

sible to surv¡ve on a small salary
and find joy in communal living.
Tell us something about yourself,
including examples of your work if
possible. Wl N, Box 547, Rifton, NY

From Friday afternoon, Aug 31, thro,ugh lunch on Monday,
SepL 2, the War Resisters League will meet in National Conference at Geneva Point Centei on Lake Winnipesaukee,
NH.

The National Conference is not built around outstanding
speakers, but around outstanding people-our active members and organizers. Those who come will.not be sitting for
three days õf listening but will be takìngþart in r¡p groups
and workshops dealing with issues ranging.from militarism
in.our society to racism in our communitieis; from the place
of sex roles in a changing society to discussidns on the
radical movement in the post-Watergate er4; from the problems of the Middle Easg to the pròblems of lndochina. We
will be searching for ways to apply nonv¡olence to qur lives, .'
our commun¡ties, our nation, and the larger world in which
we live. There wiil be hard discussion.on local work, on the
direction the League should take in the year to come. This
is a working conference, bringing League members together
from dozens of states (friends and non-mel4bers are also
always welcome).
The cost is $30 for the three days, including food and
;
lodging and a g5 registration fee. lî yoù cannot pay the fee. .
'
we will waive iL lf yoU can send exfiã money to help with
scholarships, we need it,
For_more information and a registration form contact:
War Resisters Leasue

339 Lafayette
New

StYor( Ny 10002

a

The IIIATION Ameriea

$6.95, now at your bookstore

WIN needs a staff person to work
on layout and design. A political
head is requ¡red as well as the kind
of commitment that makes it pos

12471.

-a-t

I\[ATIOl\{
For lhe NATION has
been a clissentl-ng
journal since the
Civil War. ..
That I s 109 'yearS' of
dissent, making I

Ch ica9o,

wlth young adults. Singte copies may

o Il-Ke

v ou

Thlrd Unitarlan Church, Mayfield & Fulton,

s

weekJ-y.

keeps it alj-ve

and kicking? Editor
Carey Melnlill-iams .

S
S

ee for yours el-f .
end $r. Óo for the

next 3 issues

re not asking you
to bubberibe just

hle I

o Lo"ok .*.,,.,,..Qli ay?
Write to;

.*t

The NATION
333 Sixth Ave.
New

York,

N.

Y. 1001¿þ

and mention CLrif>
when you do.
WIN 23

\.,

AGift lorYou

lF YOU SUBSCRTBE NOW TO
*
..THE LIVELIEST
MAGAZINE "ON THE LEFT"

Tþadition and Revolution
,l

lft

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,tr

¡.

{t- ¡"

Ht RlsrMtNOS
ÞJt!õbv€rñV@

wü,¡¡¡f.¡c

NguyenKhaiVien

-

,'

*from Ñew York's VILLAGE VOTCE

.tf you teke th¡s opporiunity to subscribe to"WlN for a
full year (44 issues) we'll .send you your choice of either'
of these important and haunting books by veterans
of the Metnam war. Publiihed by_ lst Casualty .fress,
both books examine the human dirnension of wÉat we
did in Metnam.
FREE FIRE ZONE is a coltectig¡t 'of. 24 remarkabte
stories ihat explore, in the words of the editors,
"direct violence.and the subtler forms of cultural rape

ifiort

and pillage." Publishers price: t2.gS.
WINNING HEARTS AND MINDS is a ¡poving c<¡ltecrion
of poems written "out of fire and undei fire." publish-

ers

price:

$1.95.

-

_

t.

INDoCHTNA,"RESOURCE CENTER

the subsc.ription. just send rhe book(s)

FREE

PtlBtISlltR'S DISC0UNT PRICE: $2.+S
-f

FREE FIRE ZONE
WINNING HEARTS AND MINDS

-Skip
reguhr priec. Ènclosed is $

"Reading I'lguyen Khac Vien is seeing, feel ing
and understand'ing'the logic, the unreìenting

determin.ation and the simpìe humanism of
revolutionary Vietnam." -- Franz Schurmann,
author of The Politics of' Esca'lation.

Enclosed is 17 for a year's subscription. t Please send
me a copy of.(check one):

-

|2.65

foi

P,0. Box 4000-D
Berk'ol ey,...CIq-. ?4\94

their

for:

rl¡

FtiE

ZOÌ{E ($2.95)
wlNNlNG HEARTS AND MTNDS (tr.eS¡

--Skip thc books. Enclosed is 14 for a six nlônth sub.
Name

WIN *

Box

547 *

Win, Box 547, Rifton, NY 12471.

Ny

12471

o

TIME! I \

And even WIN Magazine takes a break from publishing
in AugusL But some of us will always be here working.'
So-get your address changes for the fall to us before
August 21 so our next issue {915174)'will reach you.
Please enclose an old address label from your most recent
issue-it saves Mary work. Thanks.
:

ztP

Rifton *

IT'S SUMMER VACATION

Title

Win Magazine Volume 10 Number 28

Date

1974-08-01