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I
I
*
Martin Luther King in Seltna
I'
WRL on the Middlã East
How to Build a Tiger Cafe'
lmpeachment Nêws
I
t:
PEACE ANA FREEDCM THRU NONVIOLE,Ír ACT'Oî'I
Aprll 4,
19741 201
t
NOW,
Er[ichman,
Hal deinan, Mitchell
and Kleihdienst resigned because
of
rumors that
connected them
with Watergate.
Richardson a
Ruckels ñäus resigned
because theY wouldnit
bey my orders to fire Co
w¿is
after mY taPes.
BUT cheer uP.
..
.: '
You've still got me.
I really empathized with Steve Trimm's
a¡ticle 2ll4l7 4 WIN. ,{lthough not going to
such drastic measures myself I did go to
Canada after refusing to register on my 18th
birthday. There was a deñnite feeling of
ûnality upon crossing the border. I felt sure
that if I ever attempted to cross back into
the states I would be immediately captured.
But after six months in Calgary I reaßzed in
many ways I did not want to spend my life
forever cut off from those I loved and cared
about. I simply went right back across the
border with Albertalicense plates and drivers
license and drove back into the states with
no hassles. Furthe¡ since being back I have
been quite heavily engaged in pôlitical activities and have never come close to being
¿rrested for failing to register in 1970.
I don't know but I bet thele are a lot of
folks up in Canada (and elsewhere) who are
missing out needlessly on many good times
with their friends because they fear getting
To question the right to eat in a country
with such plentiful food resources is the
thinking of .only people who have the food
to eat. There ¿ue many people who go without what most Americans consider necessities
I bet you don't believe it, but poverty is very
common in America.
If you wish to criticize the speciûc kidnapping of Patricia Hearst, it is ûne with
me. But when it comes to the subject of
f¡ee food for poor peoplq I think you don't
know what it's like to be poor.
Perhaps you
wouldn't eat a free turkey
on Thanksgiving Day or accept the free can
goods Perhaps you go without? Everybody
else in America celebrates Turkey Day and
christmas and poor
*"0"
;l;i,t$lïu*."
Cuyahoga Falls, OH
I've just ¡eturned from spending three
weeks monitoring the "non-leadership"
rrVounded Knee cases in Sioux Falls, SD.
olore readers of WIN magazine and WRL
members to give generously to the Wounded
Knee Legal DefenseOffense Committee,
Box 255, Sioux Falls, South Dakota' 57101.
_NHAT HONG
Northfield, MN
I am writing to comment favorably on
the Murray Bookchin article which was pub'
lishecl in WIN. (l2ll3l73\
In all candor, initially I doubted some
ofthe Bookchin statementq but not now. . .
not anymorc Through information oor¡
tained in a newspaper article, I contâcted
the Union of Conce¡ned Scientists (UCS)'
an MIT based group of physicistg biologists
and others. I forwarded a copy of the Bookchin article to that group and ãsked for
comments.
My request was answe¡ed by physicist,
Dr. Henry W. Kendall who stated in partl
"Mr. Bóokchin's statements appear to be
quite accurate It is certainly true there¿re
no chemical combinations which can miti
The government dropped it's charges
gate sþnificantly the effects of radioac'
against the first four defendants. A defense
iivity and there is no way to destroy radie
pretrial motion for the suppression of evi
active materials, I feel that Mr. Bookchin's
dence gained in an illegal search was upheld
discussion of the weaknesses of the nuclear
by the judge in the case of Mary Ann De
arrested if they attempt to return' True
program are quite accurate and careful and
Cora and Vaughn Baker. The government
many have indictments, are AWOL, or for
there is no question in my mind that his
judge's
or
bordecision
at
appeal
the
for
will
have
to
watched
being
are
other reasons
concerns are shared by many experienced
present
is
are
testimony
there
charges.
At
drop the
ders and home towng but then
people whose views cannot be disregarded.
being heard on an identical pre-trial moprobably lots of people like myself who
"I am enclosing a b¡ief overview which
tion in the case of three Indian women a¡really have very little to fear coming home
out our group's position on the nuclear
sets
past
inbegan.
and
regaining
the
night
the
siege
friends
rested
old
and seeing
You a¡ê free to quote publicly both
issue,
insweeping
for
me
government
issued
The
has
terests. It su¡e seemed easy enough
from the ove¡view and f¡om this lette¡."
to come back to the states without having to - dictments in the hopes of destroying the
Readers who desire more information
effectiveness of the Indian movement fo¡
turn myself in Perhaps someone you know
the enormous dangers inherent in
regarding
be
it
justice
might
Three
hundred
if
so
and
and
independence.
situation
is in a similar
aspects of nuclear power should
various
thè
and
state,
peoplg face tribal municipal
helpful to pass this information along'
write to, The Union of Concerned Scienfederal charges for attempting to defend
-NAME WITHHELD
tists, PO Box 289, MIT Branch Station,
the health, dignity, and freedom of Indian
Cambridge, Mass. 02139. Enclose $1.00 for
as
dangerous
is
attack
people.
This
"legal"
Recently I read the last 10 issues of your
a copy of "The Overview," a short non- '.t
personnel
and ìmmediate ai the armo¡ed
¡
magazine in the library.
techiical 207-page report. "The Nuclear
year sur¡ound'
last
were
M-16's
and
c¿rriers
position
to
in
ñnancial
I haven't been a
MARRO\ry
D.
Fuel
-F.
ing the village of Wounded Knee'
subscribe to your magazine for ovet a year,
Ulster, PA
People and organizations concerned with
but have enjoyed reading it. The2l28l'14
the
let
not
peace, justice, and freedom must
issue had a statement on the Symbionese
In the recent months I have noticed a
õhallenge of the government go unânswered.
Liberation Army & the kidnapping in which
people
charged
in the tone of WIN. It is a change
the
change
of
defense
The
adèquate
you seem to'say that f¡ee food giveaways
for the better which I hope continues In
requires us to eclucate, agitate, and conare an insult to "Poor People."
the 1960's many of us glossed ove¡ the
tribute money and energy until it hurts.
We[ I'm a poor people and I live witt
government
dilferences in political perspective amon-g the
the
of
resoluces
fantastic
The
people.
poor
poor people, and I know
of
sweat
various groupJ and individuals which called
collective
with
the
be
met
must
anyone came uþ to me right now and said
the
join
people
in
themsetves "the movement." Often these
Indian
individuals who
they're giving away free food, I'm sure I
differences were regarded as merely differfight to defeat the continuing attack and
would come ærunnin And if one asked me
ences in style, or were ignored altogether,
Knowcommunity.
the
Indian
of
oppression
and
ongoing
if this should be.a universal
imusually to present an artifrcial appearance
the
less
none
I
scarcg
are
project, I would say, "Yes!"
ing funds
Cycle"
If
of unity. Serious political discussion was
either postponed or ruled out oforder at
Arthu¡ Bremer must've felt very very
smalt',tiny, insigni$cant, a flea or a roach
gatherings and in movement publications, to do what he did for the sake ofgoing
Now WIN is moving towards correcting down in history. He must've felt small &
he must've felt enraged at being so unimthis error by running articles which serve
to provoke discussion that sh
. taking place all these years. It began with
the article on Maris' adventures in Moscow of therTV or read the, say, Village Voice;
In general, the media t¡ies to make ordinary
and continued with'Leah Fritz' series of
peoplè feel like impotent, homely beetles.
articles and the debate on the Middle East
And they succeed.
spurred by Brad Lyttle.
Finally, Mr. Hill's cho¡tlei over high
There were two recent a¡ticles which I
would particularly like to commend: the
.school girls' pregnancies & subsequent expulsion from school & humiliations does
statement on the Patricia Hearst kidnap
not speak well fot Mr. Hill's self-awareness
ping and Stephen Suffet's "A Guide tothe
or compassion' Perhaps he should join a
Ñew, New Left." The Hearst-SLA article
men's óonsciousness raising group.
clearly presented the problems cieated for
the left when a small elitist group resorts to
-MICHELE CLARK
Cambridge, MA
"r
terrorism in the illusion that it would bring
about revolutionary change. Suffet's descrip ;.
tions of the various groups on the scene to- I
Thir is in response tõ jair'Barry's imporday was ¿ccurate and, so far as I can tel!
tant, i should say historic, review of Thè
fair to all the groups mentioned.
Tale of Kieu tWfN 3l2ll74l. As Barry
Keep up the good work.
points out, the Kieu (known also as the
;"ELLIOT LINZER Kim Van Kieu) is not onty thq riiost.chêr. Elmhurst, NY ished of Vietnamese novels, not only the
"document" most often found on the bodies
of dead Vietcong, but also thát very sad but
r.---¿
-r
or
I would llKe to taKe exceDtlon to þaf[
Emeryn Buskirk's r"tt" uÑ"äjä8Þ"4î.'sù
ffitååt"r?t""'.",'J"å:3J:äiri,liiåi
states that in the QuakerE "women âre run- ã.î".n"nv
decades unspeakable aggression,
ning the show." In the Meetings that l-atiÀ"d"pi" poem which has sustaineä"them in
draft
tended before being incarcerated for
te:tusatn the peop¡" i"n
All decisions are reached by concensus.
Even the crerk
dependent power, he ..t:t]^
Û'"ii'T**ö;.Ë;.
(usuaily'"li:i[t,r":gf
Poem:
How To Do lt.
Georse
ñ;
warace brind you t" hi, iä;;;ncel
member that he was .bh l;;;ii;;ù;;;;tial votes all around th.
organizea poriticar
p"u,"åríti".""Jîå'
îtäi,i,'iìïä'
siate, That *""n, ,orno
several somethings.
thing, maybe"u"ry
4. Thanks for saving me the trouble of reading the
-ARTHUR D. PENSER
th; ballot in
.
KJ
On Fasting.
Mark Ma'rris
....14
"'
t'
...16
r.,
Throw the Bum Out
I
'r 17
Ted G|ck
Changes.
18
Reviews.
fl:i;"r":iåîilåå:fiå*Jlleii;,:*"*'
-'-;:
I
;å,ilt:';;lr,riit"
...,...20
..- ,
Cover: LNS Women's Graphics
STAFF
mar¡s cakars, ed itor
susan cakars, ed¡torial ass¡stant
ñãtly jezer, editorial assistant
nancy johnson, design
mary mayo, subscr¡ptions
susan pines,
composit¡on
.
fred rosen, editorial assistant
marthã thomates, editorial assistanr.
FELLOW TRAVELERS
;iåï:l'i,iåitr:
and that we do indeed have our
.ce.metery)
:-!lqï., 1i9.ttl 1t lÌ p:Yf'¡ne orJhe '
most viglent rpics ever written: Mobv Dick'
knowledge the onlv discussion
^ .Tc'tv
":1*.:ç*,^-:1tg^t[.::::",1:l:l:,
:'
Amerleàn/ vletnamese experlence ts uarl
ueitens coNTINUED oN PAGÉ
22
Huntsville, AL
Daviti Hill (WIN 3/14/74) misses the
psychological point in his discussion of
Oswald, Ray, Sirhan & Bremer' The pointthough this is not the only point, but one of
them-is that in America today being on
TV, gaining notoriety through the media
seems to be the one sure proof that you are
reat that your life has some importance.
The media makes the extraordinary real &
the ordínary only a dream & not a very important dream at that. Whereas, in fact,
life's the other way around.
.
SrurrUor;¡n_,,'-
;:*.-
l"Tåiff ff ,iä','l,i:
.........1i
Mqrta DanÌi¿ls'
mythG
arrest and his death.
3. It is a mistâke to let hatred of
...0......1
BuildingTigerCages.......
ture relations betweèn the US and Vietnam
Re: David úill;s review or An Assa:ssin's t'j."^',t^1",y:-',c.ltltlllji:s will bind our
two lands and the Viet¡lamese would be
¿ù;/: twrÑ;
at that time to know that sonie
¡we ¡rv!
not sa ¡¡¡'e¡¡v nlelyo
I, Herostratus isan historical,
great American poet will write the Ameiilogica! figure.
van Kieu for them to see' to read'
2. The autobiography of Lee Harvey oswald
--- ,]?1\Ki*
weep over"'
and,to
would be of very little i"t*;J Ñ;í";ty
I suggest to wIN ¡eaders that we
did he not have anything;;;;itir i;n"ay, .--.!aY
our "great poèt" (although as ignored
he apparently di¿n't underitä;d ;il, *;-"
P::
hapióning to him between- tîå'ii*i,
r,i,
"r
.........4
WRL Statement on the Middle East. . . . 8
LI FETIME SUBSCRIPT¡ONS_$ 1OO
+A'¿ lÀ
M.L.K
Kcthryn Kilgore
.
ililì+l
Vo[, X Number 12
Chuck Foger
:*'n"'TË'&iäiï'u'ui'i,";',ai*.f;ffili*$,rmfli
boolc
t
4,1974
Martin Luther King ínSelma.
was flusi made aware of
""j;îfi,tï,r;tiå"åS
Àirerican'puttic
lTtf]il:
ff"'iìff
April
box
547 rifron
relcphone
a way to insure that you'll
Here's
never again be bothered by those would-
be-hümorous WIN renewal announcej
menis ânö at the same time make a
substantial committmenf to the cause
oi nonviolent social cha'nge by supporting WIN Magazine. Such a demonstration of faith in WIN at this time
would mean far more than year after
year of renewals. Please consider
helping out in this way.
-WlN
new
york l24tì..
914 3394595
wlN lr
puÞilrhad waakty .rc.9t tor tña flrit
two waaa(t ln January. 2nó waat tñ May. tart a
waal¡ In Autu¡t, .ñó th. t.¡l w..¡ ln octob.,
by th. wlN Publl¡hlng ErfrDtr. wttñ th. ruÞcorr
ot tha w¡r Raúl¡tarr La.¡ua. suÞrcrlÞiloôr.r.
¡t.OO gar yaar. S.corì(t cta¡¡ Do¡tagt .t N.w
Yor¡. N.V. loool. t.!6¡vlóu.t wrttõn tro re
¡Coñlbla lor @lnlon¡ irgr.¡l.c ¡nO ¡ccui¡cy
ot tacts Cv¡n. Sorry-manI$rtptr c¡nnol bi
talurnid uñla¡r acco.tì9ant.d by a ¡att.aódra¡rad
añy.toga. prlnlad ln U.S.A.,,.r!,,,::,i:,4 t g
slamDad
Paul Patn¡k
WIN
2
wlN
3
',
ñ:lt'tin
l,ufh0r
lffr
ilt lumt
o
¡
l3T OHtt0t( trAGulR
The events described here took place on Monday,
February 1, 1965, in Selmo Alabamo'
Dr, Mqrtin Luther King was killed on April4'
1
968.
It took hours for all the demonstrators to be booked
and taken upstairs to the County Jail, which was the
only facility large enough to hold them. Before long
the people waiting to be processed began playing
little tricks which drove the city policemen on duty
up the wall: lining up obstinately at the white water
fountain, switching the "white" and "colored" signs
on the bathrooms, and generally acting something
than intimidated.
Public Safety Director Wilson Baker kept Dr. King
and Abernathy to the last, hoping they would post
bond and be off his hands. He knew about the planned
"Letter from a Selma Jail," and still hoped somehow
to head it off. But of course King refused to post
bond, and Baker couldn't iust let him walk out: he
had no choice but to send him upstairs with the rest
of the men, who were jammed into the County Jail's
dayroom and had been shaking the cellblock's steel
walls all afternoon with their spirited freedom singing.
less
The men were in a bay about 18 feet by 90 feet,
with gray steel walls and floor, its only furniture
a
pair of bolted down large metal tables and several
old mattresses strewn about the floor. The dozen or
so regular black county prisoners watched in amazement from their cells across a catwalk, and all broke
out in thunderous applause when King and Abernathy
finally came through the clanging gate. King immedi'
ately took charge, but didn't want to make a speech,
and suggested that the group have a "Quaker-type
meeting," letting those inclined to speak or pray or
sing do so as the spirit moved them.
The spirit was indeed moving, oddly enough in
almost a direct hierarchical procession down from
Dr. King. The fìrst to speak was Abernathy, who
produced a small Bible from an inside pocket and
began with a reading from Psalm 27:
"The Lord is my light and my salvation," he intoned;
"whom shall I fear?
"The Lord is the strength of my life;
of whom shall I be afraid?"
The passage summed up the mood perfectly. After
Abernathy, Reese spoke, then a few other preachers
4 WIN
and a white civil rights worker. The speeches were
interspersed with more exultant, rhythmic freedom
songs, and with the windows shut against the February chill, the room quickly became like a sauna bath,
hot and extremely humid from the excited respiration of over a hundred men. But no one minded, and
the meeting continued for more than an hour before
breaking up into smaller groups, in which the men
continued talking exuberantly, many nôw hoarse from
their continuous singing.
Dr. King moved to the bars along the catwalk, and
went down its length greeting the county prisoners
and listening to the circumstances of their cases. He
heard a series of depressing tales. One man said he
had been there almost two years waiting trial, with
no opportunity for bail; another had been there 27
months, after being snatched off the street one Saturday night and beaten up. He wasn't even sure what
the charge against him was, though he had hçard¡it
v/as rape of a white woman, The others' stories were
mostly similar, though they hadn't been in as long.
These grim results of Black Belt justice left their
hearers feeling depressed and helpless, but more
determined to make their own confìnement count.
Their spirits held up even when Baker showed up a
little later to spirit King and all the other staff workers
among them out to the smaller City cells downstairs.
Almost 500 more people were arrested that day,
most of them students who had stayed out of whool
to observe what the staff workers told them was a Freedom Holiday. There was something about the involvement of these teenagers that especially galled the
whites. They regarded it as proof positive of King's
evil, manipulative intentions, his disregard for the
real welfare of the local black community. This was
probably based on their traditional view of education and "self-improvement" as the legitimate, oneat-a-time route for black advancement, even though
their practice consistently contradicted this profession (which it did even in their jokes: "What do you
call a colored man with a PhD?" ran a current jest.
"Nigger" was the answer) But by then the entry of the
young people hardly amounted to manipulation on
the civil rights groups' part; with all the action in town
centered around the courthouse, and after their own
teachers had marched, the students had actually been
restrained from leaving their campus en masse until
today.
The student marchers managed to make it'all the
way to the courthouse before being stopped and put
on buses. Their singing and stomping made the
vehicles rock and jerk strangely all the way to the
Armory, a long low white building wheie they were
taken tó be processed. lnside, Probate Judge Bernard
nãynolds wås holding court ón the dirí floór ót ttre
field house section, bringing the students one by one
before hím to state their name, age, school and parents' names; then they were released in the custody
of their parents and warned not to com-e back.
Many of them refused to cooperate with him however, and they were taken back o.ut,to busses and
hauled away to Camp Selma, a staterun prison camp
several miles west of the city.
Mass arrests continued Tuesday and Wednesday,
and jail facilities all around that part ofjthe state
were soon full to bursting. Judge Harefoas outraged
by the presence of singing crowds around his courthouse, and had groups of them hauled before his
bench to face charges of contempt of court. Attorney Peter Hall, a black Legal Defense Fund lawyer,
managed to get into cjne such proceeding and made a
game effort at defending them. He pointed óut that
the court had been in recess when the alleged contempt had oc'curred; he noted that the defendants
had not even been inside the building when their
alleged contempt was cornmitted;and he m"ade mincemeat of the deputy who was called to identify the
defendants, showing that he didn't know one from
another unless they first said their names, and that he
had no evidence whatever that anyone preóent had
been involved in the actions which:had offended the
'
cup -of blac.keyed peas and a square of cornbread
twíce a day, a routine broken only once'oi twice by
grits and syrup or, on special occasions, a boiled
chicken neck. At Camp Selma the,inihates were.,
served beans and somewhat larger sèbtions of cornbread, perhaps because the regular prisoners there
had put in a full day's work.
For Dr. King, of çourse, going to jail was like a
vacatíon, a blessed respite from the punishing 1 9 and
judge.
But Hare was unimpressed by all this. His con.tpmpt power, designed to assure,þiå control over the
courtroom, was not subject to appeal or delay, and
he quickly senlenced the group, and succeeding ones,
to the maximum five days and $50, with the fine to
be worked off at the rate of $3 per day if they could
not pay it. On Wednesday he issued an Íhiunction
banning demonstrations in the vicinity of the Courthouse while the Circuit was in session, and Sheriff
Clark read the order to more gatherings of marchers
before hauling them off.
There were also large demonstrations and then
mass arrests in Marion, the seat of Perry Cotlnty 30
miles northwest, during this week. Dr. King had as- '
signed only a fêw organizers to that are4 bufthey had
found the people receptive, and soon had a full:house
of people at the Morning Star Baptist Church ready to
spill out its old battered doors and march aidund the
columned white courthouse which was iust down the
street in the center of the little town square. Local
authorities let them march on Monday, but by Wednes'
day their jails were full as well, and rinþlng with the
inmates noisy music.
Sheriff Clark and his men had more of thei[ kind
of action with the coming of the mass arrests; The
possemen pushed people around and made liberal use
of their cattle prods, which left no scars, ásJhev
marched people off to the busses. And once in confinement, the prisoners had to put up with their style
of hospitality. One group was taken to a prison camp
only to find their compound stripped of beds and
bedding, the floor covered with water, and the heat
off. They spent the night standing huddled in corners, trying to keep warm. Two white Unitarian
ministers, Rev. lra Blalock and Rev. Gordon Gibïon,
were taken to Camp Selma after being arrested later
that week and found similar conditions along with
80 other prisoners, they walked past piles of mattresses and blankets in the hallways, and found their
rectangular compound bare of any furnitûre except a
tub of water with a single dipper and a stopped up
toilet with no seat. There was nothìng to sleep on
but the smooth concrete floor. The windows were
stuck open to the cold February air, and outside they
could see their bedframes sitting on the grass, rustin¡i
newly from the mist and serving as novel perches for
the camp's flock of poultry.
The food was not much better. The authorities
were given st¿ndard allotments for provisions bÙt were
left to disburse them in the most economical manner
they could devise; and the less that was spent actually
fêeding a prisoner, the more was left to pocket.'Someone was making a lot.of money in that buíiness: at
the Dallas County Jail, the standard fare was half a
I
20 hour d4ys, þe. p-u! in eutsidg, and. he and Abernathy immêdiàtely set about making the most of it
once they were in the quieter quarters of the City
Jail. The two had been to jail tqgether almost every
time they had been arrested, and had long since
. developed a routine for passing the time constructively. This was a concept they had borrowed from
Gandhi; it included an initial two-day fast and a
regimen of prayer, meditation, hymn-singing, exercize and rest, punctuated by conferences with aides
and lawyers who were let in at intervals by city
authorities. They were perfectly safe, and except for
the fact that the bedding was lumpy and uncomfortable, in no hurry to end their interlude. Both stayed
in jail until Friday.
Life went on in Selma that week despite the demonstrations, marked by two events which otherwise
wqùld. have dominated local consciousness completely.
,On Wednesday, Hammerhill made its long-awaited
announcemenf: tþeir nèw plant would be located a
few miles east'of Sël'rña; it'would cost almost $30
million, produce 400 tons of bleached kraft pulp a
day, ænd proviileY50 perrnanen!,jobs. Speaking at
fhÞ lu.ncheon^held to celebrate the añnouncement,
'the presídent of the Chamber of Commerce, J.M.
Gaston articulated the general feeling: "What this
thing means to me," he said, "l can hear the cash
registers ringing in my grocery store." Others looked
forward to a second bridge across the Alabama River,
and called the plant a major breakthrough in the
d,evelopment of the area.
j The night before the announcement Governor
George Wallace had come to town, to speak to a massive crowd from which all out-of-town reporters were
barred. Wdlace's popularity was such that every official of any local consequence was on hand, with the
single exception of Wilson Baker, who was over on
Sylvan Street keeping an eye on the mass meeting at
Brown Chapel.
wtN
5
T
'
But the cfowd didn't hear what it expected from
their self-proclaimed super-segregationist chief executive. Martin Luther King was in their jailhousg 500
more black people had been arrested in their streets
that day, but Wallace's theme of "Selma's Bustin'
Out All Over" was related to those events only by
unconscious irony. The governor talked about hís
program of industrial expansion in the state; he
bragged of having brought some 9400 million worth
of new plant investment to Alabamain1964;he
praised Selma and Dallas County as outstanding partners ín this crusade among areas of comparable size;
and he predicted even greater heights would be reached
as the plans for opening the Alabama River to deepwater tr¿ffic were completed. But he never mentioned
segregation or demonsirations, not even law and order.
There was, there had to be a message in his very silence on the subject; but he dídn't pause to let the
people draw him out about what it might be.
On Thursday there was a sudden pause in the demonstrations. One reason for the lull was that Judge
Thomas was set to issue an injuncti'on against the
Dallas County Board of Regisirars ín reiponse to
another Justice Department suit and the black leaders
wanted time to sèe just what, tactical implications
its provisions might have for their campaign. But
another and possibly more telling consideration was
the arrival in Selma that morning of Malcolm X.
Malcolm had béen at Tuskegee for a speech the
night before, and some of the SNCC staff people had '
gone over to listen and invite him to bring his black
nationalist message to their city as well. Malcolm had
been anxious to come; he was interested in talking
to Dr. King, whom he had met only once before very
briefly. He arrived at Brown Chapel Thrusday morning to find several hundred people assembled, awaiting
marching orders for the day.
But Malcolm's cor¡ing had some SCLC workers in
a panic; they were afraid he mþht five up to his reputation as a'fireeating opponent of nonviolence if he
was permitted to speak to the crowd of predominantly young peoplg and leave them with a situation they
,could nöt control. But the SNCC workers were insistent in their demand that he be permitted to speak,
and the SCLC workers reluctantly gave in.
Malcolm was rather restrained in his remarks:
"The white people," he told them, "should thank Dr.
King for h,olding peoole in check, for there are others
who do not believe in these measures. But I'm not
going to
try to stir you up and make you do
some-
thing you would have done anyway." He urged them
to take their case to the White House, and remind
Preside-nt Johnson that97% of the black people had
voted for him.ì lf they got no response therg he said
they should carry their griévances to the United Nations, and put American racism on tríai before the
world.
This was a new line for the people, but they knew
a powerful speaker when they heard one and the response was warm. Outside, the SCLC wo[kers were
becoming more and more worried.,Just tËen a car
pulled up carryingCoretta Scott King and Juanita
Abernathy, in town to pay a call on their incarcerated
husbands. Andrew Young the senior SCLC staff member present rushed up to Ms. King and said, "You're
going to have to come inside and greet the people,
because Malcolm X is here and he's really roused
them. They want to hear from you."
. "Andy," Ms. King reþlied, " I'm jùst not in a
speaking mood."
"You must do itr" Young insisted. "By the time
you get insidg you'll feel like it."
The two women went in, and were greeted with
a loud ovation. Ms. Abernathy spoke first,.followed
by Coretta,,and both emphasized the importance of
persevêrance in nonviolence to the movement,i
chances for success. Afterward Ms. King was íntroduced to Malcolm, and he told her, "Mrs. King will
you tell Dr. King that I had planned to visit with him
in ,jail? I won't get a chance now because I've got to
leave to get to New York in time to catch a plane for
London where I'm to address the African Students'
Conference. I want Dr. King to know that I didn't
come to Selmã to make his job difficult. I really did
come thinking that I could make it easier. lf the .
white people realize what the alternative is, perhaps
they will be more willing to hear Dr. King."
Malcolm then rushed out and drove off toward
Montgomeiy. Ms. King was impressed with his sii¡cerity, and passed the message on when she saw her
husband briefly later in the day. And if Malcolm's
appearance failed to make the hoped-for impression
on the local whites, neither did it leave the SCLC
chieftains with a howling mob to restrain. Their fears
had prgved to be exaggerated, and Malcolm, dead
less than three weeks later from a chest full of assassins' bullets, never got the chance he wanted to meet
Dr. King and talk further about their differenq yet
perhaps not incompatible, perspectives.
Judge Thomas issued his order at about the same time
Thursday that Malcolm was leaving. The injunction
was carefully drawn, rep-ortedly with the help of the
county officials subject tb its provisions. The Board
of Registrars was ordered to
process at least 1 00 ap-
plications per registration day if that many people
up, and to make provisions for eight pe@le
to fill out applications at the same time. He also
directed them to stop using the Alabama literacy
test, which had been challenged just a few days before in a Justice Department suit that sought to kill
it in the whole state. Thomas also ordered the Board
oq all applications submitred ,by J une firsr,
to^ lgt
1965 before the end of that month;'if that deadline
was not met, he would appoint a federal referee. And
in the meantime any rejected applicant could appeal
the Board's decísion directly to him for review..
The injunction represented a major attempt by
the white leadership to head off the demonstrations
in Selma. lt contained what seemed to be real concessions which would open up the voting polls to
larger numbers'of black citizens. Even the SCLC
workers weren't sure at first what its impact would
be; Andy Young told the people at Browns Chapel,
when they heard it was imminenÇ that "ln every
battle there are many rgunds, and this round may
have come to an end. We may have a líttle breather.',
There were other murmers about the possibility that
things might be worked out.
Reportedly Clark had helped draft the order, in
order to get himself off the hook with his more militant supporters. He could freely denounce the order
as another example of tyrannical federal trampling
on states' rights, even while edging himself toward the
periphery of the scene in apparently reluctant compliance. The strain of facing the demonstrations and
sho_wed
struggling with the conflicting pressures in thp white
community
Was
clearly taking its toll on him] asit
was on everyone else involved.
But after looking it over closely, the civil rights
workers decided that it was not enough to meet even
their minimal demands. Their maiñ objection was
that it did not order the board to meet moreoften;
There wereonly eight more sess¡ons set befo¡e June
firs! which meant that the Board would proceli a
maximum of 800 applications, most of which would
probably be rejected. A significant portion ôfthose
reiected by the Board could hope that Thomas would
order them registered on appeal;.but that meant more
time and trouble, with 15,-000 etiglble black people
in Dallas County, what the'process set up by the
order amounted to was several more years' delav in
gett¡ng them registeied, several more yeârs ir¡'ûhich
the whites could apply their quiet, no¡violent forms
of coercion and intimidation, at whiclíthey ùçre so
experienced, to keep people out'ofthe courthouse
and off the rolls.
Thus on Friday, February fifth, they went back
into the streets and b'äck to jail, bringing the total
number of arrests for the week to more than 3,000.
The hopes of those who had written the order for a
break in the turmoil in their city vanished. Moreover,
that afternoon Dr. King posted bond and left the
jail to meet with a group of 15 northgrn Cgngress
men who had come tg Selma for a firsthand'look at
what was happening there, as part of their oùn efforts
to get new federal legislalion passed to give Southern
blacks the r¡ght to vote. The Congressmen.took depe
sitions from several local blacks, listened to Mayor
Smitherman tell them to mind thdir own business
when they passed through City Hall, and returned
to the cap¡tol with their commitment to federal ac"'. tion intensified.
Dr. King soon followed them to Washington; he
had appointments made on the next Mcinday. to see
Vice President Hubert Humphrey, Attorney General
Nicholas Katzenbach, and hopefully t[ç President
himself about votíng legislation. But after he arrived
the meetirtgs were abruptly cancelled, because of the,
press of news from Vietnam: Communist guerillas
had attacked several American basesihere on Saturday; the airfield at Pleiku was hit hardest, ãnd eight
men were dead, over a hundred woundgd. ff,etaliatory raids were mounted at once against basesjn
' North Vietnam, by 49 Navy jets. " I'v.e had .çnough
of this,l' an angry president told a speclal meefing of
the National Security Council that weekend. Ëtolding
the casualty list from Pleiku in his hand he.iaid, "The
worst thing we could possibly do would be to let
this thing go by. lt would be a big mistake.".
C
.9
o
É
E
o
Ê
E
;
q,
c
o
g
c
lr
M.L'l(-"-1-'
The King is dead.
Far down in the city
coming eerie up
the streets, sirens
.
in Harlem.
Murder, the King
glass cracks
feet run
past ís dead. Radios
rell it loud
thousands of feet
'
.
hands reach out
to stop the sound
is dead, a brick, stone
a matchblood se'eping
from TennesFee, fire
"
i",
¡in the
dâili\*' '" ' {'. : '" ,.,' - i,
.rädios in mourning
preach to crowds
Copyright @î 974 Chorles E. Fager from' his forth
coming boõk Selma,1965: The Town Where the
South Was Changed, to be published by Char/es
Scribners Sons in May, Reprinted with permilsioQ:
Chuck worked for SCLC in 1965 and'was arrested
wÌth Dn King in Selma. He is the outhor of White
Reflections on Black Power and Uncertain Ressurection: The Poor People's Washington Campaign.
Currently he is o construction worker and writes
for Boston's Real Paper ønd WlN.
the hawk is flying low
no, peace,
peace: King now, cautious
crowned, dead
augury: and
at hís boronation feast
the prínces eat his flesh
iing i,
and pick his bones.
-Kathryn Kilgore
6 WtN
wlN
7
,T
+¡
a
d
fr¡
This statement was adopted at an exponded meeting
of the Executive Committee of the lMor Resisters
Leogue, March 2-3, 1974, in New York City, lt is the
most comprehensive stotement on the Mideost adopted
by any péace groups We are publÍshing it in order to
help stimulote discussion and diologue on this ex'
tremely important problem,
-WlN
Now that an uneasy peace has falìen upon the Middle
East, we can examine the October 1973 war and gauge the dimension of the tragedy. ln proportion to
our own population, lsrael lost twice the number'of
men in the October war that the US lost in ten ye,ars
of combat in lndochina. The numerical cost in Arab
lives has been far heavier. That is the human reality;
young men who will never be fathers; fathers who
will never return to their children; mothers who must
now raise their families alone; unknown poets, Arabs
and Jews, fallen in battle and their words written on
the wind. War, death's hunting ground, birthplace of
widows.
Why this fourth war in 25 years? Bo{h Arabs and
lsraelis have their partisans, each insisting the blame
rests solely
,be
possible
with the other,
each insisting peace would
We are parti-
if it were not for the other.
of neither side, but stubbornly against all
attack, take the side of humanity within every Arab,
every lsraeli, every Palêstinian and, as we know it, to
the best of our knowledge, the truth within history,
not the "truth" as presented by the lsraeli and Arab
Ministri es of I nformation.
We must note with frankness that within the.
United States the greatest barrier to open discuslon
has come from the organized forces of Zionism which
have sought to equate any criticism of lsraeli policy
with anti-Semitism. We emphatically dispute the
charge that to question the role of Zionism is to
make a covert attack upon Jews. This ignores the
complex history of Judaism, in which Zionism as a
philosophy has been opposed both by the extreme
orthodox wing of Judaism, and by several other ele
ments within the Jewish community.
There are basically three immediate parties to the
Middle East conflict. One party is lsrael, created in
1947 out of territory which for more than a millenium had been predominately Arab. The second party
is the block of Arab states which, with the exception
of Lebanon (which has a large Christian population
and a moderately democratic government) are Moslem, reactionary, antidemocratic, and culturally alien
to the West (though it was through lslam that the
West acquired much of its knowledgq including even
the numbers with which we compute the trajectories
of our missiles). lt is far easier for Americans to identify w¡th lsrael, the population of which is permeated
with familiar European and American values, than
with the Arabs, about whom most of us are regrettzbly
uninformed. The first Arab-lsraeli war in 1948 was a reaction by the Arabs to what they perceived, ¡ot withsans
g
+¡
0)
J
t
Þ
8
out considerable justification,
as an invasion
of
his-
torically Arab territory. Their ieaction was not antiSemitic, but followed a pattern of Arab reactiôtrs,
dating back to their successful struggle to destroy the
Crusader state, and their later struggles against Ïurkísh
and then British domination...The anti-Semítism
some Arab leaders is not reflected by the masses
Lord Balfour and his effort to enlist the support.bbth
of
of
Arabs. Long before the creation of lsrael, Zionist
settlers had bought land in Palestine and farmed it
alongside Arab neighbors wilh fçú s'erious clash.es. The
basic Arab struggle has not been against J ews a3'such,
but.against the creation of a Jewish stdte in Arab
terrítorY.
The third party to the conflict are tþ¡.Palestinians,
driven from their homes in 1948 by the creatiòn of
lsrael. The Palestinians are, in a basic sense, paying
the price for the sins the West inflicted on the Jews of
Europe. They have become the classic refugees, su¡viving decade after decade in sweltering camps, with
no country willing to accept them, and lsrael unwilling to permit them to return home or to take up,
seriously the matter of compensation for land.and
property seized. lt is understandable that the Palestinians are bitter that lsrael should encourage Jpws from
Russia, Europe, and the United States to emigrate to
a "homeland" none of them have ever seen, ulhile having no room for those whe were born within the
present boundries of lsrael, and whose ancostors are '
buried beneath the soil on ùhich lsrael ,was founded.
lsrael and the Arab states sharê thetblame for the -'
plight of the refugees, in whose camps hatred has
festered against Arab governments and lsrael. These,
"the homeless ones, are the fu'el from which the fires
of terrorism leap out in distant massacres, hijackings,
4nd murder, The West often confuses the Pälestinians
with the Arab'states ând forgets that the Palestinians
have no state and few rights of their oWf:U they maintain a marginal existencé in the refugee èãmps, or as
refugees barely surviving in Egypt, Syria, ,lordan and
Lebanon. The conflict between the Palestinians and
the Arab states can be seen in the murderous attack
King Hussein of Jordan launched aga¡nst the Palest¡nians in his country-an attack in which thousands of
guerillas and civilians were killed and surúivois d¡iyea
into Syria and Lebanon
The inteiests of each of these three Érouprî*n¡"t
with the others. ln the rneantime the cieation tif
lsrael ironically helped spur a revival of the Meslem
faith and a contemporary sense of an "Arab Nation"
that embraces all the Arab shtes of North Afrjca and
the Middle East. lt accounts for the fact that no less
than nine Arab states were involved in the recent war
with Israel, and that the Arab states have successfully
collaborated on the devastating oil embargo.
The other parties in the M¡ddle East confli¿! are
more distant, sometimes less visible. ln the iminediate
situation those parties are the two super powers, the
Soviet Union and the United States. The rëcent war
was, in a sense, a war waged by surrogates: the Americans and Russians supplied the guns and tested new
weapons; the lsraelis and Arabs supplied the blood,
and died: Before these two super powers began to
jockey for position in the Middle East, the controlling
outside force was Britain and one must go back to
Jews in the West and Arabs in the Middle East for
the Br¡tish side at the t¡me of Wprld. War l. Out of
those complex moves by the British, two contradic- ,
tory pledges were made: the Jews were to have a
"homeland" in Palestine, and c.ontrol of Palestine wav
to revert to the Arabs. The British subsequently re
neged on both pledges
But the Jewish Holocaust of World War ll is even
more crucial to understanding events than the conflicting pledges made by the British to both Arabs and
Jews. For in World War ll, one out of every three Jews
then alive died in Hitler's gas chambers. Six million
people were systematically destroyed. The'handful
who survived the death camps were reiected in the
West. America was prepared to absorb only a small
'numbêr
of fefuiees. ln desperation the survivors of
the Holocaust fõught their way to Palestine, ran the
British blockade, swam ashore at Haifa (lsrael i9.not,
of course, simply a product of World War" ll-thè' longing for the return to Jerusaleni is part of J udaic culture and Zionism was an active political force long be
fore the rise of Hitler). lt'is easy for the non-Zionist
to observe that the land the European Jews were
claiming as their own was land where, as a people,
they had neverb-een except in'histor'y''s distant memory. lt is difficult and probably impossible for nonJews, even with the best will in the world, to fully
understand the impact of centuries of virulent Christian anti-Semitísm, and, particularly, the Holocaust,
-on
Jpwísh culture; the sense of desperation and anxiety produced by this history, and the impact of this
history on ev-ents today.
The conflict in the Middle East is dangerous, not
only to the states immediately involved, but to the.- 'peace of the world, because oil and the struggle of
developed nations to insure a supply of oil, even by
a possible military action against the Arab st¿tes. Already the US imports some of its oil from the Middle
EasL Japan is totally dependent on oil imports, the
bulk of them from the Middle East. European in{ustry would be crippled without oil from the M¡ddle
of
.
,'
Eaít.
I
¡
'
lsrael's roldin worJd politics has been discouraging.
On virtually every.international question she has cast
her vote with th*Unitçd States. lsrael remained sílenl
on thë holocaust in lid¡icñirrä. Wh-enthe US-backed
,miiìtary juntatook control of Chile; and the new
regi mé made b latantly anti-Semiti c statements
about the supporters of Allende, lsrael did not open
the doors of her Embassy to refugees seeking sahctuary-and she quickly recognized the junta. ln our
view lsrael's diplomacy has been tiagic. She now
stands[solated in the world, except for her miiin
pqtron, the United States. And the history of how
irätioni make and break alliances should bring lsrael
ilight comforl After all, the Soviet Union was originally a sponsor of lsrael, in 1948. As the US now
arms and supports lsrael, it may, tomorrow, if the
US felt it to her interst, abandon lsrael as Taiwan
was abandoned. Already US policy has begun to "tilt"
away from lsrael as the US must worry about the long
wlN
9
,
term effects of the Arab oil embargo.
ln the long run time is not on the side of lsrael.
Her population is tiny-Èhe number of Jews living in
New York City alone almost equals the total f ewish
population of lsrael. The Arab states command far
greater potential resources, far larger potential armies.
The position of the l'doves" may not be a guarantee
of survival, but the lsraeli "hawks" virtually ensure
that the'lines between lsrael and the Arab states will
be drawn with such bitterness that the survival of
lsrael becomes problematícal. This is a painful reality
which lsrael must facg as must her friends in the
United States.
Therefore, given this situation and its seriousness,
the Executive Committee of the War Resisters League
finds itse[f in substantial agreement on the following
points, and call them to the attention not only of our
membership and the Ar,nerican public, but also, in
such ways as are possible, to the peoples of the Middle East; lsraelis, Arabs, and Palestinians.
Let us preface these concrete points by saying we
have the gravest doubts about those forms of nationalism which blind one side to the humanity of the
other, and the gravest doubts about the contemporary
forms which "nation statès" have taken, and the often
blind allegiance these states command. Conflicts over
boundaries and the struggles between nation states
are among the primary causes of war. We do not have
these doubts and reservations only about the Middle
East, but have expressed them often about our own
nation, and the tragic tendency for peoples to kill one
another over small bits of territory which might more
reasonably be shared.
(1
)
Regardless of how lsrael came into existence,
it
does now exist and we believe its existence must be
recognized by the Arab states, just as we believe lsrael must finally recognize the rights of the Palestinian
people.
(2) The Palestinians, victims of the creation of lsrael,
are truly a people without a home, denied land they
once held, denied the right to form themselves into
a nation-state. We might wish lsrael would absorb the
Palestinian refugees and make possible the creation of
ó
10
wlN
democratic, secular, and bi-national state within
Palestine, but it is clear lsrael chooses to remain a
Jewish state, and will not accept back more than a
limited number of selecfed refugees. lt is clear also
that neither do the Arab states want to absorb the
Palestinians, nor do they want to be absorbed into
those states. The Palestinians desire the¡r ôwn state
and since this does not now exist, it must be created
from the territory claimed by one or more existing
states. lt is neither oqr role, nor within our capacity,
to suggest whether such a Palestinian state should be
created from the West Bank of Jordan, now occupied
by lsrael, and Gaza, now also occupied by lsrael, or
from some other geographic arrangement. But it'is
our role and within our capacity to reiterate our be
lief that the Palestinians must havq the right to selfdetermination and that the fate of the Palest¡nians
must be negot¡ated by the Palestinians through iuch
þeaceful forms as they, create. Further, since lsrael has
a responsibility for the creation of the Palestinian
refugee community, she must take the initiativerby
compensating the refugees for the land and property
once theirs and now controlled by lsrael. Further,
the Palestinians and lsraelis may want to explore some
mutual resettlement in which some Jews would be perm¡tted to remain in Palestinian territory, and some
Palestinians accepted back into lsrael. We call upon
a
well as to urge the disarmament of our own nation,
either alone or in concert with others. But tlat position, often dismissed as mere idealism, has political
reality in the M¡ddle East, where the Americañs and
Russians have a vested economic/stratggic interest in
selling arms, in maintaining an arms race. We abso.
lutely oppose any Uþ shipment of arms,lo ¿rpr nation,
anywhere,,including the Middle Eäst. Furthe¡, .we call
upon the US government-we demand of it-that ¡t
aþpeal to all foreign governments', an appeal irt which
we join, not only the Soviét Union, but any ¡ation
engaged in the sale of arms, that an absolute arms embargo be placed on all states in the Middle East.
,
(5) The peoples of the Middle Éajt, especially, the
presently stateless Palestinians, and the lsraelis, need
¡o develop a regional framework which will give them
bontrol of their own resources, and make it possible
to treat such natural resources as oil.d a respurce on
which many people depend, and not as a political
weapon. (The world is interdependent. A shortage of .
oil not only means a sharp economic crisis in Japan
and Western Europg but it also means a lack of.fertilizer and thus a lack of food for the very Third
World of which the Arab states are a part.) The establishment of authentic peace in the Middle East re
quires the disengagement of the great powers, whose
presence distorts the situatiqn and divides.the various
'
the US and Soviet Union to shift from supplying the
Middle East with arms, and to provide,in concert with
other nations, the economic aid. needdd by the Middle
East, particularly any newly created Palestinian state.
(3) Jerusalem, particularly Old Jerusalem, is truly a
"city without a state." lt must be considered apart
from all other questions of territory and boundaries.
It is the city most holy to three great world religionsand, in bitter irony, the basis on which each sf these
three religions has at one time or another shed blood.
It is a city to which the conscience of a large part of
humanity may lay claim, but not nations. We have to
others the technical creation of what we kÍlow'ls possible-some formulation of internationalization or
shared sovereignty. But we must say with absolute
clarity that its present status of being solely under
lsraeli sovereignty is as inevitably provocative of violence as its earlier status of being solely under Jordanian sovereignty. What an obscenity that Moslems,
Jews, and Christians should each have found Jerusalem
the basis for holy wars. Must the lsraelis now repeat
the earlier folly of the Crusaders or the more recent
folly of the Arabs in seeking to lay sole claim'to the
holy sites from which sprang the rabbis, messiahs, and
prophets who taught the doctrines of peace, the one
ness of humanity?
(a) The policies of the Superpowers have related sole
ly to their own interêsts and are not Qased on any
genuine concern for the survival of lsrael or the welfare of the Arab states. American military aid, for
example, now goes to lran, Saudi Arabia, lsrael, Kuwait, and Jordan. Soviet aid goes to Egypt and Syria,
lraq and Algeria, among others. The arms are sold at
an excellent price, makíng the Russians and Americans
true merchants of death, profiting from the wars others
will fight on behalf of thc respective Russian/American
interests. Present Russian/American policy in the Middle East insures against genuine detente.
!t has long been our position as pacifists to demand
an end to US milítary aid to any foreign country, as
states
involved.
4
(6) We believe that international waterways] such as
the Suez and Panama C4nals, while under the sover-
eignty of the nation through whose territory they pa5s,
should also, by internatioiral agreement, be open to
the sh¡ps and not merely the cargb of all nations:'We
suggest to Egypt that one of the most drámatic and
least risky gestures she could make to restore an at... 'mosphere of trust and goodwifÞwould be the immediate, unilateral.announcement that the,suez Canal
would be open to lsraeli shipping the moínent the
Canal was cleared.
(7) The compassion
of humanity, if it,'L to
be authen-
tic, must be universal and not selective. The terrorism
in which the lsraelis, Arabs, and Palestinians have engaged cannot be excused. The roots of terrorism in
the Middle East go back too far for there Êo be any
merit in locating the first victim. All have become victims. The policy of an eye for an eye has lefr the ter-.
rorists morally sightless, and many innocent dead. '
From the isolated murder in Oslo to the kil$ngs in
Munich, from the dead at Rome, Athehs and.!od airports to the killings in Beiru! the trail of death must
,
end now.
(8) We believe lsrael must accept as her borders those
that existed prior to the 1967 six day war, or any
other borders acceptable to both side¡,. and that it
continue a phased withdrawal of her forces to those
borders. This means an immediate end to all efforts
by lsrael to colonize and develop any part d the occupied territories, as is presently being donequite
openly in the Golan Heights and elsewhere. lt is
morally intolerable and politically impösbible,for lsrael to present such settlements to the world as a
"fait accompli," and it
is rpprehensible for a govern-
ment to expose its civilians to the military attacks that
have been, and will almost certainly continue to be
directed alainst such settlements eiiablished beyond
the 1967 border.
(e) Negotiations should begin immediately to provide
for secure borders between lsrael and the Arab states.
We note here there is a difference betweén "secure"
and "defensible" borders. ln military terms a border
which one side feels is "defensible" will inevitably be
felt by the other side to be "indefehsible" for,them.
It is virtually a contradiction jn terms for two,hostile
nations to find a common border equally defensible
to both. Yet in view of the esdalating violence of the
last25 years, in which first one síde and therT the '^'
other wouldiaunch attacks, in view of such raids añd
counter-raids between lsrael and the Arab statès,
neithér side-understandably-is prepared to act on
the basis of good will alone. As pacifists we deplore
that fact; as realists we must recognize it and pek a
solution.
A "secure" bordgr would be similar to the unfor.,tified borders between the United States, Canada, and
Mexico. To achieve such a !'sécure" bor{er, Wé'urge
that, as lsrael continues her phased withdrawal to the
1967 borders, there would be a buffer zoñe established
, between l¡raeliand Arab forces, such a z,one to be un:dër'thecontrol of the United Nations. (Let us note
that the ultimate security for the states of the Middle
East lies in their voluntaiy disarmañient. Evenan armi
embargo from outside states will not resolve the problem, since the arms industry is the fourth largest in
lsrael, and she now supplies weapons to other nätions.
The Arab st¿tes also seek to become self-sufficient in
arms.)
.|..
(10) We strongly urge the U.N presence not be ormed,
that their presence be regarded as temporary, that
they be.in place on both sides of the 1967 borders,
an{ not subject to withdrawal except by mutual con'sent and the concurrence of the UN as the third party.
It will be said that a disarmed force cannot keep
the peaue between the lsraelis and the Arabs and
Palestinians, but we say that pacifists in this countr'y;and almost certainly aroûnd the world, including our
coworkers in lsrael and in the Arab states, would be
willing to voluntser themselvés and risk their lives to
iI
.1
form an international presence under UN auspices,
a presence that would constitute a moral witness and
a riroral guarantee of the territorial integrity of all
the nations involved. This suggestion is not made
lightly, nor is it naive. We are aware that the accumulated bitterness of 25 years would be so great that,
partisan elements on both sides would fire upon unarmed patrols. But we also know that just as lsrael
itself was created by the power of ideas, and just as
the Arab cause is animated by ideas, so, too, does
this idea have a power and political force of its own.
An international disarmed presence suc.h as we suggest
could involve both Moslem and Jewish youth who reject the war policies of their governments, and are
willing to take the risks of peace. The Christians of
the West, who for centuries have persecuted the Jews,
have a direct obligation, out of the best in their own
tradition, to join Moslems and Jews in such an international presence. The power of our suggestion is that
where armed conflict limits participation to the able
bodied, a nonviolent force demands moral strength
only. Men and women of any age can serve.
We are calling upon our representatives, who haye
Non-Governmental Organization status at the Un¡ted
Nations, to raise this proposal seriously and force
fully in that forum. We are, at the same time, communicating directly with the two international bodies
with which we are affliafed, the War Resisters lnternational, and the lnternational Confederation for Disarmament and Peace, to ask them to place this suggestion before affiliates around the world. We are,
finally, taking the unusual step of incorporating in
this statement, at its end, á form which people may
sign and return to us so tha[¡re can speak specifically
in terms of actual individuals who lay this challenge
directly before the United Nations, the Middle Eastern
states, and the conscience of humanity.
Finally, we note that after 25 years of Ù nrelenting
conflict, the existing situation is so desperate that
the parties to the conflict must seek an alternative to
a set of policies which have brought four wars in one
generotion,
The state of lsrael, born out of the horror of the
Holocaust, built on the Z¡onist dream of a society
suffused with a humanistic socialism and a sense of
genuine democracy, has given way to something far
less. Daily the military become more powerful, the
generals commanding political forces like war lords,
íhe Orthodox Rabbináte maki¡g a mockery of hopes
for a secular demooracy. Daily the dream of an open
socialíst society is being replaced by the reality of a
society divided by classes, a society'with deep internal
conflicts between the European and Oriental .lews, a
(
society ih which the Arabs'living within lsrael have
less than full citizenship. lt is because we understnad
the hardship, the sweat, the sacrifice that created the
Kibbutzim, the heartache and work of the men and
women who brought the desert to bloom, that we
say all of this is now at risk if lsrael, the Arab states,
and the Palestinians do not join in a search for peace.
ln Egypt and Syria the people are oppressed by
poverty, disease, illiteracy, homelessness, while the
governments of these nations find their glory in war.
The people need social revolution-and freedom. We
directly challenge the Arabs to demonstrate that their
sense of unity springs from a committment to the re
demption of their own people, the internal strength
ofseeking social iustice for the exploited and the poor,
12 WtN
and is not a unity based on the weakness of demagogic
hatred of lsrael.
ln the refugee camps the Palestinian peoplg hundreds upon hundreds of thousands, live under wretched
condítions with no basis for hope, no reæon to believe the dust in which they live today will be any
different tomorrow or ten years from now. Even those
outside of the camps live in alienation, without a
sense of place, of belonging And those penned in the
shanty towns of the camps ar'e caught in a nightmare
of hatred, terrorism, poverty, with no legacy to leave
their children except the terror of this nightmare con-
tinued.
These are the realities in the Middle East today. ln
25 years and after four wars, the realities are more
grim, more urgent, than in the beginning. The poverty
is greater, the hopes for democracy âre less. The realities are complex, compounded by the interventións
of the two great powers, the United States and the
Soviet Union, and the religious, ecónomic, and ideo
logical conflicts in the Middle East itself.
,
lf war cannot deal with these realities, yet it seems
easier than the making of peace. Peace requires creative vision, while violence has become a habit. Qeace
requires that at least a handful on both sides of the
military front find themselves able to look across a
sea of guns, through a mist of blood, and realize that
on the other side are human beings, not an abstract
"other." lt requires a handful on both sides who will
look first to their own faults, and ask first what initiatives they can take.
We take no sides-except the side of the children
and their right to a future, whether they speak Arabic
or Hebrew; the side of the dispossessed and their right
to a home; the side of humanity within every Palestinian, every lsraeli, every Arab.
This is our statement, on which we stand. We ask
our members tÕ carry this statement forth into their
communities as the basis for dialogue. We ask oui
membership to become informed on the Mi-ddlg East,
so they can speak with sensitivity to the coiceiñs of'
both Jews and Arabs. We ask those who would, to
sign the statement below, indicating a willingness_ to
beèome part of the proposed international Peace
Building Tiger cages
ll\uck!'The harnmer hit.the anvíl with the high-pitched ping '
of steel under a blocksmiilh's hond Stq.dy and,sure,the sound
ichoed outside oll day in the 50 weathèr, as the lwm¡4er
.carne down øgain and agaln untll the fvst shgckle wasþent to
stze and rødy to be welded to èlwin The process wa* repqted.
lote ínto the afternoon unt¡l thete were enough sluckles for
three tíger cages,.those tiny príson cells used {or peoþle in
South Víetnam
"Do you realízq" saíd the blacksnlith angrily, hittíng the
laril, "there's people ín t!ß coünhy who do this for a
,
tívingl @n you ¡nugine ttut sornebody could actutþ rruke
"
thele thiws lor people, løtowìng wlat lhey arel"
Art Morrone, the bl¿cksmíth, ønd ín rul lífe a l¡örseshoer by trade, was one of a dozen people y¡fi;o ume from
Rhode Island, Connecticut and Massachuieìs to tlv Øm'
muníty for Nonvlolent Action Farm tn Voluntow4 Conn to
nitp íohtntct tøer cage replícas the weekend of lanwry
anvíl
'
12-14.
'.¿i lrt worked outslle, others
¡
worked ln the AI Muste
Cent*, drìving ruils, møsuríng pnels, drÍllíng glueing, cut'
ttng ønd paintíng It took 30 ftamed panels, 48 pøinted barq
of slackles, 48 bolts and wingnuts and a thousand
three twer uges It øßo took sore tcnEÅ, ttactc
thumbs, pulled musclesand work from 9 ití the
and blue^ott,
mo¡nÍng tíI 10 at níght: a clwllenge to our spÍrits.and our
understanding We knew these cages would be ulèd all over
New England on øchíbttto help eduØte people øliout the
continuÍng (IS responsíbílíty for the war in Indochína
An Amerícan corporatíoir¡ Raymond,. Moníso4 KnutsonBrow6 Root and lones, has bpenav,,arded U$ government
contlacts to buÍld the cdges (knoyn oficially as ìsolation
sfu
sets
*ttt
to
for the Víet¡umese whom the Thleu regime.consídqs a
thteat The real øges øre nade of poured conct-ete and
steel Twelve of ul constructed ours ftom wood, covued wíth
celts)
a
thick cæt of sondbased
pint
to ilmulate real conuete, wíth
for the overhead bør*, RMK'BRlwsr'
þen $400,000 to biítd 384 cøges. We lad about 8260 to '
elgctríc pipe conduít
'
buíld 3, (Money for constructíon of these tìgar øge replíuß
vns províded by AFSC, Nùthlsouth Vletrum Fund to whích
nuny New Engbnders løve contríbuted)
After the fust lrøme for the first pnel of the fiist cage way
buílt, the work proceeded eosÍly and steadily. ,Half of,us were
unskílled, but we quíckly lørned (wíth help from the ør'
pentqs) the physics of ø hammer and the ways of rule ønd
wood l4/e lwd ín Íront of us, too, gn.example of one to .copy.
Thß øge was buítt by A.FSC'r Bruce Martin and hís ftlend
Etlíot loslí4 a professiowt set-builder for broaãway phys
Constructed lalf a yeør ago, the øge was so successful as a
vßtul tool for eduøtÍng and "peoplestoppíng" thot it was
'prø¡iitsed tliat AFSC fr¡ønce the bulldíng of mqre
Half of us had never rnet before tltot weekend Some of
us had only recently ever hurd of d tíger"Øge' None of us ¡
could reaþ conehlve of lífe ínsi.de onè !{e had seen the rø
sults of long-term detention ínsíde such øgesin the docume*
tary film "South Vìet¡um: A Questbn of ,Torture" which we
víewed Flíday evening before our buíldíng began
As hord as ít was for us to ímagine beíng ín these øges, it
wøs eqwlly as díficalt ìnøgíníng someone co¡tsciousþ co*
st/ucting them As we tried to get our møgwes acact; our
v¡ork ùetieaÍodíin-detaìt itnd àcburocy, we wondered íf the
real-nøkers of these øges were as øreful øs we were
Could the welder of the real shackles be reached.?
_MARTA DANIELS
{
l
Brigade.
I have read this statement and its call for an international disarmed force to operate under UN auspices and to serve to guarantee the borders between
lsrael and the Arab states. I am interested in this
project, I might well ioin it, and warìt further information on it.
Address
City
State
Zip
Mailto:
W¿r Resisters League, 339 Lafayette St., New York,
NY 10012.
case.dlsplay_onthsaltaroi trin¡tychurch¡nHårtford,ctBruceMariln(L)andDavldLoseno,bothottheAFscstaff
lls^e1
ln conrì. slmulate hostages of war ln South Vletnam. photo by ceorge Cox.
wtN 13
How Tr Do lt:
every six inches with 5p blue lath nails Make three panels
identical in this manner. Using the same methodinake four
panels shown in sketch No. 2. Then make two shown in
Sketch No. 3. Then build panel containing doo¡. Soe Sketch
No. 4. Number each panel to correspond to Sketch numbei
on
panel
bar to be shortened fbr transporting' Ba¡s should be painted
flat black
ø; [*ï
¡i
*t
iftú*r
:
PANELS., ,¡
Step No. + eSSrMnÙrr.¡G
,. rfr
Place two No."2 panels and one No. 3 panel tightly together
with No. 3 in the middle taking care to have the tops all at
one end. These constitute one side ofa fürished cage. The
row of 15 holes across the top edge to receive the bars (see
sketches No. 2 and No. 3) should be 1/r inçhes to'the center
of the holes from the top edge of side. Thticenter of the first
hole should be 6 in from either side.* A 15/16" wood bit
should be used. Bore a 16th_ hole iñ the center of $o. 3
panel so it goes through lath inlay behind plywooll near the
bottom (see Sketch No. 3) Repeat this entire Step for the
other side. Note; though the panels.haVe beèn sotrlewhat iry
terchangeable up to now, after they are bg¡ed ihey, become
a side that should always inciude the samt panels. '*Continue
boring holes 6" on center.
:
This simulated t'tiger cage" (8'x 5'4" x 5') consists of
ten equal sized panels of plywood ribbed with wood lath.
Four pairs of the panels are permanently hinged to make corners with two center side panels bolted in place when cage is
erected. Panels vary slightly in construction (see sketches),
One panel includes a door. Fifteen bars span the top with
two late¡als. Materials are basic. Substitutes a¡e not recomménded. The cage is completely "collapsible" and can be
transported in any station wagon (even compacts) or on a
sturdy roof raclc Cost of materials is $85 to $100.
MATERIALS NEEDED
5 pcs interior plywood 4x8xlr
20 pc* 3/ax1/z lath (No. 1 white pine)* (8' lengths-called
lath stock)
ll pcx %xlthlath (No. I white pine) (10Ì lengths-called
lath stock)
13 pcs. %x10' thin wall electrical tubing
5 pr. 3" tight pin hinges (%" No. E screws)
5 lb.5p blue lath nails
3 lb. 8p finishing nails
8 (only) 16p common nails
66 in 3/8" chain
2 2x318" steel rings
6'
xIt/xl/a" strap metal
I qt.
Elmer's glue
4 pcs canvas strips
2' x5 I
2
Sketch No.
I
-
Sketch No.
2
Build 4
:.
i
bars.
t
Step No. 9 SHACKLES
Shackles can be made from $clap strap metal by hammering
into shaoe. Imasinåtion comes in handy here. Chain should
be wehêd at eaõh end to shackles with 2" ring in center. Ring
is then slipped over lower bar tó secure the p¡isoner.:
Remove bars before
-
painting Paint inside of.cage with rough
zuggest mold and agè. (Other colors can be worked in here).
Take care not to pdint the bolts joining, sides. Paint around *
thern Then separãte cage sections aädtouch up. Cäge is now
complete (For displa¡ it is most helpful !o make.? "lime"
bucket ûlled wilh flour and search out an old S'gallon rusted
paint can for a "Human Waste" container. In additioà, two
or three wooden bowls and bfown rice add to the authenticity).
Make signs & posters to.hang on the outside of cage describing
what
ai, To Collapse and Polt: All Panels
can be
onê on top of the other, All bars
can be bound together by two 2-lb. cofree cans slipped over
the ends and then tied together with stout rope. (A few pieces
of old tire rubber could also be uspd in addition to the cofee
cans-to bind the bars
-BRUCE MARTIN
I
t
I
securely).
Step No. 7 P.REPARING BARS
Cage requires 16 bars 66" in length and twö bars 8' long.
The thin wall electriçal tubing comes in l0' pieces By purchasing I 3 pieces and gaswelding the cut-gffs togethe.r, you
will have sufrcient numbe¡ of bars. The iwo 8' bars should be
joined by inserting the hardwood dowling inside two short
bars equalling the 8' needed. The dowling can be attached per-.
manently to one bar by drilling small hole through bar and
driving small nail into the,dowling. This enables this long E'
3
,
textued paint (dark gray). Paint outside with flat dark gray.
\Iihen inside is dry, spìay corners with black spray pàitil to
li'
Build
..
Step No. 10 PAINTING
Step No. 6 ASSEMBLINC CACP
Stand upright hinged cornel sections in tþeir proper positions
Using Gclampq join center rib joints (front and rear qf cage)
hole 8" from top and bottop and insettr/qx2"
and drill
bolts with wing nuts and tighten Then do the same with the
center side.panels. Cage is now ready'fo¡þars
Step No. 3 CONSTRUCTTNG PANELS
Take two each of the longer pieces cut in step No. 2. Nail
through the shorter piece (31 7/E") into the end of the longer
one with 8p ñnishing nails making a rectangular frame. Now
take two of the shortest pieces cut in step No. 2 placing one
24" on center from edge off¡ameand second onè 48" on
cente¡ from same edge. (See Sketch No. 1). Take larger þlywood piece cut in step No. 1 and place on frape goodSide
up. Check the fiL Plywood should not extend ovet edft of
frame. It can be trimmed a bit. (Note: frame may be rãcked
to square with plywood). Edge of plywood shouid hit cente¡
of second spreader. Now take smaller size plywood and ¡rlace
below larger one. When fit is satisfactory remove plywood,
glue frame receiving plywood. Replace plywood and nail
For more information or HELP, contact:
AFSC in Connecticut
Box 49d Voluntowr¡ CT 063E4
Tel:20T37G409E
PS. In additíon to yott posters and signq it ß very helpful to
løve a copy of the Navy Contract gívíng $400,000 to RMK. BRI to build 384 of these øgea This contract ìs avaílable
from Indochíru Moblle Educotton Proiect, 1322 18th St., NW,
lttashíngto4 DC 20036.
Sketch No.
3
Build 2
Sketch No. 4
Panel
o
8"x5'
8" hardwood dowling
15/16" holes
gal rough textured paint (dark gray)
I gal Flat water base paint
I qt. flat black paint
I
separate piles,
OUTSIDE VIEW OF PANELS
-Drawing not to scaie.
itl
Step No. 5 HINGING CORNERS
With side sections stilf on floor, place panel containing door
so it will join to form'left front corner of cage Then place
the remaining three No. 1 panels at the othe¡ corners Place
one pair of tight pin hinges on each corner eþht inçhes from
bottom and.lop edges of panel After hinging is completed
apply one of the canvas strips to each corner covering the
enti¡e seam by thinning Elmer's glue with onepart water and
brushing it on the plywood surface liberally arfd. then laying
the canvas in the wet..drea. Staple the canvas with /¿" staples
Then saturate canvaS on top with glue mixture.
the plywood cut in Step No. I (they will be about 31 7lE).
Using the 8 ft. lath stock, cut 40 pieces to that width measrue
menl Then using the 10 ft. lengths of latt¡ cut 20 pieces
equivalent to the combined measurement of the two difrerent pieces of plywood cut in Step No. I (these should be
about 58 3/E). These "about" lengths depend on the exact
thickness of the lath and the width of the sâw cut as the plywood is cut. Be sure to keep these th¡ee different lengths in
BARS
ì
Step No. 8 PLACING
.
tnsôrt tüe
into the row of holes at thetop-of cage
fnis is tesi áon"
unbolting 9ne^seaTrol :a:h side of the '
cage which *in.nuUt" sides to be fanned o$t a bit to teceive
uars eft;uarì
intttt"¿ rebolt the two--side seams' After
titing up
r¡ät t" sidg bore a-31.16" hole'through tho
top õt tire wooJ"r, frame and thrbugh the cente¡ bar' Pl¿ce
- u i6p
nail in hole. This will hold-sides together'' '
Bo¡e a"o.mon
simila¡ trole in ttre tar at bottom of cage' It is on tñis
bottom bar that the shackles are attached by putting ringi
over bar Uefoie
inserted into cage side' Those 3i 16" holes
must be at each end of the
6"
(da¡k gray)
centers
large can black spray paint
*It may be necessary to buy 4" stock and rip in half. Perhaps.the lumber yard would rip it.
rtß
o
Step No. 1 CUTTING PARTS FOR PANELS
Measuring caref'ully, divide each plywood sheet into th¡ee
equal parti 32"x46" for a total of 15 piecbs" Fu¡ther divide
th¡ee of those into ten pieces 12"x32", There will be plywood remaining from the five sheets Note: saw cut will
diminish size. Make necess¡uy allowairce to insu¡e identically
õ
l\
sized pieces.
Step No. 2 CUTTING PARTS FOR PANELS
Bea¡ in mind that a fìnished panel measures 32"x60". It will
take one each of the plywood pieces to cover one panel (See
Sketch No. l). Take accurate measurement ofthe width of
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This oileãccrrtfu€will
gobbed hungryton¡ght
co¡trol of their reservations'develoo wassubject to p¡oseuution.The-New
PORTUGUESE
OúS}eóTõn
õpÞoSiñc-nrRtöÃÑ wäÈ
TWO TOP
rh;l;;;;'ñib"ìj;;;;d;i;ïffi#:"i.,k"
meht through
terea corpóütä;;:
GENERALS
York rimes reports th¡t after the
announcement draft boards
werã
i
í:1i,fi,îi'lliffiliiåäËåfüåþ ffi#triiiü{fii;"H:;'i#î1;{îå
Ëî1',:;,xriinTËTtrft"$;*r
fi.ehtin-e began in its African poslgs- lan{wirh I*tãi,
Ëi,"il"i¡iãiJi¡,ä,i'Ïlå" poiious arrempt.ro ðtt¿"t ir,ã iiãé Ji
sion 13 vea¡s aso" occurred on Märch likeiy- means rhé klil
it it a.ng"-ut ina
äîiäiä;J;;i"" honregistratioñ,
'14
when the dictatorial regime dis'
that'îavors rheir iil;ü;;;ffi"#'J*in somji"il¡nss. Èro . i"
resu.it
well
might
r¡'v¡qr¡ w^i
missed its two.top generals for_oppos- pense.
fesis agaínst such repressiiulr.tïøti'-
Fran' Write, phone, or wire your Consress, inoutJ¡e sent to Aitorney Ceneial
-" l:l:Ij,l.,^ - ?:llon uñà n"p.'itt,i-¡,4ä;
W¡lli"r Saxbe in washingt'on.
¡;fvü;),
de chairman of tde Hou'sã inãìin nf"¡rs
_a Subcommi6e" wtrerJinå'Ëìti';;;;;..
tn Australí4_the Melbourne Age re ,
i:,",-,Ji:';r,ffi,i::iï,'i'i:ffilT*,, 3ilii3$:,:î*¿y*tl,ä.9ï*!î
?i:fl:",1';,ff:[îïå,.*o
--' --'-ïilü Ë:i,iJliiii:
; Sioux
pointed
As
oüt
by
one
reviewer:
gD
campuswould
bea haven for
Falls,
their
that
57101.
..ttlt
t'in order to express
not only constituted a slashing at- ,.
Þnson escapeei,
tack on the war that Portugal halco¡tJ .F-LV-EN ÍVIONTHS FOR
[h. rtrone"tt cóndemnatiqn-of úhe mísducted for 13 years in her Ãfrican " D-ESE Bf E_B"_ WHO SU Rireatmenã of prisonerj in Vicroriah
ü"iriî,3åiå1'rnkm,i:il,3
l'il?,'ff
ing the war. They are General
cisco do costa Gomesljf
defense staff and General A¡tonio
Spinola, his deputy and author of
ChANqES
Thls ls a sample ad prepar€d by Publlc lnterest Commun¡qe
tlons to counter the medla propaganda of the enêrgy lndus"
try. Besldes 6 ads, (llk6 the onê on the rtght) for the pr¡nt
medla, PIC also has avallablê a radlo tape of 5 slxty socond
spot+ and 4 separate t€lêvlslon ads. Typlcal of these ads ls
one for TV that shows a man wearlng a þreathlng ãpparatus
at a gas pump marked AIRCO. He asks the attend6ñi to ..flil
lf up wlth regular, pleasq" as a volce over says, ..Thlnk how
absurd ¡t would bê lf a fêw blg corporailons controlled thê
world's alr supply. Thlnk about lt for a moment. Then thlnk
about oll."
Th€se atternatlve ads are avallable free to all medla outlsts from PUBLIC INTEREST COMMUNTCATTONS, 13OO
Sansome Street, San Franclsco, CA 94111. Why not ask your
local radlo or TV station and your local papor to run th6ÍL
WHITE COLLAR CRIMINALS
PROVE THAT CRIME DOES PAY
Executives of many of the largest corpo'
qr-r - '-"rlr
rarions in the United Stäiärä'ãi¡r,îíI.,T
:'
":Þ
or
tne economy wlth w$e^11_ï1,1t""_t,
that violate the.S.S% limit established
tne Sovernment's economlc
HtscoüPANY€rrnrd ¡lnìost lwo
billiondollarsinpr06ts* l¡stycîr.but
thâfs not cnough for h¡nr. Eccilusc
lfhu dùsñ't gct what hc wânls. hc
,rily not bc {blc kr go on col¡ccting
h ¡s 5100.000 il yca r srlilry. Hc nìuy nor
he knows thc world ¡s runn¡ngout of
fossil füels. ¡nd unlcss hcc¡n nNvc ¡n
¡nd ñonopol¡zc ¡ f,€w powcr sourcc.
ilblc þ go on nìûnipülâting thc
world cncr8y mûrkct to lhc bcnefit
ofhisstftkholdcrs¡nd to rhc deÍ¡nrcnt of everyonc clsc. He nrry bÊ
forced to Sive way to il systenì whcac
thc public controls the public rc'
sourccs for the public good.
If you lhink America's energy
supply is too ¡mpoilânt to be left (o û
few huge multinât¡onål conglomeräles, wrile youf elæled represnþtives
and lellthemthat. The oil industryis
m¿king ¡ts voice heárd in Wash¡ngton.
lsn't it l¡me the shivering majority
wåsheard froni?
¡n lhes¡me w¡y hc's nronopolizcd oil,
he's going to be out oftrjob bcfore
very long.
That's why h€ says his conù
pÂny's astronom¡€rl prolìls {rcn t
excessive-b€caus he needs lhos
proñlsto ma¡niain his pow{r. Thät's
why he's asking for huge new handoulsand lax insntives fioil lhe laxpayers-bf caus he wrnts the government to pay the bills, ånd his compary
to reap the behëfl1s.
After.tax oil prol¡tF1973
bc
fn.l
rlå. r^c...¡.
¡9?3 1972
49.4Í
343É
439
34,9f
60.1*
t9.1t
253
163
34.2*
¿o.6f
23,1*
36.eÉ
1d.l.l.h.
¡ll.¡l.cñÞrl.r
5,170
aa.a*
62.5ú
rûrß
ENERGY SHOUTI) BE EVERIBODYS BUSINESS
$281,900 to $406,000; Harry Bridges of
oil-$32s,000.to $365,000; and
Mary wells Lawrence of wells' Rich
Shell
Green ad asencv-$284,127 to $310,595.
These figures represent wages only,
stock optiois, diviäends, capiial gaiíí,
,..
by
;;. ;*
representatives from Packard Manse
( a local social service agency), the
United Farmworkers, and the South-'
ern Africa-Boycott Gulf Coalition. :,
At noon párticipants marchdd to'
the IRS office at the nearby John F.
Kennedy Federal Building, led by a
nor included. lr shoutd be nored
:.:1:l'lluoon that some executives are tightening their "town crier" dressed in coloníal cos_- ú'éitr, ,t ying *lthi,rl.," liil, and copine tume and by huge puppet.s of Nixon,
tj:^8"11,Lt-lll
creases
or unron l1T"_l''lî,_I1c:.,ï.
and non-unlon,Y^"lf..
inflaiioñ on last year's sâlary. Däviâ Kissinger, and the Pentagon computer.
guideline
have held to that
desql.ll^"_ w¡ttr
näätut"lt.r" of chase Manhattanj for inAt a demonstration on the mall, several
fact that in terms or pr:"jlf
had his wage frozen ar g23e00e people explained why they were giving
iàÃi",
l{.|^o-]:!
real income has dropped three years in a
ffiiii í,vill¡um s. pãley of cBs sertled on their papers. George Wald, the Harvard
to1"^
a
biologist, presented the letters he had
$481 raise above laít years'
Li--^-.
^...^^..¡i..^...:¿L
'keep $385,000
I ne executrve
*'rn *L^
tl_",o^'-qc^Tr^l1|!
pu.r *ith
bæe, hardly enough to
received after his famous "Generafion
irõl¡,¡ns cost or
in Search of a Future" speech five years
-M,
ago. A man from New Hampshire pre
sented the contemptuous replies he had
iil;:',3'
^
L^-)
rùing.
ü,:ffJl'¿:i"{åfr,t;,*::ffi:;jJ:.
jäi,U;i]r'fr:ili'Åj}å,,""Rr^vJ,[Jp"+!{roN
a pauper compareo wr[n rranK
T. Cary, chairman of IBM who
$446,000 last year, edging out William
F. Rockwell, Jr. of Rockwell lnternational who dunned the company for $432,000,
The salary of last year's winner, Richard
Gerstenberg of GM, has not yet
rs Just
reported.
got
been
Other nimblefingered execs are
troops during the American Revolution. The Massachusetts People's Bicentennial Commission proclaimed
the date "Give
John
of AT&T who
went from ç256,250 to $325,738;
D. DeButts, chairman
received from his Congressmen, after
March 18th is customarily observed in
Boston as "Evacuation Day," to commerate the evacuation of the British
it ts Nixxon Day"
and
asked citizens to donate their personal
papers to the lnternal Revenue Ser'
vice to demand the same kind of tax
Chrysler's Lynn A. Townsend-$311,140 deductions that President Nixon re
to $393,440; Reginald H. Jones of GE- ceived.
i231,674 to $312,528; William O. Beers, The action began with a "Taxpayers
the big cheese at Draftco-$263,809
Town Meeting" at Faneuil Hall, attend$320,9'13; f ohn W. Hanley of Monsanto ed by 200 people. Speakers included
to
l8 wtN
writing them about Nixon's tax practices. Nixon gave 18/z minutes of his
tapes, and Kissinger gave his integrity.
Many of the demonstrators moved
into the JFK Building, where the IRS
had set up desks to deal with the people.
Those who tried to present papers were
presented with an IRS statement explaining that no papers could be donated for deductions after '1969 (which
was a year beforç N¡xon donated h¡s).
Another demonstration is planned
for April 15th, Massachusetts Patriots
Day, the anniversary of the battle of
Concord
bridge.
-John Kyper
fh
r
'
ilJi,:',iho;
estab- ;^;i,
ish a red eraii o n g'." n,i nä
:f "" iåiil åänx:ifl ;ii,;:iJ
"q"Íiifï
Angol4 Mozambique
G:¡Tr:?jsseau.ffi
need for
i:{
rhe.urrderground-leftin.Portugal. iä
"rn;;;y;;;;'r,
.
monrhs
in jair in.;J.]iä:i- i#*tH*ffí.f.,;:t{i.î:i
lh:v-1:t:ll:ittg,i.l i*...*-tl-ç:::
views this prop-osll al
'àu'n
rort Dix March 18. Tfi;'å;ä- ment and university offcials said the
$g|jt¡1e 1lg t9o iiuiät
war." lt proposes th¿t Portugal
r
ñórrh.
ol
-
"
-l
late. Leaders of the Af
;,r;;c;;;;;u;; i;i,iåi,{ïi¡1i"" #,",'"tiljmiå¿,::i#j,ï:,";l. Fli.'ïttfåi1i'*"fi:ii:lffbe sub.
;ijiffii'iifili' i¡!.åii"!i',, #*ifltï1'J:î'¡','"'#?il"'ü*n#::
rrr rws.,sn rrom f,ne vlernaBl [::ïr 8:liflËtiiliii";iliåtr.
jailio
ouster points oui: "The Crisis Coni^;;;Étinues." On that day, the commandant "-',j
of rhe miritary
";dä;i"*;i,',1îtåï'" r,if
portiul" year
in
the penalty.
r^_ __
j}1,iyll"ïi,.jq"i;l'JJ,åî.ii;""
o":,,1åÏl:i:,ï!ïilåiTili",.1$
ilf?!:i#fi{JB:'liïÍ'gîîf:ä}i:"
f;;',:J:îï3,ï:'å,J,îällillå.iå
the. prison sPnt€nce,
permitting dissident ol
,tirïli¿,,,';"1"_
þrotest mãeting
",.,war
.,,ter. Also digmissed
rary of rhe.armed r"r"är'i"iàiäitätr.Rs'of Marçn ls, 33
li::,.
It yn:_ úrams which enable inmates to s.pend
Ëlä,:,."hx,ïl1äT:fli:ir,ii";,l:il
:li.,xru;tål':;i,'åiå;Jl'i1"Jlå,
"tr';öb:ry.1i
junior grader.were arrested.
Two davs .,:#,i¿',.iÍ.conductl''*.'::-:
::lj.:
i,,.i,ìå,íi, ão'0.úîdäiilili;ffi
iesimení participated in a SGm.ile
teit motorcade into Lisbon. -¡im
prl"l
'1"
FAST ACTION NEEDED
TO STOP HIDDEN GRAB
FOR ¡NDIAN LANDS
il],,:ïijJ;å[îî]::îiï"s:']#0"
Ëor,n.,. Atrorney Genera
Ëecr crair, wrro.rrad made
,
orpjrf,ffil.
the
., ,
;,',
!;,ijlå,ti,!;îäîÎ'ì1,:j;*""
?#;tÄ,
io rtoiril.,"rn. 3r¡tñ
,,
¡n- ..
courtmartial decision:."This conviø ñ"i.iit ärU nor be reteased before :'
tion will strengthen the mov-ement for
ñ;¡;;;; rhat ohioans shoutd noi ' .i!.';
simon, told.newsmgn following
frîH yffiif:ï:iî:iiJ,i'"il?J"
äïi'"""ålii*illlit
lndian'reservation land and sovereignty.
'
r¡gttti. Evervon. *ho supports theú
rilhts shoulâ oppose thi;'b¡ll. H.
R.
ttt4swas'**.'',i,ftiålÌi,
(R.
's-'
wlltinleal"
or,.p.
": ,
ruir.¿
tÉãi
.,
f,X,:i",iilj'¡il,:";M[T1,".;* '
programs,had escaped.
!¡nate¡ 9¡ ¡uch
' .- chíldren
t'
.
used volunteer workers from
PnisoN,,, ,, "*'.''*ft[*;':liil#r:3,ff'#i'l*:iifrffir'
*f;*li¡*åttxil;ffit,*m
ff3ilHtil:;:##riË''i'iü:#[] "'
individuals
gressman Luian
written in vague,
''
Ne
trickl
NorEs
What this bill does is make
places. ln Virginia state aqditors are
*ho lease lndian land lzílly in March, six indictm-onts for re curently investig3ling whatappears to
,,i"b¡ãriìoit'"¡ui¡sJ¡ciión àftt.it"t,
fusaf tðregisterforth.ed.raft,-the-first bebetween $50,000'¿nd $100,000
or .orforuiionr
and political súu¿iv¡s¡on in wtriirr
tñé-
f nol
ñj ã;¡.;i;o-uår.nii"
äüîii-lãäiãd uv rrãrpot"iiåns or indii"niouø from tribal jurisviduáls
"r"
åilio;.--i-"'-'
-'-îiä'l¡t
.lV results of this are very.
land'subiect to lease is located.,;
;;",
r-¡{]t
¡a¿.-Wtreie íribes have nnanaged
.,
1960's, missing from prisoner savings accounts
by state prison offcials.
- adminstered
All prisoners in Virginia are compelled
on that clargg since tþe Þte
Were handed-down by a Federal grand
jury in Pittsburgh. Oñe of the indictmenrs was for airion's occurring in 1968
one in T'969, three in 1971 and on-e
in.
indictments with a waining that any
to keep 18-year-old male who failed to register
!:-9:q"¡t ten cents a.day from money
earned in prison jobs in a non-interest'
lhis fund t'hat the money is allegedly
missing
-Larry
Gara
wlN
19
ln an introduction to the pamphlet, the authors indicate that it was first published in the Discritsion Bulletin
of the Social¡st Workers Party (SWP), "an organization to
¿1r^,..-t
D
D
which the authors no longer belong." lt would be interesting to learn how the SWP reacted to lhis research, and whv
the authors are no longer affliated with this allegedly pro-'
gay group. Also, I do not understand why the authors did
not make.an effort to have this material published in the
ìt
OOK REVI EWS
THE HOMOSEXUAL RIGHTS MOVEMENT
( '1864-'.t935)
I ohn Lauritsen and David Thorstad
14pp., published by the authors, 501
This little pamphlet is an informative capsule history of
early organizational efforts of proud, freedom-loving homosexuals. The authors argue that in fact the current gay liberation movement should be considered a "second wave."
Sadly, the authors point out, "the history of the first wave
of gay liberation has been almost entirely suppressed and,
thanks to the efforts of Stalinism and Nazism, many traces
of it obliterated."
To tráce the early history of gay liberation, we go first
to Germany. There we meet Karl Heinrich Ulrichs, a German homosexual who, in 1864, wrote his first "social and
juridical studies on the riddle of love between men." These
were entitled "Vindex" and "lnclusa." Ulrichs and other
early homosexual rights thinkers put forth the notion that
homosexuals were a "third sex," and although like authors
John Lauritsen and David Thorstad, I believe this is a "mistaken" notion, it is clear that Ulrichs' purpose is to place
homosexuality within nature, and so the authors are correct in identifying Ulrichs as "the grandfather of gay liberati on.
"
Tracing the campaign of German homosexuals and their
supporters against Paragraph 'l 75 (the German legal code's
anti-gay law, passed in 1870), the authors'research led
them to the Scientific Humanitarian Committee, founded
in 1897 by Magnus Hirschfeld, a Jewish physician.
Dr.
Hirschfeld's struggle as a gay rights advocate is strikingly
similar to that of present-day activists. lt is a little scary,
however, to th¡nk that he did it all way back then! Hirschfeld engaged in scientific research, he was an indefatigable
public speaker (traveling to many nations), and he lobbied
in the political arena (one of the German gays' staunchest
supporters was .August Bebel, the famous Social-Demo.
crãtic leader). Hirschfeld and his colleagues circulated p*
titions, wrote pamphlets, and even made a gay-and-proud
movic (apparcntly no copies are extant).
20 WIN
-
The efforts of the Scientific Humanitarian Committee
(which had dozens of chapters and branches) led to the
opening in 1919 ofthe lnstitute for Sexual Science, "truly
a forerunner of the Kinsey lnstitute for Sex Research." ln
the early 1920's, Hirschfeld was attacked and nearly killed
by anti-Semites, and before long in 1933,-Nazi thugs invaded and destroyed the lnstitute. Hirschfeld went into
exile in France, hoping to rebuild the lnstitute, but he
died in 1935.
The authors of this pamphlet cover early gay rights
efforts in other nations, including Holland, England gnd:¡
the Soviet Union. They show clearly that socialist tradition
pr¡or to the rise of Stalinism tended to support the struggle
of homosexuals, indeed, that many of the early homosexual spokesmen, such as Britain's Whitmanesque personality
Edward Carpenter, were socialists andlor pacifists. As for
the United States, the authors state that there "does not
appear to have been much, if any, organized gay rights
activity" during the period covered by their research. They
note, however, that "one of the first, if not the first, public supporters of gay rights in the United States was Emma
Goldman."They Iu'otJtt'te famous ariarchist's statemer-its
in support of homosexual freedom, resulting at least in
part from her familiarity. with the work of Dr. Hirschfeld.
gay press.
Some of the same historical data, by the úay, has a¡
peared in an excellent series of articles by Jim Steakley in
the Body Pol¡tic, a gay liberalion paper published in Toronto. Steakley's articles, unlike this pamphlet, examine some
of the inteinal contradictions within the early gay movement and seem to include a feminist-oriente'ü analysis of
the period. A segment of the gay movement, according to
Steakley, confused gay rights with worship'òf mascrllinity,
and this segment supported early Na¡lism.
For a copy of this pamphlet, send 501 tb l-auritsen/
Thorstad; 316 E. 1 1 Sr., New York, NY 10003. For the
Steakley series on early gay history, send 801 (for two
issues) to the Body Politic, 139 Seaton St., Toronto, Ont.
MSA2T2.
Allen Young
PROMISE THEM
Edward
Boxton ,,
Warner Paperback
ANYTHING
Libnry/
¡
.¡
$1.50
As anyone who has labored in advertising can tell yor, it i,
far from a "glamorous".field of endeavor; it is a kind of work
fraught witl'r peculiar and ribnsehsical complexi4ios, one that
requires vast compromises by people of integrity, and one
is subject to massive insecuçities. lt is also an industry
has a grave effect on.the.manners and mores of the
American consumer, which means just about everybody. lt
is a particular corner of enterprise badly in need of a couple
of really well-done muckraking forays by dedicated writers
of exposes. Unfortunately, Edward Buxton is not such a
writer and although his title hints at än open-surgery look at
the sins of the not-too-well-hidden peisuaders, his book fails
that
that
to deliver much more than another glamorization wntten tn
the style of "TJre Romance.of Advertising."
,
ln Promise Them Anything we aré introduced to soñre of
the king-pins of present.day advertising, many of whom you
might know from elsewherg althgy are far from publicity-
shy. There's tweedy, English, Dävid..Ogilvy, best-knoryn, perhaps, for his copy for Rolls-Royce that claimed the e'xpensive car was so quiet that at h¡gh speed you could hear only
"the ticking of the clock." Thehe are the trend-setting crafts-ì.
men at Doylg Dane, Bernback who merdhândiSÞd the Volkswagon in their unique, offbeat style and pioneerèd a new
kind of ad for a wide variety of çliehts. The success stories
abound. Buxton, who knows advertising well as editor of a
leading ad trade journal, recounts anecdotes and drawe pro"
files of the super stars of the ad game, art {irectors, copy
-'
writers, account executives, and agency heads whotve
garnered the big rnoney and big pubJicity (as he points out,
lhey almost always go hand-in-hand). For anyone venturing I
ínto these commercial precincts, Proryrise Them Anythins
will serve as a guidebook and inspirational text. Foiotheïs,
looking in from the outside, it makes for fairly interesting
.reading althotigh its entird tone is prq-advertising. lt is not
' much of a source book for the Nad€ifs Raiders types in
''
search.of examples of the evils of conspicuous ovef-consumption and unmitigated prod.uct-pushingr Buxton writes
as if he doesn't even know such critiöisms exist. ln a chap- I
ter called "The Enemies of Advertising" he reports someto/
the gaffes that have been exposed by the Federal Trade Commission such as the case of the marbles used to make a well.known brand of soup photograph better for TV spots, but
he passes "-over all this,as'if it.were just a number of isolated
jnstances of
"too much enthusíasm" on the part of agencies
and sponsors. Well, he is rather committed to the system as
it is, so perhaps such blindness ís to be expecteã but I certainly hope someone else without such myopia writes a book ,
which clearly examines the actions of the advertising indus"
'try, digging deep down into the roots of its commercialized
philosophies and illustrating the whole thing with clearly
defined examples of its day-to-day deceptions. lt could , make fcjr a very important and worthwhile bosk..prorñiie :
Them Anything isn't such a book. lt is a slicÇ ain't-wego! ,
fun-and-money publicity puff that reads like it was suUsiài¿ed
by the Advertising ln American Life Foundation.
,:
,
.
-Tom McNaniairá
Goldman wrote:
Even yeors ogo when I still knew noth¡ng about sex
psychology and my own fomiliarity with homosexuals
was limited to q few women whom I got to know in ioil,
where I wound up because of my politicol convictions, I
firmly stood up in defense of Oscor Wilde. As on onorchist,
my place hos olwoys been olongside the persecuted, The
entire trial ond conviction of Wilde struck me øs an act of
horrible injustice ond repulsive hypocrisy on the port of
the society that hod condemned this man,
The historical account in this pamphlet is fascinating
and inspiring. lt is presented in a straightforward and useful manner. I think it is unfortunate, however, that the
authors f,o not provide footnotes or a bibliography. Such
academic trappings are often a bore, but in this case, since
we are dealing with such new ground, it would be useful.
WIN 21
LETTERS
CONTINUED FROM PAGE 3
Oglesby's essay: "Melville, or water corr
sciousness & its madness," which appeared
in the Spring '72 issue of Tri-Quarterly
(Literature ín Revolution). Writes Oglesbyt
"Moby Dick is still a not-yet-contemporary
novel ..because Ahab is a still-developing,
still-emerging force in our society, the
sanrc as in Melville's time. , ,Ahab, the
Yankee Fishfreak!"
May I simply urgé that The Tale of Kíeu
and Moby Díck be read together, that these
two classics, each representing the quick of
our civilization, be somehow accounted for.
_JOHN DOWLIN
Phila., PA
It's true: WIN really is exceptional
relevance, clarity and interest!
in
One of your admirable achievements is
your Middle East coverage which recognizes, with lapses, that there is much to be
said-in sincerity and with empathy-to
all parties in the conflict, not just the Israelis'
In the latter regard, BRAVO to your
reader Harvey Chertok (letter, WIN 317 l7 4),
Sometimes I wonder if the tendency of some
to critique Israel exclusively as if the Arabs
we¡e not also involved is not the subtlest
racism of all-against Arabs.
We all know Jews and, therefore, think
we know Israelis We all have some inkling
however skewed, of Jewish culture and his
toiy. But who knows an Arab or anything
of lslamic culture and history or of Coptic
Christianity?
Are people afraid they can't communi.
cate with Arabs or that the Arabs "won't
listen anyway?" But surely if what we say
is at all worthwhile and if we are not fool
ish o¡ fanatical enough to believe.that anyone, including (say) Palestinians, are perfect-there is much that Arabs, as well as
Israelis, should be learning about nonvie'
lence, human outreach, compromise and
-EDWARD J. GOLDSTEIN
Fresh Meadows, NY
peace.
Beverly Woodward
(2 | 28 l'1
4)uses non-
violent, civil, and normilitøry defense interchangeably. I suggest that good peace le
search begin not by lumping terms together
but classifying and seqarating them. This
will be a service to peace movement people
who, because of lack of definitions, sometimes do not know what they are for and
what they are against. I have always found
it useful to distinguish civilían defense,
as
shown by historic examples in Adam Roberts
collection of that name, from the mo¡e
Gandhian, lov+your-enemy nonv iolent
defense
As an illustration, I suggest researchers
could categorize somewhat along the following sketchy lines: NONMILITARY ACTION: iy'onres¡s ta nt defens e-W alks second
mile, gives second coat, turns second cheek;
Nonviolent defense-Refwes unjust orders,,
but to índividuals remains loving, trutht'uf
open as above; Avilian defewe-Sabotages
property and hurls epithets, but refuses to
22 WIN
harm human bodies as above. MILITARY
ACTION: C;ode defense-Uses no outlawed
weapons, respects civilian populations, pris
oners, hospitals; Límited war defense- Ai'
cepts all weapons but nuclear, all targets;
Total war defense-Accepts no limits.
My second comment is more philosophi
cal Beverly says ". . .There will be no long-
term warlessness without fundamental structural changa" That may well be true, or
there may well be wars for other reasons, as
in feudal times, but in any case, isn'tachievl'zg warlessness too big a job for the peace
movement? Good luck to those spending.
their lives that way, but I'll settle for less
ambitious and neare¡-at-hand way of handling the crises of injustice as they arise, be.
cause I think the victims can't wait.
Finally, and becaùse I generally agree
with Beverly's article as a whole, I suggest
Namibia as a good spot to try out a united
program of both peacê studies and peace
action That country,.9Ù% non-white, is
occupied by the Republic of South Afticahow illegally, peace studies could determine. The UN has declared its jurisdiction
over the territory but has not received backing by Western powers-again a subject for
peace researcl¡ as well ¿s what the next step
forjustice ought to be: maybe nonviolent
defense against the aggressor, maybe civilian
defense. Crusading, anyone?
-FRANKLIN ZAHN
Pomona, CA
My heart and life are totally devoted to the
cause of Peace and Freedom through nonviolent action. Peace for all creation.
I live in a quiet part of the world, where
the tragedy and despair of humanity is
quite remote in its immediate sense.
I have my part to play in the bringing
about of peace to humanity. I am adisciple
of the guru Sri Chinmoy.
The purpose of my writing is to stress
the importance and the effectiveness of
meditation on Inne¡ Peace.
If every member of the Peace Movement
were to have inner peace, our strength and
effectiveness power would soon gtow and
manifest an hund¡edfold. This is slowly
happening, and I would like to quicken the
process.
Unity in multiplicity, peace in each individual, steady growth-convincingly, trans
foqmingly-through meditation, The techni'
que is quite simple:
Sit on a flat surface with legs crossed, or
.
on a chair with back erect.
Relax
Place your hand on your heart, Feel the
beat.
30 seconds
Close your eyes and concentrate on the
heart-beat.
When you can quite easily focus your
attentión on the constant vibration you may
place your hand in your lap.
Continue for fifteen minutes,
This is a centering exercise that will put
your consciousness in the eye of the tomado,
where the¡e is all þeace in action,
This process is a self discipline. For it to
bring forth the desired fruit, it must be done
every day for 15 to 20 minutes,-
.
Best time.is iuh"n you wake
up. Results
THF COMMUNE MOVEMENT would llks
immediatq and if you grow fond of the
practice, you can do it qgain in the evening
or at noon, o¡ any time,
Results are in direct proportion to corr
centration and aspiration fo Infinite Peace'
Ány questions can be directed toward
me at General Delivery, Roberts Creek, B.C.
or Sri Chinmoy Lighthouse, 86-14 Parsons
Blvd. Jamaica" N.Y. 11432 (call')212523-
to
hear from any gfoups who are wofklng
and llvlng togsth€r and whô would be wllF
lng to.wrlto about themselves ln the move
ment's journal Communes, lnterested pôopl6
please wrlt€ to coordlnator Dave Puddy,
Tfok6 Famlly, Llanarth, Cerôd¡glon, Cymru
(Walss) U.K
are
347
I
_ALAN BECKERMAN
BC, Canada
We are prisone¡s at Rikers Island, being
held with and without various ransoms
which the system ignorantly. calls bail We
were transferred to this colony of cages
(shipped like cattle) from v¿rious o-uildings
ô1 cage's in Bronx, Brooklyn, Manhattan
and Queens, to await the pretense of a
'"speedy and public trial" (hardly
'tpeedy"!); and an "impartialjury" (a sick
joke for poor and ex-convicts etc!); and the
ever
"compulsory process for obtâining witnessei in his favor" (but the state seems
never to be able to fo¡ce one's defence
"witnesses" into a courtroom, while always
seeming to get all prosecution "witnesses"
into court!); and that most tragic force "to
have the assistance of counsel for his de
fence" (such court assaigned "alsistance of
.counsel" is more equal to being assigned
one's own Judas!)
Being poor we are forced to accept
court appointed lawyers who usually inad'
equately represent us. These respectable
educated lawyers continually harrass us to
guilty, assuring us we have "no chance
in a trial" because we ¿ue poor and often ex-
plead
cons; drug addicts; alcoholics; etc. and con-.
sequently we will "never be believed!" That
these problems often stem from chil{hod{.
shows how long we have.had "no chance in
a trial" and may explain some of ou¡ former
convictions because we pleaded guilty due
to fear-not guilt!! Facing 25 years and in.nocent, but assured you can't win, wouldn't
you plead guilty to 7 years?
We therefore desperately need legal in-
formation and any mate¡ials concerning
preparation for a criminal defense and if
'
''MfCtqELLE BANNON. I am silil betng hêtd
at the Bklyn House of Dêtentlon. Please
wrlte to mq Love and klsses your Black
ln Syracuse, NY, a good place to
get WIN and other good things to
read is the Syracuse Book Center
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Prlncq
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Prôsqntly lncarceratéd. lnterestod ln lnlilat¡ng a correspondenc6 wlth a llberated .
fêmalè I am 34 years of ago, 6', 185 lbs.
and blessed wlth oxcellent health and
physlcal condltlon. Jam€s P€rnlck, No, 132.
792,PO Box787, Lucasvlltq OH 45648.
lrlsh RopuÞ
Trlal and acqulttal of tho Nêw York
Panther 21 (àk,a. Panther 13), told by one
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A good Brother responded to a letter by
of our coprisoners that your magaíine
published. He sent a lawbook which is well
used by us Yet we need more, far more
help, to educate and thereby protect ourselves in the lousy courtrooms of this
system! Will our people helP?
Render us what assistence you believe
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one
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we are in Great Need!!
-ERIC EGAN
346-7 3-431'1 (Block 7)
JAMES FISHER I 4L-7 2-9 346' (Blocl{ 4)
l+14 Hazen Street
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The I,NS collective nêeds
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IG'd espcclally llke to'b"courag" uæn to'bet ln touch rlth us. E¡rpcrlmce uould
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ane
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Win Magazine Volume 10 Number 12
1974-04-04