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IUNE 7, t973 1 20d
M8ybe it's just that I've ahvays found preoccupation with talk about'lgetting busted"
to be one of the more blatant manifestations
of movement "macho" (ust think about the
way the phrase is usually spoke.n!)-I'm not
any other time?
begun
-The
problem may be in confusing moral- really ¡ure why the concept of "winning
your q$ipesi' by ar.rest is so annoying. I'm
ity with "all thos" ihtistiatt absolutðs and
awaie that arrest situations have been An
oiiginat sins and virgin births and holy crusad-es." And I'm stãrded to see Savanorola important part of our collective consciousand Torquemada pop up as moralexamplss. ness' and I certainly don't urge that we bân
talk about them-they've frequently providI'd have þreferr"o .ãyte D;;;Ñ t;t;r
Cesar Chãvez or, y"r, th. Berrigans. itioral- ed vividly moving, frþhtening and, some'times, ridiculous experiences thât we've
ity.has to do wiíh fove ana ¡uìt"ice and the
learned and grown from. I also would not
lov,e can be a rathe¡ wide-raïging thing, be-
Your reviewer G.E. Catt's grasp'of Marxist-Iæninist dialectical cinematics IWIN,
5l3l73l is truly amazing! I't giVequs reason
to be[óve that iour petty-bourgeôis-anarcho'
paciûsm is gradually transcending its own'
õhss-determined limitatio'ns through the in-'
evitable dialectical proceis'of which Com'
rade Catt shows such a profound scientific
tween people and God, t"t*ã-tip"opiá
people, taking place iía gteat variety
,
. We are in the piocess ofgathering support to nominate for the Nobel Peace Prize
în L97 4 all those young persons who tefused,
complicity with their government's war in
Vietnam-whether through d¡aft refusal,
desertion from or oppositio-n witllin the
of Buddhists, Hindus, or perhaps atheists. I
hope no one claims that morality came into
exiìtence with the advent of Jesus Christ,
but how could "Christian" morality have
ÑBNlt
\une7,1973
Watergate AND. .
Volume lX, Number 16
.
the Pentagon PaPers.
Som Hurst
4
the VVAW. .
Jan Barry
7
theCamden28........'
Ann Morrissett Davidon
Chilean DiarY.
Grace PaleY
12
.
& Robert Nichols
14
letters
ofthe prisoners challenging the coThe prisoners' protest at the Federal Pris- behalf
erced sTAR1pfogfâm at the u.s. Medical
into
continues
rúìr*"ri
on at SPringfield,
Center.
fourth month as of May lst. [See WIN,
5. That any Persons doing anY of the
4ls113l Six prisoners, Edward M. Sanchez,
contact Edward M' Sanchez at P.O'
above
McWilliam Ruiz, Gerald Wilson, Geralj
Box 4000, Springûeld' Missouri 65802 advis'
Cronce
larrY
and
Gustave
Folrest
Donnell,
ins him of such'
the
are protesting bY total non-cooperation
" ã. tnut letters of moral support be writa
Prog$m,
START
U.S. Bureau of Prisons
individually to each of the above prison'
ten
as
officials
mind control unit referred to by
us know or¡r brothers and sislers
letting
ers
the
behavior modification Program. TWo of
outside are aware of our struggle' "Our?ro- '
the
on
longer
no
Proare
original Protesters
iesicànsists of six prisoners; Black, Chicano
test. One of them was transfelred to anund Whit" in racial unity fightingoppression'
success\vere
other orison and one oîßcials
tr""¿ your suppod' The power is in the
W"
iui in tteating through constant harrassment'
Únity is-strength. All letters written
oeopb.
These two were Albert Gague ¿nd Thomas
io
tire
orisonèrs are addressed P'o' Box
send
prisoneis
The
iåîir..-t.*p..tiuelv.
4000. Springfield, Missouri 65802 with their
úi"it tttunt t and appreciation to all of the
name.
our
of
read
brothers and sisterì who have
We are most thankful to WIN Magazine
rtãiest a"¿ have shown their solidarity and
printing mY article and to all the beautirefor
we
as
of[cials
various
writing
bv
*,rooort
who read WIN who have resPondpeople
ful
supof
moral
letters
o*.t"d and for their
On behalf of each of,us I
câ11.
our
on
ed
to
written
oort to us. We urge more letters
thank You'
åur behalf to the following PeoPle:
In solidaritY I am yours in the struggle,
1. Director ofthe Bureau ofPrisons;
_EDWARD M. SANCHEZ
Prisons'
of
Bureau
U.S.
Norman A' Carlson,
REG. No. 18821-175
D'C'
Department of Justice, Washington,
205?3, asking him to remove the above
Iæt me admit right now that there is a
to make
i¡ronått rtoñ srART ptogram and
generation gap between me and 'Iæah Fritz
voluntarY'
START Program
and Barbara CassidY I'm sure it would show
i'arden; Dr' P'J' Ciccons P'o'
anyway, and I only hope it's one generation
Box 4000, Springfielcl, Missouri 65802'
and not.two. Having confessed this, maY I
makine the same request.
---"Congtessmen Bernie Sisk, Ron Deltalk about Leah's lette¡ in the 4/12 issue
3.
and Barbara's in 5ll'12
lums and Ciarles Rangel; House of Reprethe main reason Christians talk (do theY
,.ntutiu.s, Washington, D.C. 20515 asking
really
"harP, " Leah?) about Christian moralihem to intercede in behalf of the above
is what other kind can they truthfully
itv
of
out
transferred
.ri*rr"tt and have them
speak to? We are probably a confused lot,
program and to halt the START
we have any idea of moralitY, it must
but
õ-gt.*ät ihe Federal Prison in Springmorality and we would feel
of
Christian
be
field or have it made voluntarY'
and obligation to call ourright
a
of
---+.
more
fft" U,S' District Judge; U'S' District selves to observe it, then we have, saY, to
Springof
Missouri,
Courì. Westcrn District
hold uP for emulation or scorn the morality
in
à"f¿, iuritrouti 65801, asking him to rule
ing out over sin & God. Get unbrainw¿shed
(by anyone) and leam to love.
.Nobody.
wants (I hope) to force you to be a
its
Number 15 was mistakenly labeled No' 14,
i.e., there are two No. 14's.
Cover by iulie Maas
STAFF
FELLOW TRAVELERS
maris cakars
susan cakars
lance belv¡lle
dlana davies
ulie maðs
mary mayo
biian wester
j
craig karPel
cindy kent
peter kiger
alex knopp
ruth dear
ralph d¡gia
paul enc¡ mer
chuck fager
seth foldy
j¡m forest
m¡ke frðnich
leah
¡ohn kyper
dorothy lane
robin larsen
ell¡ot llnzer
jackson maclow
dav¡d mcreynolds
mark morris
fr¡tz
lat(y gata
jim peck
judy Penhiter
neil haworth
marty jezer
becky johnson
paul iohnson
allison karPel
box
547 rifton
new
¡9al roodenko
mike.stamm
martha thomases
York
'1247'a
telephone 914 339-4585
lTj
I
?i'l'i""f,
#ii !X. ïå3
ofthe real sacrifices
made
;
Changes.
nancy ¡ohnson
demean the value
"na by. peoþle who have spent long stretches in
ofreprison because of acts of¡esistance. But I
intenin varyinàdegr""s of
Ltió"ritipr
to pin love ¿Iowñto a precise am tircd of"Prison-based Pedantics" and
sity. To^try"n¿
Elitism"' I do have the
dehnition is to ãestroy it, and whife fucking
- | "Incarceration
strong suspicion that romanticizing "getting
can be very importani in sorne manifestations of it, it côrtainly doesn't enter into all, busted" and using arrests as credentials has
To say that a man hai to learn from a woman hindered the progress of social change as
whatlove is (or vice rærsa) is a pretty chau- much as it's helped it. (As important as the
event was, what di{ the majority of those
vinistic thing and pretty damn iimiting.
thousands ofpeople do after Mayday?)
Some ofihe påopte I låive in the niove'
Jim Peck, I would still admire you even
ment right here ãre Christians (l am a Cathif (God forbid!) you'd never been arrested,
olic), some aie Jeu/s, some atheists, some
S.I. AVERY
agnostics. Besides loving them, I trust them.
BROOKLYN, N.Y.
Ií's just good to know tñeytre áround
As for Barbara Cassidy, hang in there,
rRead
..Consumsister, but don't equate religion.with freak-,
the David Morris article,
P
:;
"lJ{
october
ître last week in"ll,"l
ilåãräìË-Áüàust.'ãñó
",i: "Py
w¡th
ËîîÈ;'vüíN Éuojistring Emp¡re
"'{Îttheptisupport
ons.are
ãi tïLl riúåi'' nelisters Lea gue. s ubscri
lt"r"-:niï:*a.tt""Îiå'"'låi,'"'oi'l'i*n"?,":'!%'
a nd accura 9v
oi ó-pi níons expressed
=bäiìitdË'fqiièn''
Sorrv-mã n uscri pts can n ot- be
åi'iãéii-riñirjss
bv.
a self-adaccbmpanied.
i.it,iiñÈã
drêssed stamped envelope. Prlnteo ln u'5'^'
-- i. ri"
linnf
if
!
iWft, SpAn3l with
"*,-ð;id;i;ê;i¡r,,;
and many nods. I would suggest,
.. üã"Jrr"
Catholi.
i*-î;;;d;r;-;il;
fi;;"¿hristian t"-"r-'
or not to be a catholic. B{1g:119^T^1 'Jå,iÏu
or catholic) and who
ttror"rtant
vour mother long ago before it *":,Î?,?lt' iniJv"¿'fit. Morris piece, a book by John
Anv woman who corrld *i::f::].111'^"1^^ üåáít, ioúnNnv to cbnnrHpún (sou
lg:.z). rtis a very unT".iï:,h* il-i""tä.t, winston,
ãË.rt"n¿íng colatior of ôhristian, Hindu,
;üSåiä:Ëäiå"-i*,1li.fJliå:lîii;:iïj:iïä:tl#*
and never work a day since her
got to have some seclet I
"oullfu::::*: -
H:r;i,li,:HtiîÏ:l*
understanding. . Congratulations!
_MORAL QUIRKS
& FRANTIC ANGELS
LONDON-MANCHESTER, ENGLÀND
armed forces.
The ofñcial procedures of the Nobel
Peace
..
Committee allow for a varicty of
individuals and groups to offer nominations.
Among them ate: post recipients of the
Prize, members of our national legislature^
and university professors of law,'political
science, history and philosophy. lf you tàll
into any of these categories and wish to [recome a-sþnatory to the nomination, pleasc
sign this statement and mail to: Martin
Duberman, c/o History Departnlcnt, Lch¡rtan
College, CUNY, lledford Park Blvd. Wcst,
Bronx, New York,
KARL BISSINGER
JOE CHAIKIN
NOAM CHOMSKY
MARTIN DUBERMAN
ANDREA DWORKIN
FLORENCE FALK
RICHARD FALK
ROBERT JAY LIFTON
GRACE PALEY
RICHARD POIIIIEII
MURIEL RUKEYSI]R
GEORGE WALD
(in the namc of somc 100 additional signatories to date.)
Regarding lim'peck's recougcli-o.-11oj,lú-s r"i,JJ:i,i,,ii|ö
work in the anti:war movement [WIN, 4/2ó. ce'ts.
--'i
&,5l3l13l-while from one perspective it. ,,'
irop" that WIN will be able to find
quarrel
else's
with
someone
may be silly to
.o¡" cornm"ntaries as mature and interestpersonal recollections, I did fnd myself ob- ine as that done by writer David Morris.
jecting to the way they were written, espe-4.C. GERMANN
cially they relate to a larger "movement
LONG BEACH, CALIF
syndrome". Although I don't know Jim
Peck well, I have great respect for him. However, ihat respect is not based on hisjail
record, but on the fact that. he's conscien.Assurances
tious and consistant. If he says he'll be
someplace, he's there. I've never heard of
him avoiding the tedium of mailings and he
"Things could qe wors€";he told me with a srnile,
certainly seems to do his share, if not more,
you
walk
If
of what we label "shit-wo¡k"'
"This isn't Nazi Gerrna¡y"after ¿!1"'
into the WRL office, 9 times out of 10, Jþ
Nnd l, being neither. Vietnamese, nor blaik,
is the person who ûrst talkb to you and as\
Ñor young American male, had to ag'ree.
ifhe can help you, There are few people I
being
more
"Youlre right!" And yet, a problem still remains'
as
me
can think of who strike
totally devoted to the day by day (someSo long as we affrm "Things could be worse"
times mundane) process of working for nonAnd leave the matter there, one thing is sure'
violent social change..
They will.
Consequently, it was disappointing to
see his tecollections written primarily in
-Rev, J Barrie ShePherd
terms of "a¡rests I have known,"-I get so
Chaplain ond Assistant
damn tired of "movement committment"
Professor of Religion'
being measured in terms of arrest, and
"movement status" being measured in terms
Hork'ness ChaPel
offrequency ofarrest that, although I'm
Connecticut College
certainly not accusing Jim Peck of "jail recLondon, Ct. 06320
New
he
that
am
unhappy
I
ord one-upmanship",
seems to have fallen into the trap of explaining your worth bY Your record'
:
'
wtN
3
f
ïVbtergate
8¿THE
PENrcON
PAPEITS TTUAL
bySamllurst
Like the lndochina War itself, the prosecution of Dan
Ellsberg and Tony Russo was the brainchilcl of the
White House.
. On June 28,1971, Ellsberg was indicted alone for
two counts of theft and espionage. The New York
Times was publishing a "hidden government history"
of the Metnam War, and the Nixon Administration
had gone to the Supreme Court trying unsuccessfully
to seal the crevice through which so much insight in-
was flowing. The June 28
indictment followed a criminal "complaint" by an
FBI agent, and a half day of perfunctory testimony
beforè the grand jury.
'The eagerness with which the White House looked
forward to punishing Ellsberg was dampened by the
risk of transforming him into a "martyr" of the antiwar movement. After all, his trial would be an open
forum in which, for the first time in a decade of antiwar trials, it would be virtually impossible to keep the
issues of the war out of the courtroom. According to
Howard Hunt's grand iury testimony, there was "concern in the White House about the appropriateness of
seeing the prosecution actually take place." (page 6
to imperial decision making
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grand jury testimony-GJT)
Six months later, in December, the Justice Depart'
ment expanded the two count indictment to 15 counts
and included co-conspirator Anthony Russo when he
refused to testify in secret before the Los Angeles
grand iury. By December White House consultants
Hunt and Gordon Liddy had conducted their f investi-
gation" into Ellsberg's'iprosecutability". (Þ 6-GJT)
According to Hunt, the Ellsberg investigation pro'
ceeded from the notion that "the best source of a full
read out, or a reasonably full read out on Dr' Ellsberg
would be through whatever files the psychiatrist had
been maintaining on him during the period that Dr.
Ellsberg was under analysis." (p 8-GJT) The burglary of Di. Lewis Fielding's office ensued on September
4,1971 in much the same way the Watergate burglary
SAM HURST hos been a member of the Pentogon
Popers defense stqff for the lost year. Prior to that he
was a graduote student at the London School of Economics.
was plotted. Hunt and Liddy designed, cased, and coordinated the burglary which was executed by two
Cuban exiles. ln spite of Prosecutor David Nissen's
insistence that "nothing was obtained, we have no
one who says that anyth¡ng was obtained." (p 22,
677'frial transcript) Felipe DeDiego and his cohort
had succeeded in photographing all the files they had' -'n
gãñe after. That ihey c-nose noT to actually steal the
Ells'
to
comfort
of
small
ñb ftot Fielding's office was
berg's violated civil liberties.
à black man by the name of Elmer Davis, who was
already serving time, copped a plea and was convicted
for the burglary in the best tradition of American
lustice.
'
How could the White House which showed such li
"an intense amount of interest in Dr. Ellsberg. ' ."
according to Hunt, (p 6-GJT) have possibly forseen
that two years later the Hunt/Liddy burglary would
ué ãt tne ñeart of the Watergáte Scándalãlready/'
threatening to topple the Nixon Administration?
With all the testimony in, and all the revelations
marked,by the resignations they caused, it is important to understand that the lessons of the Pentagon
Papers Trial are the same as the lessons of the Pentagon
Papers. The brutality, the deceit, the corruption with
which five consecutive Presidents fought the Vietnamese and America's opþressed classes are now being
used by Nixon against White liberal America.
lf the bombing of Cambodia and Laos respresentr
thenewly exposed internationâl front of the Nixon
Doctrine, the Pentagon Papers Trial epitomizes the application of the Nixon Doctrine at home. For four
months in the winter and spring of 1973 the Pentagon
Papers Trial has focused resistance against the liìternational Nixon Doctrine, and for its efforts has received the wrath of the White House; assault, burglery,
suppression of evidence; judicial miscondudt and wire'
tapprng.
April2Tth, after mqnths of muckraking pulling'
suppressed evidence from the clutches of the prosecution, defense counsel received a copy of a memo from
Assistant U.S. Attorney Earl Silbert informing the
on Sunday Aprill 5,1973,
.f ustice Department; "That
i received ìnformation that at a date unspecified, Gordon Liddy and Howard Hunt burglarized the offices
of a psychiatrist of Ellsberg to obtain the psychiatr.ic
files relating to Ellsberg."
The defendants and their attorneys had learned ;
earlier that Washington was dissatisfied with the proS- ' '
ress of the Trial. The prosecution's case had been
*ããt, rÅJ uy if'" enO bf a strong defense, a convic- - ..:
tion rívas virtually impossible. lf became clear that
the White House was taking charge of the government's
rebuttal case when Henry Kissinger's trouble shooter
General Alexander Haig (now White House Chief of '
Staff) took the stand dressed to the hilt in brass but'
tons, ribbons and stars. Washington's interestìn the
already lavish prosecution was verified by the fact that
Silbert's Aprill6 memo had,been delayed 10 days in
Washington before it found its way to the judge on the
evening'of April26.
According to the New York Times, the memo had
been delayed by Nixon who, "invoking national se-t
curity, sought to prevent the release to the court of
detaiis of the burglary. . . ." The Times reported that
Nixon had attempted to thwart the release of informat¡on "after the Justice Department received a
memo on April 16or 17 from EarlJ. Silbert." (N'Y.
Tìmes, 518173)
Within a week of the initial disclosure, the sky had
collapsed on the White House. Defense attorneys
learned that a special White House investigation into
the leak of the Pentagon Papers had begun in 1971.
It was conducted outside the normal channels of FBI
investigation, in concert with the CIA which provided
Hunt aìd Liddy with disguises, false identificatioh's,
miniature cameras hidden in tobacco pouches, and
secure clandestine "safehouses" where they could
plan their burglary without interruption' The 9lA
i
iurther implicãted itself when Director James Schlesinger (promoted to Secretary of Defense in the Watergaie shake-up) testified before a Senate sub-committee
ihat his predecessor Richard Helrns had approved the
.¡
preparation
a "psychiatric profile" on Elìsberg.
' Þarallelingofthe
daily revelations in the Trial, bits of
.testimony fròm Washington began to trickle in irnplicating White House officials like Erlichman and Haldeman in the orchestration and cover-up of Nixon's po-
litical espionage apparatus.
It had been known for over a year that Judge Byrne
was being considered to succeed J. Edgar Hoovcr as
Di-rector of the FBl, and when the defense started.'
prodding Byrne about the possibility that he had mct
with Erlichman to discuss the Directorship, the iudge
panicked and admitted to two meetings with Erlichman.
On May 1, the defense learned. that Erlichman had
known about Hunt and Liddy's work on the Ellsberg
profile and the burglary of Ellsberg's psychiatric records at the time of his m.eetings with Byrne. The fact
thàt Byrne had met with Erlichman in thc first place
was an unprecedented breach of iudicial ethics; that
he had kept it secret from the defense for a tnonth
heightened the absurdity of the whole situation.
Byrne's initial statement about the Erlichman meetings had a vague reference to a "second conversation"
wñich the defense took at face value until Len Wcinglass learned that it had not been a conversation at all,
6ut a formal meeting with Erlichman in Santa Monica.
Byrne admitted; "The (second) conversation took
place on April the 7th. That was the convcrsation in
Santa Monica. I said the other day, and now, that I
had reflected , at his suggestion on my initial rcaction,
and that I confirmed my initial reactiotr that I would
not consider, nor would I in any way even discuss thc
position as Director of the FBI that was mcntioncd
, io t" while this oase was pending before mc." (p 21,
656-Trial transcript) ln other words, Byrne had
told Erlichman thaf he appreciatcd the bribc, but
would not consider it-untìl after the trial was over.
What was there to confirm;at a sccond mceting any-
way? What vyas'there to'think pvgr 4! Er!ichnran's
suggestion
'
?
-Íhe'fréqu"nt
súpþicssion of cvidcnce by govcrn-
ment attorneys paled in comparison to a fcdcral iudge
meeting twice with a high White Housc official to cliscuss a bribe, particularly considering that duiing thcir
meetings Erlichman knew about the burglSry, knew
about the psychiatric profilc, knew about Nixon's
personal interest in the prosccution of Ellsbcrg and
Russo, a¡d had in his safc thc missing logs of Ellsbcrg
wiretaps which thc prosccution had insisted for a ycar
were non-exjstent.
On Friday May 4, it was impossiblc to kcep track
rvas in progrcss. Thc dcfcnsc rcfuscd t
It was absurd to pretcnd that thc rebuttal testintony
of South Korean Ambassador Habib had anything to
of which trial
wtN
4 WIN
5
do with the issues at hand. The Defendant Ellsberg
rose and directed himself to Judge Byrne;
ELLSBERG: Your Honor, I osk you ifyou believe the stotements thot you lnve heard here
that there has been no illegol wiretopping of
myself and Mr, Russo, ond lf you believe whot
you heard from the prosecutor once agoÌn? I
. have directed my counsel that he should exqmine no witnesses or make ony objections so
lgng as this farce ofa notional defense discuss-
coart
'
ton goes on,
investigotion os to whether or not there were
overheorings pertaining to th¡s case, ond to
newsmen. . . lt seems to us very peculior procedure that ofter a yeor's delay the government
could, irtcidentol with the disclosure that the
President might be involved in this cose-withìn
four days the government is able to find on
ogent who was unnomed who recolls on over-,
dishonestly deolt with in the frrst
.
"
&THE::T'VAh¿
(Trial transcript,
p-22,ß531
W¡th all the self-righteousness of an American bomber
pilot who lambasts the inhumanity of his Metnamese
captórs, Judge Byrne clucked his tongue in disgust at
the government's misconduct, and prepared his opinion dismissing the case; not on the basis of his meetings with Erlichman, nor with an order to hold im- '
mediate hearings into the connections between Water'.
gate and the Trial, but on the Legitimate, but decidedly secondary basis of the government's inability to
turn over "destroyed" wiretap logs. Oddly enough,
the logs turned up three days after the case was dismissed. They had been in John Erlichman's safe all
along.
Since 1969, the Nixon administration has used illegal wiretaps, burglary, assault, public deception,
and secrecy to confuse, isolate, and fracture political
opposition in America. His tactics reveal how seriously Nixon has taken the gains of the anti-war movement:
he has breated an unweildy alliance of the White House,
the military, the FBl, the Justice Department, the
ClA, and his own re-election committee.
The agents of this conspiracy work out of domestic "safehouses" described by Howard Hunt as "an
area of one sort or another where people on clandestine business are able to meet and transact their business without fear of interruption, of being identified,
or being overheard." (p 14-GJT) They depend on ;
disguise, and deception to obscure their business.
They depend on the blind eye of the law if they are
caught, and if public rage forces their prosecution,
they depend on executive clemency.
To the N¡xon administration, all the world is a potential Vietnam, and democracy is as much a threat
as communism. The people are his enemy. . . the Vietnamese, the Laotian, the Cambodian, the American. I
records had been hidden away by John Dean; others
had been burned by L. Patrick Gray. President Nixon
had encouraged White House aides to invoke Executive Privilege ifasked questions about direct conversa-
reasons unclear, ordered the ogency to open on
wos
instonce or is being dlshonestly dealt with in
this instonce, þle don't know. I don't think
this Court can tell, but it ts very possible thot
thls person who didn't exist, this ogent, for a
yeør, and was suddenly found this week, is o
person who is perhaps ossist¡ng the government
in on ottempt to get out from under a very un-
comfortoble situotion..
The defendant Russo concurred.
RUSSO: Your Honor, my counsel hos acted ot
my dÍrection.
With all its characteristic notes and transcripts and
exhibits wiped away, the defense t¿ble was barren.
The defendants and their counsel sat s¡lently through
Habib's rambling nervous testimony. The jury
stopped taking notes. Despite repeated inuendos ovêr
the next few days that the government had not finished
its case, no witness would ever take the stand again in
the Pentagon Papers Trial.
On April 30, the defense filed a motion for dismissal of the indictment, citing the entire range of outrageous Administration activities; the political origins
and character of the prosecution; the covert campaign
waged by Nixon's "plumbers" against the defendants;
Erlichman's meetings with Bryne; and the repeated
incidents of prosecutorial misconduct and suppression
of evidence. The contents of Howard Hunt's safe containing the Ellsberg files had been removed. Some
tions with him.
On Thursday May 10, Washington came through.
Acting FBI Director Ruckelshaus forwarded a memp to
the prosecution which gave both Judge Byrne and
prosecutor Nissen the way out they had been seeking.
The memo read;
. . . on Moy 4, 'l 973 I ìnitiated on investigation
to interview present and retired FBI personnel
for the purpose of determìning if possible,
whether there hod been ony such taps (wiretaps). A preliminory report which i reLeìved
last n¡ght indicates thot on FBI employee recolls that ¡n lote 1969 and eorly 1970 Mr. Ellsberg Èorf*een overheord tatkiirg from on electronic surveillonce of Dr. Morton Halperin's
residence, .. I hove no informotion concerning
the substqnce of the conversotion nor hos the
investigotion to dote been able to fìnd ony
record of such o conversotìon."
ln one of his last arguments before the bench, Len
Weinglass summarized the conspiracy Which had been
in the back of the defense's mind for several days;
On or about Moy 1 or 2 we were at the po¡nt
where the question of the involvement of Presh
dent Nixon himself wos roised in court. On
May 4, within two days, the FBI Director, for
tUbtergate
hearing of the defendant, ond that no records
exist to support hìs claim.
It raises guest¡ons os to whether or not this
vlnce Compagnone/ooO
çir
a
l{
A
þb
aaþ
ü.
:'.'9."
ql convention involving danger to, threqts to life of
individuols. t think thqt wqs succeeded very shortly,
in q motter of days, by the indictment of members
of the IVVAWJ at Tallahossee becouse of the violence
thot they did plan. . . .
Q. Now, con you tell me precisely as to whot the
dates were in which this type of octivity took place?
A. My best recollection would hqve been within
by.IanBarry
tAN BARRY is a former Pentagon reseorcher for..
'CBS
News and ex-West Pointer, ond a fout1der
VVAW.
of
T
the
While the press and television commentators were
concentrating on the more exotic allegations and reve'
lations made before the Ervin Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities-"offers" of
executive clemency to the Watergate conspirators,
"rumors" of Castro Cuban money contributed to the
Democrats-convicted Watergate "wireman" James
W. McCord Jr. doggedly repeated his nearly uqreported, unquestioned and unçommented on persoñal mo- '
tivation for parti ci pati on'.i n the Watergate "operation..l'
According to McCord, the reason for the break-in
and buggingãf the Democratic National Committee
offices last iummer was to counter the 1972 presidential campaign plans and activities of the Vietnam Vet'
erans Against the War. In two days of dramatic nationally-televised testimony to the Senate Select Committee, McCord charged repeatedly that'rviolence"
planned against the Republican national convention
by the "virclence-priented" VVAW-f intelIigence" relayed to him "almost daily" by Justice Dept. reportswas his underlying motivation for involvement in the
i':
Watergate burglary.
NJone ptel"nt challenged, or even questioned, his
charges. lt was as though McCord's reference was to
an añcient internal "enemy"-beyond need of explanation, or indeed further comment. ln contrast, McCord was subjected to a pointed berating for his con'
stant referral to "the Cuban-Americans" (the nest of
the break-in team), rather than their individual naines,'
as indicating an unconscionable racial slur.
Had McCord, however, been challenged on his'àssertions about the VVAW, several serious discrepartcies
would have appeared in his testimony; discrepañcies
that, followed by furthe¡: questioning, may have shed
an entirely new light on the Watergate "operatiön"'
What, then, were McCord's charges? ln response
to a question by Senator Weicker (near the end of the
session Friday, May 18), on whether he had received
intelligence data from the lnternal Security Divjsion
of thdustice Dept. "as it related to the candidatg: 9r
their siaffs," McCord replied that he had, and could
"recall specifically" one such report.
Q. Can you give me detoils on that reportî
A. One such report dealt with, os I recoll, o funding
operotion thot wos reported ìn which the McGovern
comm¡ttee purportedly funded a so-called bornstorming tour of several members of the Wetnam Veterqns
Agoinst the Wor on the west coqst, . ' It come concurrently with some other informqtion thqt that same
group wos plonning violence at the Republicon nation'
last
two weeks of May, 1972.
Q. On how mony dìfferent occqsions did you re'
ceive this mqterìol?
A. Almost doily, sir.
Earlier in testimony that day, McCopd had at several other points rèferred to "viólencell by the VVAW
and a connection between that group and the Democralic Party, including a "VVAW office" in the Democratic National Committee ôffices at the Watergate'
On Tuesday morning, May 22, McCord read a statement at the Senate..hearing rnaking his. charge more
i
t
explicit.
.
Questions were on my mind like, who ore these
people who bombed Ibuildings] in New Hompshire,
in Oaklond, the Pentogon building, the Copitol building; how are they funded; who are they work¡ng with?
Is onyone in collusion with them, encouraging them or
fundins them? The Wetnom Veterons Against the
'War wãs one violence-or¡ented group that was nlready
soyìng in the Sprìng of 1972 thot they were going to
cause destruction to life ond property ot the August '
Republicon convention, using, in their own words,
their own bodies ond weapons os the speorhead
of the qttack there-these qre their exoct words, and
some of them hqve since been indicted in
Tallahassee., Fla. . .
Later in the summer of 1972 the VVAW did in
foct have offìces ln DNC lDemocratic National'Com'
mittéel in l'loshington for iust such plans. lemphasis
oildçd.J lnexplicably, McCord droppcd thc last phrasc
(included in his statèm'ent.given in advancc to thc
senators and the preS), and substitutcd thc lcss flamboyant end i ng,,''l¿5['g,¡¡dqrst¡nd.' I
lqeÌiher
casc,
it
was a sclì'óu's
anl provocativc
chãrge: linkinçthe bombing of goverhmcnt buildings,
the VVAW, threats to thc GOP convcntion, and an office of the VVAW ("for iust such plans") in the Dcmocratic party headquarters at thc Watcrgate. Yct nòt
one senator or reportcr questioncd McCord's allcgations, or cven mentioned thcm--excipt oncc in rcfcrto his Tuesday morning statelnent.
'ringJnlater
the afternoon scsqion, Scnator Wcickcr did ask
MiCord when and from wh<¡m hc had hcard about
this "VVAW office" in thc Watcrgatc. McCord rcplicd
he had forgotten from whotn, and visibly swall
heard about the VVAW officc "aftcr Junc 17."
Senator Weicker thcn went on with qucstions about
unrelated mattcrs. Yet, hc had iust touchcd thc hcart
of .lames McCord's cntire two-day tcstimony--the
wtN
7
trustworthiness of his credibility.
At the start, McCord had sworn under oath that he
had been motivated to join the Watergate break-in by
"intelligence reports" of the "violence" planned
against-the GOP convention by the.VVâW, which had
añ "office" with the Democrats in the Watergate. Yet
he admitted to Senator Weicker that he had not
iàãi""ã ó1ir'is offce until after he was caught in the
DNC by police on June 17.
Perhaös then he was "motivated" by the reports
of VVAÚ plans he received "almost daily" in-"the
last two wbeks of May,1972"-that resulted "in a mat'
IV-VAW]
ä;ü"yt bl it'e inäictment of members.of.
because óf'the violence that they did plan." Unfortunatelv. for lames McCord's story, the indictments he
referi io wére handed down nearly six weeks later,
in mid-lulv. not r'¡n a matter of days." And the ind¡cmeñts;harge that six VVAW members planned
their "conspi rlcy" at à meetingìn Gainesvìlle,- Fla',
May 27-28.' On the same night (MaV.27-28) McCord
and the break-in team entered the Watergate, as he
test¡fied to the Senate committee, on their first successful night of "oPerations."
To whãt then was he referring? That he had advance knowledge of a VVAW "conspiracy" that the
planned at
Justice Dept. indictment states was being
he was on the first "mission" into
the Watergate?
Now lel's exâmine some facts that put McCordrs
statements in a perhaps wholly different light. First,
there never was'a "VVAW office" in the Democratic
headquarters or in the Watergate, before or after .f une
17. as local VVAW members were quick to point out'
Thire was, however, a "Veterans for McGovern" com'
mittee there at a later date, in which some VVAW
members part¡c¡pated. Second, there never was a McGovernJ'funded" speaking tour on the west coast by
VVAW members, though one was iointly considered
and dropped after discussions early,in-not at the'
ðnã of-May, according to one of those involved.
(VVAW wouid not endorse McGovern, or any other
òandidate, as an organization.)
What either activity, even if true, would be doing
in lustice Dept. "intelligence reports" on allegedly
plánned "vioience" wainot explained by McCord in
ih" sut" moment
any case,
No "barnstorming"
trip. No "VVAW" office'
What then about tht"indìctments"? Here, at last, it
is pàssible that McCord may have known something,
anã-mu¿" charges relating to it, that was true' The in'
dictments did take Place.
Àccording to the Justice Dept., the V!A{"con-
sDiracv" to ð¡srupt Miami Beach during the GOP con'
week'
õ;ó wãs piunhe¿ at a Gainesville meeting the
the
in
rest,
as
charges
The
il-zg,lglz.
muv
óná of
'ttatt¡tb;tg 8" an'd "Camden 28" cases, on the testi'
monv of a óaid FBI informer. However the informer,
Williåm Lemmer, for his ovùn reasons told other veteraÀs at the meeiing that he was an informer for the
t uO been ior the previous nine months' He
ÊSl,
"n¿
gave an eight-hour tape+ecorded account
furt'hermore
o? his activitiãs to twoVVAW assoc¡ates in his home'
of
á;;"i Fayetteville, Ark., a few {ay¡ later' Parts
ihis "conf"ision" were published in the New York
i¡mes (Aus.14,1972\ and in the December 1972
issue of HorPer's magazine.
Though Lemmer is now in "protective" govern'
ment cuitody, he told eirough in that interview to
implicate himielf, and the FBl, in two Fayetteville
I wlN
of "entrapment" of persons charged in bombing
'fplots" the previous fall. In addition, two unrelated
persons filed affdavits in federal court that Lemmer
had earlier told them ¡nd others in public, before the
the Gainesville meeting the substance of the "shoot'
cases
ing, bombing, and the like" that forms the heart
of
the lust¡ce Dept. case against tþe VVAW "Gainesville
conipiracy." [See WIN 3l1l73l
Seemingly unrelated, last fall, in a deposition to
the Democratic national committee, Alfred W. Baldwin I I l. an unindicted member of the WaterS,ate '
"team,í'swore that "he was assigned by McCord to
infiltrate Metnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW)
for the purpose of 'embarrassing the Democrats' if
the veterans demonstrated at the Republican conven'
tion." the l4loshington Posf reported.
Ánd on May 23 this year, the day after McCord
finished his testimony to the Senate hearing ¡he Mi'
ami Herold reported that Pablo Manuel Fernandez
said "he infiltfated the Metnam Veterans Against the
War while working for the Federal Bureau of Investigation änd the M¡ãmi police last summer'i (AP report).
Fernandez said he turned down an offer by Watergate
conspirator Eugenio Martinez "to spy on antiwar
sroups and infiltrate the Miami headquarters of ' . '
ö.oig" McGovern, 'for the Republican party'." Fernandèz claimed to have been busy enough with the
job he had.
'
What James McCord may in fact have kno'wn "the
last two weeks of May,'1972," or unwittingly been
part of thróugh June 17, was an apparently massive
justice Dept.-FBl attack on the civil liberties-, and
iights of political association, of members of the Viet'
nãm Veterans Against the War: an attack which included, in a.ddition to wholesale police harrassment, a
"conspiracy" indictment handed down-for maximum
politióal effect-in the midst of the Democrat¡c nat¡onal convention
While McCord was receiving i'intelligence data" ,,
from the lnternal Security Division of the Justice" "
Dept., which convinced him that the VVAW was""vio'
lence-oriented," the same ISD-set up by former Attorney Gener¿ri fohn Mitchell in late 1970-was in-.
volveá in an undercover "operation" of its own.
Newsweek (Juiy 31, 19721i',reported that by.May, the
FBI "already hàd sóores ofagents investigating the
V¡et vets around the countiy," including at least one
"spy-plane." Shortly after the July indictments, a
nai¡onal newsmagazine reporter, writing under a
pseudonym inthe Bostoi lhoenix (nys' Q)1 added'
itris Uisqüieting note about the ISD's Special Litiga-
tion Branch prosecuting the
proximate value.
r
Like McCord in his Senate testimony, has someone
else got their facts in the two concurreni cases fateful.
ly confused?
Let me reconstruct the events that are known. On
. the night of May 27-28,1972, McCord ànd others ill-egally entered the Watergate offces of the Derfocrats,
for the stated purpose of planting phone taps and
photographing filing-cabinet documents. On the,
morning of.June 17, McCord and others were caught
by local police in a re-entry ,,operation.', On July".t 3,
the last day of the Democratic conventioñ, s¡i VVAW
members were indicted on ,,conspiracy" charges stemmíng frorn "overt acts"-a schedúled rþgional"cgprdinators' meeting-in Gainesviile, May 27 -2A,.
Abruptly, a new light is thrown on the Watersate
case. Was the later inãictment forr,conspiracy,,*J
the VVAW group concocted in the Justió Deót._or
in the backers of the Watergate team's ,6ag oîUirty
tricks"-as
a "cover" for the Watergate breãt-¡nl ór
the Florida indictment a separate but coordinated
effort, directed by persons yet unknown, to link towas
gether in a_presidentialllyear ,,violence,', VVAW and
McGovern?
Let's reconstruct another curious pattern óf events.
Last,fa-l l, after.the pol itical conventions, A I fred. Baldwin (like JMcCord, an ex-FBl agent) fileá a deposition
w¡th the Democrats that he had been ,,assignid by
McCord" to infiltrate VyAW to ,,embarrasi
tfre O'em¿crats" if VVAW demon5trated at the GOp convèntion.
On January 16 this year, MqCord's lawyer, Gerald
Alch, told the press rhat in his trial defenie McCoid .
would justify his Watergate acti.ons on the srounds
that he was participating in ,,intelligènce o[erationf"
t9 Sain data-on such "potentially violent gioups" as
the two national peace coalitions and the-VVAW,
liPorentíal ly violent" p lans of these. orgah izati ons,
McCord suggested through his lawyer,lere possessed
by the Democrats.
Two days later, another of the alleged Watergate
conspirators Jeb Stuart Magruder, thJdirector ðf the
Nixon lnaugural Committee (and former deputy d¡-.
rector of the Committee to Re-Elect the presidónt),
appeared on CBS Mo¡ning News to charge: t think'att
of us who'vþ been here ii Washington kñow tia,t tnese
[a ntiwor J de monstrot¡ ons ena uf, in vio,iãniij' ïnru
people are-ore hgrd-core radicals.' , . who historicolly
:
have turned these demonstrot¡ons into violent demòn_
strotions.
John Hart: llhat-Can you give us son¡e namès:ôf
these hord-core rodicals?
Magruder: lVell, there's the-the Wetnam Veterans
Agalnst the hrqr. , . They were down at oiti convbn_
. tlon; they were qt the Democrltic convent¡on:
They're
bosically the hard-core thqt hovei.'been here in many of
the demonstrations qnd-qnd hove octually promulgated vÌolence in eoch case,
While both McCord's lawyer and Magruder mentioned öther antiwar groups'by name in"January, the
prominent inclusion of VVAW is apparent. Brú for"
)vh.ajevel.re$on,.by the time of his Senate testimony
in May, McCord had decided to name only the VVA{,V
and to change his characterization from ,,þotentially
violent" to "violence-oriented, "
What to make of all this, at this time, except to
note a now..familiar pattern perfecred Uí tnó öln ¡n
"managi ng" the coming and goin g-but'especial ly,
"preseryation.-of politicians and governments the White
House wanted in or out of poweir, from lran and Guatemala,fhiough Vietnam to-Cambbdia,.emerging here
r
in thê Watergate case?
As for the Vietnam Veterans Against the War-if
i: one gr-oup in this ðountryf not in government,
which knows from personal experience abiut this
American presidential pattern of subverting govern_
qents and political parties, it is the membeliof the
VVAW. Many of ihem helped, in.varying degrees of
o¡-th.e-spot assign ments, to carry out' si m i I ial,,opera_
tionsl' in lndochina and elsewhere. Dedicated to
warning other Americans about the effects-on themselves, on others and on humanity-of this violence,
they are now under a concerted attack to prove
. the "violence-oriented" side of the argument. Obviouslly no other group in America, ttrjn iñã mãn'änd women who hadfought in Vietnam and publicly rcjected
the war, could have embarrassed the 1972 political
th.e.rg
I
l
I
;
.
stance
of Richard Nixon on lndoc[!na moie_unless
,,neutralized"
this group could be
Ëy a credible chargc
of political terrorism.
Ànd by linking them directly to McGovern and the
Democrats, the ultimate pattern behind the still mysterious forces labeled "Watergate,' begins, I think, io
become allJoo clear. ¡
îào"'-lsnÏ þ'r'si'ä'¡"n e"rry
case:
win part of
-to
influen'
from
Reporters
inó¿¡a.
its case tirrough the
tiãl national p-ublications [were] invited to not-forattr¡bution sèssions lastini five and six hours, and
shown bulging manila files of raw intelligence data on
"The proiecution ap--parently hopes
the vets." ,
Among the "raw intelligence data" apparently
leaked to Neuzsweek, were reports that the six alleged
VVAW "conspiratori" had amassed "$30,000 worth
of communications equipment (including wiretap de'
vices, two-way radios änä walkie-talkies) and a small
plané," none ôf which is anywhere mentione-d in the
government's indictment. However, except for the
imall plane, the remainder of the "conspiracy" equipment ialsely leaked to'Newsweek is a fairly accurate
description of what ,tames McCord took with him (nto theWatergate, including what he said was it's ap'
WIN
9
The CarndenzS
& The\ñfnter$ate
by Ann
Tom Wicker seems to think so. He compares"the
"surfeit of fervor" of the Camden 28 with itrat ôf tne
Nixon aides and subordinates on various levels who
considered they were acting in "the national interest".
"The two groups saw the national inter€st quite
,differently, of course, and it may be a'rgued thát one
wished to stop the war and the other to sustain, ie or '
at least sustain the kind of security and foreígn policy
attitudes and processes that had biought it aúout. The
essential point remains. nevertheless, ihat each eroitp
decided to break the law out of what each conceived,
to be good motives.
"Dóes anyone really wish to argue that because Mr.
Egil Krogh conceived himself to be act¡ng in the p.-atriotic cause of national securityra jury ought to actllit
him of whatever complicity he had in the Ellsberg
5OO
lllorriss ettDarridon
"The acquittal of most of the Camden 28 and the
likely dismissal of charges against the rest is an inter-
esting and not altogether reassuring sign of an age
rnarked by moral and patriotic fervor," writes Tom
Wicker in a column this past week (22 May) in the
New York Times.
Wicker accedes that the acquittal was probably
on the basis of the Government's interference
iustified
'in
the case (via Robert Hardy, who revived and encouraged the Camden draft board raid, providing tools
and money ultimately derived from the U.S. taxpayer).'
But Wicker is disturbed by expressions that came
from the jury of actual support of the Camden 28's
objectives. One juror, a 55'year'old cab driver from
Atiantic City, handed Father Doyle (one of the "older"
defendants, ã38-year-old red'headed lrish born priest)
a note aftei the tr¡al praising the defendants for trying
to "heal the sick, irresponsible" men who led the U.S.
effort in Vietnam. The letter said "These men failed
the people by raining death and destruction on a hapless country. . . Didn't God make the Vietnamese?
Was God piejudiced and only ma.de American people?"
Certainly ihe Camden 28 had done all they could'
r¿
to eiucate itt" ¡uage and jury about the nature of the
which
war. They were caught, in fact, in a dilemma in
they felt, on the one hand, that they must convince
the ¡ury ihey could not have carried through the raid
withoui the government agent Hardy, and on the oth'
er hand thatlt was an act well worth doing, or at
least justifled. As Father Doyle put it to me during
the tiial, "We have to give the iury the technical as
well as the moral means of acquitting us." ls it dis'
turbing to think that a iury might be-affected.in its
decisioìs by moral considerations? Perhaps the issue ,'
might have'been clearer if the governrnent had not
played a crucial part in the raid. lf the Camden 28
ilud b..n able to do it on their own, as others have in
the past, and then got caught, the question would not
havé ariien of acquìtting tñem because of "overreaching participation by government agents.or intormers' ' '
soilndamentally únfair as to be offensive to the basic
standards of decency and shocking to the.universal
sense of justice," as the ¡udge put it in advising the
frrort. ihe quóstion would simply have been whether
ihey had broken in or not. Technically and legally
one could hardly have argued that they were "not
guilty". But heie motivJis, in fact, crucial .in ter¡ns of
ö.nrities. if not verdict: is a largely symbolic act, di'
rected nón-iniuriously against an agency which sends
young men tó murder oi be murdered, to be equated
w¡tn itegat activities intended to destroy a political
party, déceive the public at large, and perpetuate a
corrupt and murderous regime?
1()
wlN
".
break-in? But that is uncomfortably close to whãi
¡oqe o{ the jurors and defendants apparegtly thought
in the Camden trial.
"Just as the Camden 28 thought they were acting
to stop what they believed to be an illegal war, Krogh
was acting to stop what he believed to be illegal leaks
of Governmênt secrets. lKrogh would not have thought
the 28 were justified, as they surely do not believe he
was justified; and that all considered themselves jugtified is important for their moral state but should not
afect a jury's decision on whether they broke the law.
"Moral gestures in violation of law are somqtimes'
necessary. Strong government response in violàtion
of law may seem necessary to those in office. Btlt at
some point in such a chain of action and reaction, the
rule of law itself becomes endangered, and that poiht
has been too.closely approached [n America. Nothing
is more needed now than a scrupulouC reliance on
law, not on moral or patiotic fervor, by the President
as well as every other citizen."
,
,.What Wicker: does not recogrlize here.is that there
is, in fact, a conflict of laws in this country. One is
therefore left with a choice to make. Will we.,refuse
to âid, abet, and,.take part in múrder, or will we go
along with it? So far as I know, deliberate,murder is
illegal in this country and probably throughbut the
world. Yet the Pentagon engages in it, and is planning
for it, daily, aided and abetted by the'Nixon Admin- istration, by major military contractors, and in fact
by nearly all of us in one way or another. Don't we
have a moral and legal obligation to refuse in whatever way we can to take part in that murder? Ât the
very least to resist conscription and taxes for war? ' '
Don't we also have a moral, if not legal, obligatiöñl.to
.
reflect the people's will or interests). Surely Wicker
would agree that one had a clear moral obligation to
disobey them, and that there may be some general
moral concensus of what is grossly ,,unjust". Of
course one tries to change unjust laws; but seldorn in
history has there been a change in such lawcwithout
prior visible opposition to them. lf the oppositlon
has.not taken the form of violent ¡evqlution (therefo¡e in some sense defeating itself), it has usually qn- _
tailed civil disobedience.
The woy in which one resists unjust laws is, of
coursê, relevant. A rule of thumb for those of us who
equate means wíth ends is that one tries to use means
most consistent with the ends: if one wants an honest,
open, free, and peaceful society, one tries to use ,
honest, open, free and peaceful méans. lt is at this
point that many pacifists might part with draft board
raiders like the Camden 28. Since the act is largely,
symbolic in any case (as is any attempted obstruction
of the g¡gantic war machine with our meager means),
why not go into the draft board openly, ai many háve,
and sit or lie or in whatever non-injurious way possibló
try to obstruct its murderous operations? On the
other hand (and I am arguing with myself), why offer up bodies (and bail money, fines, iime) to tñe !overnment so gratuitously when, with a little more planning, one might enter the draft board at a timê more
efficacious for actually destroying the records of
death? lsn't the possibility of real obstruction, no
matter how small, of the death machine, without in,ury to anyone, worth the sacrifice of complete openness and long-ingrained distaste for breaking-in or for
any small destruction or displacement of propelty
which is in some sense our own?
I don't know the answer to that, I do know that
those who took that path had guts, if not the most
s,ubtle and perspicacious understanding of moral dilêmmas. And I do believe that any non-injurious effgrt !g stop mu.rder is better than, and noi to be equated with, the. break-ins, the invasions of privacy, the
thefts, the lies, and the fantastically devious and wasteful uses of money and resources which constitute the
Wate¡gate syndrome of the sick régime which at this
moment is still murdering the people of Cambodia. I
try to prevent others from committing mur{er? lsñ't
'
this what the Camden 28 were trying io do, and.all
the others who have raided draft boãrds or'Uloðkð¿
doors or tracks of recruiting stations, weapons pro-
ducers, weapons carriers?
.Even if there were no conflicting laws, 4nd all our
laws were consistent with each othãr ancí riith peace
and justice, some moral selectivity is required-though
.
certainly with still greater risk and caution. Thus.so¡ng through a red light in order to rush a very ill p'ðrson to a hsopital is not the same as going through a
red light jusi to see if you can ger aúay littr
it,]or in
'
..
order to hit someone crossing the street. lf one is
rorced to choose between laws, or to break just laws
\as ¡n the above case), isn't it better to err on the side
of tife?
Suppose
there were no conflicting laws, only un,._
Just ones (an unlikely situation sincJeven ihe most
tyrannical regime usçrally must make some gestures
to
wtN 1l
ÐiarJr
ByÇracePaley
overhoul of its kiln ond two milts Mr. Bralic r:
salst a band of Sociolists, not all of whom
were employees, occupied the plont. After g
days of this, the government moved in, claiml
ing the right to do so under o I}-yeor old ilecree
tlot allows temporary se¡zure of componies ¡r
thot foil to supply vital products.
They came itt night ond ordered me to go to
the plant ond sign it over to them, Mn Bralìc
recalls. 'l wouldn't so they made the watch-
& Robert Nichols
Continued from last week.
IV. A THUMBNAIL POLITICAL HISTORY
Up until 1970 Chile was governed by a Centrist-Right
regime, the Christian Democrats allied with the Nacionalistas. ln the 1970 presidential elections these
two parties ran separate slates, split the vote; the Left
Coalition (Unidad Pupular) won by a narrow plurality.
The U.P. nationalized a selected list (140) of the big
industries-the so.called "commanding heights of the
economy"-and expropriated farms of more than 200
acres, about 4000 latifundias. These were very decisive moves.
However they were not completely decisive. There
is a kind of see-saw, a perpetual checking and re-balancing of forces implicit in the Chilean situation. The
U.P. holds the Presidency and the political initiative.
The Right-Center (an absolute majority of the country's voters) still controls the Courts and Congress.
And as Allende and the U.P. are committed to a parliamentary solution of conflicts, the Executive can be
blocked by the Courts and Congress.
¡
The parties. Throughout Latin America the Communist Party is established, tradition-bound and sluggish.
ln foreign policy it has been allied with Russia; internally it played at coalitions and promoted Popular
Front politics. The Chilean Socialist Party was formed
by Allende and others in 1933. lt confined its longrange outlook to within the South American Continent and was interested in building a dynamic Chilean
party.
'
MAPU is a split-off progressive wing of the Chris'
tian Democrats, formed in 1968. lt is Christian and
non-Marxist and has been especially concerned with
agricultural reforms. Together with MIR (Movement
for the Revolutionary Left) these parties make up the
Unidad Popular.
The two principal opposition parties are the Christian Democrats, now led by Frei, and the Nationalists
led by Jarpa.
Allende's popular vote in the 1970 presidential elections was 36.30/0. ln the municipal elections of 1971
the U.P. polled almost 50%. Now it is less popular
than it was then. lts strategy in the current congressional elections has been to go for around 40% of the
vote. lf it goes higher, it can call it a mandate for socialism. lf it goes lower the Opposition will call thot
a mandate, block reforms, and could even try to impeach Allende.
Generally speaking, Chilean politics are less like
U.S. politics (as they are now; that could change
though) and more like French politics. Except that
the Communist-Socialist coalition can't possibly win
in France: the election districts are gerrytnandered.
Political history in Chile has not been bland. There
has been a good deal of worker militancy, often suppressed cruelly. Regis Debray in his book, Conversa'
mon sign the papers, They put an ex-soccer
ployer in chorge.' The company's 80 supervisors and technicions struck, leaving the workers ond the soccer player to frnish repairs,
tions with Allende, writes characteristically:
It is certoinly, but in a rother underground woy,
one of the most v¡olent ond perhops bloody
histories in Lotin Americo, both in the last centuries' civil wors between patr¡ots and royalists,
conservotives ond liberols, clericals and ontìclericols, natlonalists and pro-imperialists. , .
and from the beginning of this century, in the
frequency of great murderous manoeuvres by
the repressive apparotus aga¡nst the workers
and peosants, culminating in férocious episodes,
ln other words, a history not unlike that of the United States. The Haymarket Riot. The Pullman Strike.
ln 1890 in lquique, 3300 saltpeter miners were shot
down by the government.
lmages blended of bloodshed and nightmare. What
dark currents run underground, surface fitfully in rumors, and cannot be completely relegated to myth,
like the movies of cowboys and lndians!
arrived in Santiago about a month after the traumatic "Patrons' Strike". lt was a transportation strike
essentially a work stoppage in which the owners and
professional classes tried to stop production-or at
least limit production below a critical point-and the
workers tried to continue it. I have heard it described.
A friend of mine, middle class, an engineer and an
American describes standing on the street corner at
Providencia and watching gangs of well-dressed youths
of the "Patria e Libertad" throwing milliliters of gasoline under the wheels of the workers' busses.
What story you get depends on whom you listen
to. A left-wing Spaniard writes of the strike in the
Monthly Review:
When the strike of tronsport owners, shopkeepers, ond industrialists begon, no one worker fol-
¡t¡sE3È
!.:i
While_l was in Quillota I went to visit the Said Fabrica,
one of the largest textile mills. A mousêy tec.hnocrat
in a white coat (w,as he management, or did út represglt the government?) wouldn't let me in because I
ëÈÈËÈså
didn't have "papers". I stood af thegate talking with
a group of workers; one of them turned out to 6e the
È* ÈÈ:'s s
union president. I asked him.what happened when
the plant was intervened: vVas there any sabotage by
management, difficulties in making the thing run, etc.
He gave me a big grin and said, "No problems.,'
Painted on the r,Vall outside was a'huge dusty slo:
gan: "FIRST YEAR lN THE FTGHT FOR NATTONALIZATION. ALL POWER TO THE WORKERY'.
¡ But inside that plant, wh.o will ever know what ,
really happened?
sÈ{s
..-
announcement of the government's new iationing
plan. The newspapers are more combative than ever.
Everyone in the city seems to be caught up in a flood
On the level of the poblacion-through Jaime's eyes-
there are no left political parties. He can see no differe,nce, Communists, Socialists, Mapu: "they all
work together; even rotate office". Committees are
shared out: there is a "front" for public safety, a
front for propaganda and culture, now a front'for supply. '"What does a pink card mean to us? We poor
have always lived rationed."
of politics.
tt
..
We are sitting around the table late in the evening,
having just come back from a Communist meeting ¡n
a round theater filleil with 15,000 people. The Socialists had packed the same theater the week befþre. The
¡nood is high and we are sitting around talking revolution and drinking wine and have insisted that the poor
couple who iun the rooming house, Alphonso and
Ruth, join us. But I notice they are sleepy. They will
have to get up the next morning at 5 am to stand in
line for cooking oil. And the women of the farnilies
upstairs all roused each other this rnorning at 6 anð,'
v/ent out to stand in a long line (a "cola"[for chickpn. '
lowed them. During that period it wss almost
impossible to make qppo¡ntments wìth anyoneall the ¡ntellectuals were doing volunteer labor
to help worker resistance. The dÌscipline. . .
unity. , . inventiveness of the workers. . . To
see a factory of 2000 workers with o twentyseven year old monqge4 who completed elementnry school only, resolving problems by telephone, with no documents ìn triplicate qnd no
red tope in general, to see buses requisitioned
by the mosses so that they could go to work is
Jaime appeared somewhat miraculously at our pen-.- ".
sion last week. He is fror¡ the Poblacion Punto Af fç,
a neighborhood of 200 families on the outskirts. They
are having transportation problems. The nearest bus
stop is four miles away. The workers have to walk;
they have made repeated requests to the patrope of
the bus corÌtpany for the buses to stop, without success. 'So they simply seized five of them when the
buses carne down the road. Now the buses are barrir¡
ostirring experience.
caded in the center of the poblacion, guarded by the
women against the "momios who are trying to burn
them at night." Jaime told us he had come for hþþ
but I think part of the reason.was just to share the
But here is a letter to the New York Times wifh
the banner headline November 1972: "WRECKING
C!-llLE TO BUILD MARXlStvl". The wrirer speaks
of a cement plant, Cernento Bio:
Then os inflstion progressed, the government
in April gove its own cement compony a 45%
increose ìn prices, but gove Cemento Bio only
8%. 'Ille knew that wos just onother woy of
moking us sell' soys Mr. Brqlic. . . ln August
while the plant wos shut down for the onnual
...
.
excitement.
I got to know Jaime a little. He was 22, and had corne
to the poblacion from a small village in the south.
Punto Alto is a shanty-town. lt was taken by a "toma"
and is now legal. Jaime lives with a farnily in a "room"
for which
12 WIN
he pays 20 escudos a month.
sÈ
He is from a family of ten and went to work on a
farm when he was eight; and has nc' ii¡rtnal education
as far as I can guess. Yet he seer¡r:. iu know everything,
is the source of voluminous statistics: who owns and
controls what, what is in the Public Sector and what
ñot, the network of distribution, facts, figures. lle
came to the city when he was 14, and then bec;¡me
incorporated into a campimento.
January 5-we are back in Santiago. The weather is
terrible. Politics has heated up consideraþly,'with the
We
Ès
,
'.
January'20 Like most everything else hcrc this troublc
has'been settled peacefully. The ar¡ncd bands of
"momios" did not materialize, or at any ratc thc
off. During the weck, ncgotiations with the governrîent have brought a terrporary schedule of bus service to-the community. And
now the case will go-to cour:t.. lt will be detcrrnincd
what money should be paid the companies, and
whether the "torra",of. buses has becn illegal and if
so, the amount of the fines to'thó peoplc. rAs far as I
can judgd, thís.satisfies evcrybody. {hc poblacion
has made its move and is content to wait.
wórkers frightened them
What a queer kind of national pragmatism and cmpcri'
cism this all is! But is it not really quitc "wcstcrn",
quite "frontier American"? lf it's true that wc havc
our own "contradictions" up herc in N<¡rth America-or rnaybe it's better to call thcm sorrows-thcn pcrhaps
we shol¡ld look to the South. ln thc States wc havc
had our decade of Apocalypse -- the 60's - and ignominiously failed. Now perhaps thc Left ought to be
pulling itself togethcr for the long haul: within the
democratic and libertarian tradition, to takc rcal
power in specific situations. What better teachcrs
could we have than thc four studcnt farm managers
of Los Leoncs, the factory "soccer playcrs", and thc
ENI)
Jairnes of Chilc?
WIN I3
It
t
t
an
dependents. An appeal has been filed.
ln a statement that he made at the
time of sentencing he pointed out that
/
o
"lf
enough Americans had refused to
pay.. .the war could not have hap-
pened."
After the signing of the peacè agreement in Paris he had changed his W-4
back, claiming only his family as dependents. But, because of the continued bombing of Cambodia he has nbw
submitted a new W-4 claiming
7,000,000 dependents, the population
JERSEY SHORE WRL VIGILS While there existed a fair amount
FOR POLITICAL PRISONERS of cynisism regarding rhe effecriveness
Jersey Shore WRL
of our actions the general tone of those
had
i^' r p.^." riiriv Ä lüä!üil,T, l?i"'Íi,:îffiiTíi,iåå,,î11
the same time "on the 28th to mark the
îr
of the 90th {av
tfle
1i¡.c9
"ceasefire," the day by which the.
"question" of political prisoners in
passins-
îå¡
of
#
(with thanks to Ann & Bill Davidon)
ürã¡ng
rhar sriil continuãs because
åi'l-r," ,'ol" in Southeast Asia.
A.TESTS PROMPT UN¡ON
BOYCOTT OF FRANCE
A new dimension of protest against
_M. Franich
AND WATCH OUT
rhieu's FORE!
i'õä LnñD
¡' !v r"¡¡
MiñÈSi"
rLJ'
200,000 civilian political prisoners,
nuclear testing in the atmosphere was
taken by the Australian Council of
Trade Unions, which approved a complete boycott of trade and communications with France starting at midnight,
plisht gf
lo_r¡_qgonlg.of the
and also to mourn those who have'died lncreased guerrilla activity in Northeast Rhodesia has inspired a Salisbury
in the prisons of South Vietnam.
The l'high point" of the vigil was golf club to add two new rules.
noon to 2 p.m. on Saturday, during
The first rule "Allows a stroke to
which time we staged a guerrilla thea- be played again if interrupted by gunter action, consisting of one person fire or a sudden explosion." The secdressed as a Metnamese peasant in
ond requires all golfers to carefully
chains, with another person dressed as examine each green for landmines bea "specter of death" standing over the fore putting.
May 15.
"Direct flights have been canceled
and only letters protesting the tests
and communications between ôanberra and the Australian Embassy in Paris
have been left open," reported one
-Zodiac
first. The "peasant" squatteã in
a cardboard box designed toÏesemble a
pris- THE CORPSES WILL
on cell. During this time we also read WILL BE CLEAN
aloud from Hostages of War.
ñ^^_
newspaper. "Postal workers have been
forbidden by their union to handle
mail to and from France. Technicians
have been ordered to refuse to service
communications equipment in French
government offces and commercial
establishments. Dock workers have
BE
i,[" i itl aaivities? You.b.et it.do.es:
""[ri:rxxfrji;;;iî;;:giçrl,ï:äili'?i;iiä:lh:låi1il;:r'"?
DOD has historicallv consid-
day and u groomy,ãffibä;äi:
ató cottecîed 1s9
gram of profist tã iË"
signiñã;;;;;"b-- ^-^lllt" environmental effec-ts of its
il;;h v;i"#::9-:h"
'*+i!iir::i:':f
y;;!å*:r'"fi
åi:i[ttql"Tri'¿"1ü'"..
ilin*C;;;ö;"¿änce wiih ir'" i.r.ãru,i!;ñä i, Ëping them up to date"wiri."iíüãiiriìr- "
renrty happening and *i;"';i;riì#;portant part of the actiJn ¡?.
up that is now under *;;.'
ib;;h;t
;; i;ä;; :Uli,l;*"
imum effort will be made to incorpor' .
ate environment¿l pollution preventive
in the basic design for wea-
1t:t^Yt9t
pon^svstems'"
*,^11_ont
these lines, the Pentagon has
i.,ill:; ,,
'-""-" ., ü:ii:r'lì:L:îi:iËLlTi,å
designed to drop nuclear weapons any-.
vyhere on earth in case of war.
BRINGING lT BACK HOME
The plane's engines, according to
Recently the community of Fremont, the st¿tement, "will not emit smoke,"
Seattle, held its first street fair. Not to and the aircraft will be "quieter by ap-
be left out WRL Northwest hastened proximately 10 perceived noise levels "
than comparable jets.
to contribute an entry fee, going to
aid the community center and local
"As compared to current military.
food bank, and parked a portableTi- aircraft,the B-1 will have lessofanadger Cage next !o the curh
verse environmental impact," concludes
Various leaflets and literature were the Air Force.
-Environmental Act¡on
distributed and oranges, organic herbs
and books were sold to raise money. WAR TAX RESISTER
l?ifli'"üi,l;;:'; iåt;:'35!;:::,'jÍ,, neÀoöprs LãRïE ÈAMILy
delegation and amnesty were circulated. Philadelphia tax refuser Hen¡y Braun
WRL has used the Tiger Cage down- was sentenced on May 15 to a $500
town at the Westlake Mall, on Univer- fine and three months probation. Last
sity Ave. and it will soon be used on
August he was found guilty of falsifythe University of Washington Campus. ing his W-4 form by claiming too many
14 WtN
-MC
ãgiãär"nt, did little ro resolve the
the South was to have been "resolved."
The vigil was h-eld in an attemp-tto-in-
;:;,"1{:î'.','"Jf
Cambodia.
.
voted to refuse to handle French car,
go.tt
ln a country like the U.S., with its
ultra-conservative labor leadership
concerned only with bread-and-butter
issues, it is difficult to conceive of protest action such as that of Australia's
labor movement on a key social issue.
Meanwhile, on May 21 , Australia's
attorney general, Lionel Murphy appeared at the World Court in the Hague
to request a temporary injunction
against this summer's French tests
pending full hearings on separate cases
filed by fhe Australian and New Zealand governments. He asserted that
all Australia's ínhabitants, including
unborn babies, have radioactive particles in their bodies as a consequence
of fallout from tests conducted by
France in the South Pacific over the
past six years.
ln addition to several private protest vessels,'the New Zealand Navy
frigate Canterbury presently is on its
way to the Myruroa test area. Australia has assigned a naval supply vessel, the Sydney, to refuel the Canterbury. Last year, one private protest
vessel succeeded in entering the prohibited zone.
-J.P.
People's
Bullet¡n
Boord
Frê lf no $ lnvolved but
l¡mlted to 20 words. Othergl every l0 words.
w¡se
!
Non-denomlnational hymns for rel¡gious
sêrvlces, words and muslc, Write PEACE
CREATIVITY, Route 1. Box 4, Tannersville,
N.Y. 1248s
I'm incarcerated here at Soleclad prison, and
would llke to correspond with some people
or persons interested ¡n the peace movement.
I'm 22, a Libra, I'm 5'1L''; and l welgh 175,
whlte mal€, I've been ¡ncarcerated for over
thr€e yèars. I recently ôppl¡ed for parole
and was refused... So it goes.,.Sam R, Kell,
Box-B-36265-North, Soledad, Callf, 93960.
I am an ¡nmate ¡n prison wanting to correspond with any young women. I will ansi
wer all lettèrs that are wr¡tten to me. Prlson
is â very lonely place to be but, ¡f I can be
able to just talk to.someone through the
mail, I feel as though my troubles will be
more llmited and my mind more relaxed.
Ray Harr¡s-626415, P,o. Box 777 , Monroe,
washinston 98272.
THE soctALtsr .l.RteuN¡e is for bu¡tdin9
a non-soclarian soclal¡st movement. The
only rsqu¡rement for jolnlng us is belief in
democracy. Send for a free sample copy.
1012 North 3rd Street; Sulte 317, Milwaukoê, W¡scons¡n 53203.
EDITING, REVISION, REWRITING, frorìî
somebocly who learned the HARD way-at
WlN. Also any k¡nd of carpentry, cabinet-.
making, masonry, adobe construct¡on, roofln9, plastering, dam building, ditch digging,,
hofse training, etc. Super-reasonablê ratos;
ouÍ needs are small, but pressing. Will conslder any job that.doesn't require leavlng the
Southwest, & if necessity dictates and conditlons are salubr¡ous, even some that do.
Wrlte tor Johnson, Somewhere ¡n New Mexlco, c/o wlN,
SCIENCE FICTION-1Oo assorted magaz¡nes
from 1954 to 1971 (malnly Galaxy and Analog) FREE for shlpp¡ng charges and a generous contr¡but¡on to wlN Magaz¡ne. lR,
c/o wlN Magaz¡ne, Box 547, Rifton,
NY 12471.
SANITY-monthly newspaper of the British
Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament. yearly
subscription-$s. t4 Grays lnn Road,
London, WC
I,
England,
A FALL CONFERENCE near Santa Barbara,
Californla. w¡ll explore "Amer¡canity"-the
stato reliqíon of A'merica and how lt affects
ând/or ¡n-h¡bits our revolutionary heritage.
Foy'informatlon contact Humanitas Foundat¡on. the Thomas Mèrton Unity Center,
892'Cam¡no Del Sur, Goleta, CA 93017
Eric Bentley's pol¡t¡cal pieces-from L¡beratlon and other mags-have just b€en reprinted
as paft two of a three-part book THEATRE
OF WAR (Vikins, $12,sO).
OUT-OF-WEDLOCK? lf you were baseborn
or are the mother of an ¡llegal ch¡ld, please
join us, we are th¡nking of planning a conterence. Our consciousness-raising group is
open only to women, but w€ would llke to
be ln touch wlth natural-born men, too.
Cal¡ 212-925-9413 or 2L2-982-o794 or
wrlte: Mother-rlght,
You are invited to part¡c¡pate ¡n the
õeminars lor l;lÍe
21 days June 1O-July 1
An exchange of ideas and experience in the lovely
setting of grass, trees, and sky, that's New Englánd in
the spring and summer.
at the Community for N'ônviolent Act¡on
RFD 1, Box 430
Voluntown, Ct.06384
Phone (203) 376-9970
Hesurco people include:
Stanley Áronowitz
Albert Bigelow
Shepherd Bliss
'J¡m Br¡stol
Jerry Coffin
Ruth Gaç Colby
Tom Davidson
Gil Green \
Rùssell Jöhnson
Jose La Luz
E. James Lieberman
Paul Mayer
Willard Uphaus
Mayer Vishner
Arthur Waskow
lrma
Zigas '
Allan Solomonow
Topicr that will bo di¡cu¡cd includc:
.Amnesty and Draft Repeal
Chile
The Crisis
of U,S.,Capital¡sm
Corporate Power and the M¡litary-lndustr¡al Complex
Drugs, Sex, Rock and Roll: The Cultural Revolut¡on
The lrish Struggle Today
.
Lessons of the Vietnam Wpr
, " Mediòal Aid to a War-Torn Socialist Country
..,.... The Middle East
Nonviolent Rèvolution: IIlusioríbr lrnperái¡ve
APropoe¿l for a New Party
.
The Puertci Rican lndeper¡dence Movement
, rw'r\ì.",. ,. ..{... .. .
Sex and Birth Contro!
Social Responsibility in Engineering
' The Women's Movement'in H¡&dr¡cal Perspective
.
ooncerning when the rs¡ouriþ pcodr
topiø, rcAiruatlon fee,' rÉGorümodrtiou,
phone CfifVA {203} 3tÈq970, or llll out,
bslow: to cNvA. RFD 1, Box 430,
Phon¡-
8O Thompson St.,
aDt 7. NYC, NY 10002 or Mother-risht,
s7 cólumoía st.. apt. 3-C, NYC, NY 10002.
COUNT ER.CULTUR E SPELLI NG
Benjamin Spock
Evan Stark
Wendy Schrivartz
Marj Swann
Amy Swerdlow
Arthúr Kinoy
David McReynolds
Richard McSorley
Ellen C. Mullin
Sidney Peck
Linda Jenness
i
,
Zip-
SAVES
letrz. f¡ts sounds betr, For free description
n wcirdl¡st ryt Progresiv Speling, 4Ol E. 32,
No. t0o2, chicago lL 606r6.
rend me tûa reficdulc ¡nd mhcr informrtion,
for Life,
wtN
15
I
TEE weeklY ma$azine
Tof
the movement!
ìr
i
NÐ=M
*The liveliest ma$a¡ine
on the left"
-The Village Voice
ó
eoch one,yeor sub'
While the supplies loil! Free with
tinpr¡äil iour cho¡ce of either'of ,these three greot
back issues:
DIARY-The diary of Sgt' Bruce
in otction' one of the'most
kitled
arrni,
';;r;;; documents
to come out of.1he vvur'
-i4EblA
-VIETNAM
FBI PAPERs-Z'e comptele collection of the politicot popers stolen from thè::
-
Medio, Pa', FBI
writes
office'
'¡
I
I
-
;
for the frtst time dbout tþe Harrisburg
triol. lim
leading uP
Forest examines the complex events
to the triol'
I enclosed $7 for o one yeor
issue I want'
frèe
which
checked
O.K. alreody!
*0, t'i,
-O.K.,
want ony bocl
.- t'm poor, conservotive isond don't
a
six month sub'
for
Atiit íryr"y. Enclosed $4
Nome
organ¡zers
Quite a heavy turnout is expected so confere¡ce
nìed to know very soon abôut how many are co-ming' The
iðiiit Sja p"r person; for children under 12, $21; and infants under'2 yàars, $6.30. lt is also possible to camp in
ir,"î¡ã¡'"iiv in'which case the cost is only $2'. Past conferso this year's
ences have been very productive and enioyable
quite
something.
should be
Contact: WRL West
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833 Haight St.
San Francisco, Ca. 94'1 17
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Address
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wtN
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Box 547
Rifton
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NY 12471
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Win Magazine Volume 9 Number 16
1973-06-07