Win Magazine Volume 8 Number 3

WI
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pilJnEfDom

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Cfuuonlenw,e

nor-Vols=nt- Frtiollt

fob,ffiLf(
1*fuanflg,lohtrrion

with a demonstration at Hickam A.F.
which wants to overthrow the governBase yestcrday, l-he campaign is expectment and which was planning 1o violently disrupt the rration's capital. I told ed to continue over the next few
months.
her this was nonsense, but she was
-lan Y. Lind
'l
leave.
to
me
forced
furious and

don't want any trouble and the FBI
is trouble,'she explained.' I never did

receive that Mayday mailing from

wRL."

-J.P.

HAWAIIANS PROTEST AIR
WAR
This past week, JanuarY 1'l -13, a
group of peace people took the issues
of tlre air war and the "electronic batt.lefleld" to an international computer
conference being held at the University
of Hawaii. Although a portion of the
conference was devoted to medical ap-

plications of computers, representatives of more than I5 of the toP 100

war conTractors in the country rvcre in
attendance, as well as others from the
various military research laboratories.
It seemed to us to be no accident that
such a cotrferellce was being held here,

Hawali is virtually a military colony
ratlrer than a state. War ls by far the
state's largest industry, and the headouarters of the Pacific Air Forces and
rhc U.S. Army Paci{ic (responsible for
the operations In Southeast Asia) are
both located here.
Building on the theme, "Who is Responsible?", we picketed and leafletted
the participants as they arrived on campus. Possibly the most gratifying remark
heard was uttered by a bewildered computer freak who muttered "looks iust
like Berkeley." Orr the second day, we
set up a peace cellter in a room alongsidc the regular cotrfercnce sessions,
with literature on the electronic battlefield and a tape of the "Winter Soldier'
testimony. We were able to raP with
quite a few computer people, and established a number of good contacts. That
afternoon, a discussion was held on
"War Crimes and Professional Responsibility" which was sparsely attended
but whlch led to the planning of further

as

acti o ns.

A SNOOPY STORY

A belated but interesting storY of
FBI srrooping has been sent us by Steve
Hodes. lt occurred last spring itr Denver
when he was working with a grouP
planning for MaYdaYs in D.C.

"sometime in April, I took a 5-daY
trip out of town and on mY return was
informed by my landlady that the FBI
had visited her," Hodes writes. "They
asked for me and showed her a letter
addressed to me, unpostmarked, from
WRL. They told her that WRL stands
for War Resisters League which they
described as a Communist front group

!

The next daY, a grouP of us attended a regular session being led by a representative from Kentron Hawaii, a
subsidiary of Ling-Temco-Vought and
Hawaii's largest war contractor. About
20 people crotvded into the small room
and attempted to discuss Kentron's role
in the contjnuing war and the military
expansion throughout the Pacific area.
Our presence at the conference received good press, and coincided with
a "Stop the Air War" camPaign being
launched by Liberated Barracks, Hawaii's only Gl organizing effort, and
Catholic Action of Hawaii. Beginning

ARREST OF SAIGON STUDENT LEADER
Huynh Tan Mam, chairman of the
Provisional Representative Body of the
Students of South Vietnam, a grouP
which represents student unions from
all five major universities in South Vietnam, was arrested at 1 i :00 A.M. on
January 5 after he attended a meeting
at the Faculty of Medicine, University
of Saigon. As he left the University
building on the back of a friend's Honda, four men in plain clothes, also on
Hondas, arrested Mam, handcuffed him,
hailed a passing Military Police ieep and
pushed hlm inside. Mam was carried
away in the jeep.
The friend carrying Mam on his
Honda was Dr. NguYen van Lang, former chairman of the League of Catholic Students. Lang was not arrested.
Since October 1971,6.l students in
Saigon have been arrested, but as yet
none have been released or brought to
tri al.

Friends believe that one reason for
Mam's arrest at this time is a statemellt
that he issued on January 2 strongly
opposing American pollcy in lndochina
and calling on his fellow students, coulltrymen, and people around the world
to intensify the struggle against the
Nixon administration's prolongation
and expansion of the war.
Saigon Student Association
(l ndependent)

..TO END
REPRESSION AND
BLOODSHED IN NORTHERN
!RELAND"
This is the heading on a WRI leafleL whose massive

distribution was ini-

tjated in Belfast on New Year's DaY.
"The campaign is not limited to
Great Britain," states WRl. "We would
like to see the leaflet distributed in
every country where our sections and
freternal groups can handle it -- at
places like Thomas Cook Travel Agencies, BOAC, British embassies and cot.tsulates, universities where there may be
Britjsh students, etc."
Asserting that " lt is time [o recognize that there can be no military solution to the problem of Northern lre-

land," the leaflet calls for a 3-point

program: "1. End itrternment and re-

lr

E

c

all political prisoners; 2. Withdraw
British troops; 3. Recognize the right
of all people to self-determinatjon.,'
The leaflet is available from WRL
single copies free, g 1 per 1 00. _t.p.
Iease

MAR' SWANN GETS PEACE
AWARD
Marjorie Swann, characterized in
"ln Woman's Soul," this year,s WRL
peace calendar as ',guiding spirit of New England CNVA, militant protestor against war, conscription and militarism - often taking her witness to
prison," received the League's annual
peace award for 1911. The award was
presented by WRL Chairman lgal Roodenko at the annual dinner December
4 at Greenwich Village Peace Center.
On the page devoted to her in the
calendar, Marj writes: "People ask,

'What have you accomplished?' lt is
A surprise speaker at the dinner was
very difficult sometimes to say what
Lanza del Vasto, a longtime pacifist
you have accomplished in these almost
outstanding in Western Europe, who
ten years (with CNVA), and it is also
happened to be visitlng the U.S. Food
hard to know whether the good things
for the dinner was potluck, supplied
that are happening the greater awareby various WRLers in the New York
ness, the growing peace and freedom
area. The Peace Center walls were
movement, the change in attitudes in
adorned with the Cuban children's art
young people, the increasing outspoken- work which the MONDVIVITANO
ness of a number of Congressmen and
crew brought back from Havana last
of church people and others are in
May in exchange for U.S. children's
any way due to OUR accomplishments,
paintings and drawings. (WlN reador whether they would have happened
ers who would like to exhibit the
in any case. We like to think we have
Cuban children's art work in their comhad a hand in all this, but then we take
munity should contact Peter Kiger at
another look and are appalled at all that wRL.)
-,.P.
has not yet happened - at the threats
to human and other life on earth and we do not know whether to be dis- NOT "HYPOCRITICAL?"
couraged and cvnical or to push ourselves to even greater effort."
On Jan. 7 the Corporation lnforThe latter course is the one chosen
mation Center of the National Council
of Churches made public a report that
by Mari over the years.

HOME FOLKS
marilyn albert
beth arnold
lance belville

diana davies

menlt:

elliot linzer

jackSon maclow

dick margulis

6:

david mcreynolds

jim

leah

igal roodenko

12:

Amnesty

nancy rosen
brian wester
mike wood

14:

Another Veteran for

15:

l-he Venceremos Brigade
Gay Liberation

18:

Lettuce Boycott on Again

20:

School

Daze

24:

You're

d

through nonviolent action

25:

Don't Miss the

box 547
rifton, new york'12471

26:

A

fritz

neil haworth
marty jezer
peter kiger

dorothy lane

STAFF
maris cakars
susan cakars
burton levitsky

peck

tad richards
fred rosen

debbie loewe
mary mayo

linda wood

jim gehres (box 7477, atlanta,

@@@o

CL,W}

ga.

3O3O9)

wayne hayashi (1O2O kuqpohqku
e4., honolulu, hi. 96819j
becky and paul (somewhere in new
mex ico)
alex knopp (3609 barinq, phitadelphia,

pa.19l04)

iohn kuper (24O ketton st., apt, 8,

alston,.mass 02134)
paul obluda (544 natoma, san francisco,
cal 94103)
lana reeves (charleston, west virginia)
ruth dear (5429 s. dorchester, chicago,
ill 60615)
paul encimer (772 w. 3rd. st., duluth,
minn 55806)
seth foldy (2322 etandon dr., ctevetand
heights, ohio 44106)

for

Exiles?

Bastard,

Peace

Mr.

&

Death

peace and freedom

telephone 91 4-339-4585

tN THE PROVINCES

I

Kicking
Methadone, Therapy, or Revolution

ralph di gia
jen elodie

Play

for

Bus

Regional Peace

Action

28:

Poems

29:

Reviews

32:

Letters

WIN is published twice-monthty

except July, Auqust, and January when it is published monthly by ihe wtN Pubtishing Empire with the support oi the

'War Resisters League. Subscrip-

tions are $5.OO per year. Second
class postage paid at New \/ork

N.Y, 10OO1. tndividuat writers
are responsible tor opinions explessed and accuracy of facts
given. Sorry - manuscripts can_
not be returned unless accom_
q self-addressed,
P.a^n@. bY
!la_!mPed envelope. Printed in'
U.S.A., WIN is a member ot
fhe- Und.erqround press Syndicate and Liberation News- Ser-

vlce.

Cover photo: Di.rnc Ghisonc

February 15,1972
Volume

lll,

Number 3

.l

0 Protestant de nominations (plus the
National Council itself) - many of
whom give lip service against the lndochina war specifically and militarism
in general -- have almost 9203 million
investcd in war industry.
Upon questioning, Frank White,
the Center's director, asserted that the
report does NOT imply that the churches are being "hypocritical." Yet it clearly charges that the churches have ignored ethical and moral concerns and,
"instead, like other investors, have
placed themselves in a position of com-

plicity with the irresponsible, immoral
and socially iniurious acts of the corporations represented here. lnstead, the
churches are providing arr important
amount of economic support for the
military-industrial complex and the war
ln Southeast Asia. lnstead, they are assisting in the manufacture and use of
weapons of mass human and environ-

mental destruction."
According to the report, the leading religious investor in war weapons
is the United Methodist Church with
market value investment: totaling $59,
751,899. Second is the United Presbyterian Church with $57,87.1 , 157. Next
comes the Arnerican Baptist Convention with $30,556,37-l and the Protestant Episcopal Church with $29,891,
430

-,.P.

refusal to participate in an occupatiotr
army and to inflict on another people
what has been inflicted on their parents and grandparents.
Letters of supPort and crtntributions would be most welcome, particularly in view of the group's overrvhelnring isolation. For more information contact: Uri Davis, 10 Montrose St. Rox-

bury Mass 02119 andlor Zvi tlavkin,
37 Aluf David Ramat-Chen, RamatGann 52222 lsrael.
-j.P.

Giorah Neuman, one of the four
lsraeli high-school studerrts who have
collectively and publicly declared draft
resistance to the lsraeli army, has been
court martialed iailed for 35 days, relcasecl ancl now faces resentencing. The
Iotrr hased thcir tlra[t resisllncc on

of a severe strtrrn nol thc blast.
At thc tirnc ()f this statcnrent, the
AEC alrc.rrll, lr;rtl .rt'ct'ivr:d an attl()p\)'
reporl frrrnr [)r. Rolrcrl Rauch of llre
Arctic Hcaltlr Rescarch Center in whiclt
he ;rsserled tlr"rt lhe 5-nregaton cxplosion definitell, had killed from 900 to
I 1 00 otlcrs ancl cliscottntctl any possibility tl.r;rt the animals mig,ht have
pcrishcd in tlic storm.
Brrt Dr. R;ruc.h's report was not
madc public urrtil 34 da5,5 ;i11.t the cx'

..AN ASPECT OF HIRING
PRACTICES IN THE MII.ITARY- plosion, at which lirne it was largerly
INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX"
-1.P.
ignored by the news meclia.
Thus a January 7 AP dispatch characterized "the miIitary's close relationship with the delense indusrry" as
spelled-out in the Pentagon's own survey.

BISHOP CHARGES REPRISAL

FOR ANTI.WAR PASTORAL
LETTER

"The survey, compiled for Congress,
identifies 993 officers above the rank of
malor and 108 high-level Pentagon civilian employees who moved into industry jobs (for companies with $ 1 0 million or more of war contracts) in the
three previous fiscal years," says the
AP dispatch.
"Also listed are 232 former industry executives who accepted johs with
the Defense Department during the

same period."

ISRAELI DRAFT RESISTER
FACES RESENTENCING

issuetl a sl;llort: lrt al lhe tinte tlr:rl l8
()ttcrs had [recn filttnil dc.rd ancl that
olhcrs might lrtr nrissini{, [)ut as a resttlt

-1.P.

WHO CARES ABOUT THE
OTHER OTTERS?

ln a phony atlemPt to bclittlc
the environmental impact of the rccordsetting Amchitka nuclear blast, the AEC

Blshop Carroll Dozier in Memphis
draft board of reprisal against his anti-war pastoral letter in reclassifying a local priest 1-A.
The draft board's cancellation of 4-D
exemption lor Father Joseph Umphries,
jr. came less than a week after the
Bishop's pastoral lettcr in which he
strongly opposed the lndochina war
and announced cstahlishrnent of a
draft counseling service. Suddenly, the
board discovered that []ather Umphries,
who is principal of Bishop Byrne Catholic High School, no longer qualified
has accused a local

for 4-D because "the ministry must be
a

full time

vocation."

-r.P.

You don't have to

grow Iong hair and a beard

OP

or ll,ear a peace medallion
to be interrogated
by tBl agents or
a [ederal grand iury.
A surprising new hooklet

tells you why.
Order the revealing new booklet "lt Could
Be You!" at 25d per copy (bulk rater 50
for $10) from:

n"collahoration
c/o Harrisburg Def ense Committee
156 Fifth Avenue
New York City 10010

No

4

Two movement artists: a retrospective showing of the photographs of Bill Wingell and the graphics of Mark
Morris, will be held at Comfort Gallery, Haverford College, March 10 to 27, sponsored by the lnstitute for Nonviolent Conflict Resolution. Works exhibited include a tag distributed by WRL at mass demonstrations, 1969 and
I970.;
1970; Tom Fox Alcatraz, January 1970; Selective Service headquarters, Washington, Mayday 1971;and the cover
of an article reprinted from Armed Forces.lournal by AFSC, 197.1 . The exhibit will include abor-rt 50 photographs
and 150 pieces of artwork. To arrange for a shovring in your locality contact Mark Morris,380E Hamilton Street,
Philadelphia, Pa.

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Early last summer twenty-one sailors and marines I
stationed in San Diego went off to an old ranch house
in the California mountains to spend a weekend listening to records and rapping with twelve officers and
seven chaplains who accompanied them. They were
lunkies, and they were the flrst to participate in a new
program called CREDO (Chaplains Relevance to the
Emerging Drug Order).
As the "drug order" emerges, Navy chaplains aren't
the only ones rushing ip to get a piece of the action.
All over the country clinics, halfway-houses and counseling centers are springlng up. Local governments,
big hospitals, churches, settlement houses - nearly
everyone seems to be moving in on the drug scene.

A Growth !ndustry
Like pollution control, drug prevention has be'
come a growth industry. The same big businesses and
institutions which contributed to the problem in the
first place now race to iontrol new avenues of profits
in the field of prevention. Their "cures," however,
never touch the heart of the problem, for they are
themselves part of it. Drug companies turn out new
miracle drugs to "substitute" for and cure the heroin
habit; police who stood idly by while racketeers
preyed on the poor now use the drug panic to demand police reinforcements to control the poor;

methadone, presumably for the rest of the addict's
life. Defenders of methadone maintenance point out

that no program of complete withdrawal has ever
worked very well, that at least methadone addicts
don't have to steal to support their habits, and that
doses can be regulated so that the patient won't nod
out or get sick. They hope that by providing methadone they can help addicts to function normally, at
home, school, or work.
Scientifi c Evidence Skimpy
Methadone programs have gotten lots

of publicity,
but the scientific evidence backing up their claims of
success is pretty skimpy. ln fact, the latest study (re-

medical empires which could have cared less about
helping poor people solve their addiction problem call
for millions for research and drug prevention centers.
And now President Nixon, announcing that drug
addiction has "assumed the dimensions of a nadgnal
emergency", has asked Congress for $155 million
to support rehabilitation projects. Where is all this
money going? What are these programs all about?
Methadone Treatment
Most of the new government money will be used
to expand what are known as "methadone maintenance" programs. Supporters of this approach hold
that addiction is primarily a physical problem, a sickness that needs to be treated medically. Once someone is hooked on heroin (the reasons this happened
are not inquired into), the chemical make-up of the
body's cells is changed, they argue. A permanent
physiological need is created that can only be satisfied
by a fix, of heroin or of some substitute drug like
methadone.
Methadone was invented by the Germans during
World War ll. (They called it Adolfene, in honor of

ported in Biomedicol News, July,1971 ) showed that
after fourteen months of methadone maintenance
37 out of 40 patients studied were using heroin again,
and of the other three one was using speed and another barbiturates. Even for people who stay "clean"
on methadone, it's proven hdrd to return to the
straight world: in New York City, for instance, the
three largest employers have a firm policy of refusing
to hire methadone patients.
But the problem isn't lust that methadone doesn't
keep iunkies straight. For one thing, what little research has been done on its long-term effects has produced some frightening results: one study suggests

that methadone may be dangerous to blood marrow,
causing severe pain in bones if used too long. Yet
methadone is being distributed all over the country,
to tens of thousands of black and brown people, Gl's
and working-class kids. One scientist doing research on
methadone recalls that heroin was first introduced as
a cure for morphine addiction, before doctors realized
how dangerous the new drug was. The way methadone
is being used today, he said, is "so similar it sends

Hitler.) lts effects are almost the same as heroin's:
both get you high, both tend to require everincreasing doses, and both produce extremely painful symptoms in withdrawal . . . ln fact, the biggest difference
between the two is that methadone is legal.
Many hospitals and clinics use small doses of meth
adone to ease the pain of withdrawal from heroin.
Nearly everyone agrees that such treatment, known
as "methadone withdrawal" or "methadone detoxification", can be very helpful to junkies trying to kick
their habits. The controversy comes over methadone
"maintenance" programs that provide daily doses of

shivers up my back."

Still Strung Out
Methadone maintenance substitutes a legal drug

for an illegal one, but it still leavcs the patient strung
out, still unable to function without a chcmical prop
and sluggish with one. And once you're on methadone maintcnance you're on it for life (unless of
course you go back to iunk). With heroin sprcading
and methadone following, we seem to be on the verge
of a "brave new world" where millions of people live
out their lives on government-supplied drugs. lnstead
'1

of dealing with the real problems that push people to
drugs, methadone maintenance merely tries to return
them to "normal"; that is, to keep them quiet and
under control.
, And in the process it gives the government an incredible degree of power over the addict's life. Patients who have to report to a clinic once or twice a
day can't go very far away, and they can't very well
afford to disobey any orders from their official suppliers. Clinics always reserve the right to screen applicants for methadone and reiect those they don't wish
to maintain; in New York some clinics have refused
to help addicts who wear black liberation pins to the
clinic. Puerto Rican and black people are realizing
that methadone is another weapon of the white power
structure to pacify their communities. As methadone
programs move to white neighborhoods as well, white
people are starting to have the same fears. Larry, a veteran, came back from the Army to find most.of his
old friends on methadone. "Puppets," he called them,
"puppets - that's all they are. Go here on Monday,
there on Tuesday, whatever the government says,

they have to do."
Law and Order
Methadone maintenance, for all its disadvantages,
may be the only humane solution now available for
a few hard-core addicts. But it should only be used be
used as a last resort, after all else has failed. Unfortun-

ately, that's not what's happening: many clinics only
provide methadone maintenance, not even giving the
addict a chance to withdraw. The Federal Sovernment
is spending a fortune to open new methadone maintenance centers all over the country. lt may be a dead
end for junkies, but that doesn't bother Nixon and
his friends. As long as it'll produce a little of their kind

of law and order (where everyone else shuts up and
they run the country), they're for it.
A doctor who heads one of the better withdrawal
clinics in the Boston area summed it up this way: "The
question is, does one want to create this type of soc-

- a society where people come once or twice a
day or whatever to drink their Tang spiked with methadone, after waiting in long lines like robots, dependent not only on the methadone, but dependent and
subservient to the government policy and system that
iety

is supplying the proP?"

v

The "Therapeutic Community"
Next to methadone maintenance, the most widely
discussed technique is the "therapeutic community",
the live-in rehabilitation center. Such communities also
assume that addiction is an individual problem; like
methadone programs they put the emphasis not on the
social conditions that encourage addiction, but on the
weaknesses of the individual addict. But they consider
the psychological aspects of addiction much more fundamental than the physical ones. They too try to return their patients to "normal", but by transforming

their personalities.
ln the therapeutic communities the patients live
together in large communal houses, under the supervision of a director and a staff of trained aides (most
of them ex-lunkies). The residents live under a set of
rules that rigidly enforce the standards of behavior
that people in our society are told to live by. ln most
communities the rules say no drugs, no alcohol, no
physical violence, no homosexuality (in some cases
no heterosexual relationships are allowed either), no
criticism of the program, and no deviation from tradit.ional sex-roles. Men take leadership and do the physical work; women obey the men and serve them by
cooking and sewing. A strict system of punishment
and rewards backs up the rules. Addicts who are
"good" are rewarded with praise from the staff, privileges like free time and the use of a car, and responsibility over other patients; those who behave "negatively" are punished by loss of position and sometimes by having their heads shaved.
Encounter Groups

The key to the whole process is supposed to be the
encounter group. ln these sessions a dozen or so addicts assemble to discuss their experiences and feelings, usually under the leadership of ex-addict staff
members. ln each meeting one individual is singled
out for the rest of the group to question, bait, and
criticize. These "verbal street flghts" go on anywhere
from three to 36 hours, with the staff encouraging addicts to be as honest as possible and as violent (verbally) as they,feel. The goal is to expose the addicts'personality - to shatter the fears, the illusions, the defense
mechanisms, the techniques of manipulating others
and fooling oneself that are part of everyone's psychological make-up. ldeally, the self-awareness this pro-

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cess develops

has clnly 19, scrving a maximum of 3800 patients a
year. More are opening, but with most federal money

Different communities work in different ways,
and every iunkie responds differently. Some of the

going into methadone maintenance, things aren't likely to get very much better soon.
Rehabili tation Picture Bleak
All in all, the rehabilitation picture is bleak. Drug
treatment programs are turning into the biggest hustle
since the war on poverty, and they generally seem to
produce f ust about as little. As we saw in the section

will make it possible for the addict to
cope with life without drugs.
programs rely so heavily on rules and regulations ancl
punishments and rewards that the residents come to
need them; as soon as they go back on the street,
where there is no such discipline, they go back to
smack. lf they do stay straight, it's often because their
community experience has trained them to accept the
same kind of arbitrary authority and cultural strait
jacket that society asks them and all of us to tolerate.
Sometimes it works better than that. The rules and
punishments, strict as they are, may help the ex-iunkies te recover some order and stability in their lives.
Good encounter group,s can help participants to understand how smack serves as an escape from the real
problems and restore their confidence in themselves
and in their ability to function in society.

on addiction in the ghetto, only a handful of'people
have ever been cured of their habits, despite all the

money and publicity some of the programs have received. One New York State Narcotics official whose
agency provides,some"care" for about 11,000 addicts
to the tune of $50 million a year said there have been
"a couple hundred cures." And New York City's Addiction Services Agency, with a $29 million budget

From "Community" to . . . ?
Even when it works, more often than not it doesn't
last. Back on the street, in the middle of a hostile and
competitive society, the ex-iunkie loses the security
and support that the good.community provided. For
black and Puerto Rican kids, it's back to the ghetto,
where there are st.ill no iobs, still no decent housing,
still enough despair to infect all but the most determined, and still smack on every corner. For white kids
too it's getting to be pretty much the same story. They
may have a better chance at a iob, but it's likely to
be so boring and oppressive they'd rather go back to
drugs.

Enormous Expense
ln any case, therapeutic communities can only handle a tiny percentage of the addicts who want treatment. The whole procedure takes years, and the expense is enormous (Synanon, the pioneer therapeutic
community, demands $1000 in cash from each new
resident, thus automatically excluding nearly all black
jnd Puerto Rican junkies, and most whites, too.) Besides most of these programs will only take the iunkies they believe will fit in. Before they are admitted,
applicants are carefully tested and interviewed, their
clothing is judged for neatness, and they are made to
take part in a trial encounter group. After all that,
anyone the staff doesn't like is excluded.
Some new programs are borrowing from the therapeutic community techniques without accepting them
completely. For instance, many methadone withdrawal clinics, such as those now being opened by the VA,
combine medical care with optional "rap groups" (less
intensive versions of the encounter group) under the
leadership of ex-junkies. At their best, the5e programs
can provide a friendly environmcnt in which addicts
can share their feelings, recover their confidence, and
learn that their problems are nol unique.

19'70, claimed

-l967

ot'6t;

,n" other hand, some programs set up to ieal
simply with drugs have found themselves moving
against thc social roots of addictjon. Daytop House,
one of the big therapeutic communities in New York
Cily, was most successful when it began to encourage
its residents to become politically active. When the
rvhite businessmen and professionals who sat orl the
board of trustees fired the director and 60 staff members and insisted that Daytop return to the traditional
inward-looking model for the therapeutic community,
many of the residents returned to the street and to

Such clinics, if combined with good rap groLlps
and necessary services like .iob-training and placement,
are probably the best hope amotrg the official programs. But their effectiveness has not been proven
either. Like every other program, they lurrr their
graduates back out into the street to face the same

society from which they r.reeded to escape into drugs
originally. So far, experience has shown that only a
small percentage of rehabilitated addicts can resist
these pressures for long. ln any case, such decent facilities are few and far between. The VA, for instance,

-79

"cures." They treated 2500 adand 1970. Phoenix House, the
dicts between
largest of the therapeutic communities in the U"S., has
enrolled over 3000 addicts since it opened in 1961,
but fewer than 200 have actually graduated successfully. ln New York City, rvhich boasts the nation's
most intensive treatment programs, it has been estimated that fewer than 3 per cent of those addicted
were receivingony care at all.
Political Groups Fighting Drugs
The only rehabilitation efforts that seem to have
much hope of success are those that try to fight addiction by involving the addict in struggling to change
the society that produced the plague. Political Sroups
in the ghetto have found that fighting scag has to be
one of their highest priorities if they are to have any
chance of winning their liberation. The Block Muslims
have probably the largest and most effective withdrawal program in the country. Community-controlled
clinics in black ghettos, like The Community Thing
in llarlem, have tried to offer black pride and com-'
mitment to the struggle for freedom as alternatives to

in

t0

lunk.
Tlre Best Form of TheraPY
Politically-oriented programs like these don't deny
that the individual junkie needs to change. But they
understand that the best context for these personal
changes, as well as the best hope {'or a long-range solution to the whole problem, is a mass movement
fighting against racism and poverty. After all, many of
the psychological problems that hang up iunkies (and
a lot of other people, too) come down to self-hatred.
We're all told from age one that any of us can succeed
if we try hard enough. The other side of that is that
if you don't succeed, it's your own fault; if you're
trapped, if you're poor, if you can't get a iob, it's because you're a piece of shit. Once you get on that kind
of self-hate trip, self-destruction is the next step, and
that's what junk is all about.

The movement, on the other hand, tries to show
people how the cards are stacked against most of us
from the beginning. lf people are miserable, it's not
because of their failings, but because a few people are
getting rich off of their misery. By providing an alternative explanation and another focus for anger, as well
as collective support and some sense of direction, the
movement can bg the best form of therapy.
More important than helping current addicts, the
movement points toward a solution that can save
others from the plague in the future. Eliminating poverty arrd racism, slums and disease, sexism and exploitation, unemployment and alienation would remove the conditions that encourage addiction in the
first place. Junk won't disappear from this society until these conditions are dealt with by the people they
harm. That will take time, and meanwhile the powerful rnen who profit from the status quo will seek to
bring repression down on every program and movement that threatens them.
China was able to solve its opium problem by starting to build a new society. A revolutiorr for life in
this country will hardly be the same as China's. But
no matter how long it takes, and how hard it seems,
fighting for a better life is the only hope there is.

- from a parnphlet entitled, l'he
Opium Trail: Heroin ond lmperiolism, written collectively by a study group supported by the Committee
of Concerned Asion Stholors. Availoble from them for
25 cents.

'loJ o'oc'

N
Recently Rep. Edward Koch, Dem. NY, put forward a proposal regarding a possible mechanism for
repatriating American war exiles. Being a war exile
living in Canada, I would like to comment on his formula.
What he proposes is that since we have broken US
laws we clearly must be punished; however, because
of the extenuating circumstances of the "great moral,
social, and political transformations" of thq last few
years we shoulrl not be imprisoned because "iail would
only brutalize or break" us. He claims to be taking a
middle path between the extremists of the right and
left by suggestirrg a one or two year alternative service
program in which we could work off our penalties
and prove our loyalty to America. lt would not be a
senseless punislrment, like iail, because the country
could use our idealism in the melioration of social
ills through our public service' Quite erroneously, he

believes that exiles woulcl be quick to iump at the op-

portunity.
What Mr. Koch fails to comprehend is that many
of us would have been quite willing and anxious to'

accept such a proposal five years ago, indeed, many
of us are exiles today precisely because such an alternative was clerried to us in the past. The course of
events cloes not stand still, however, and yesterday's
formulas become the cruel shams of today.
Beginning as early as 1964 we ancl others attempted
to expose the true dimensions of the war, its inhumanity and illegality' Washington's response, of course,
was reprcssion and an unparalleled, purposeful deception of its war policies - past, presellt, and future.

IL

W

The Pentagon Papers, the Calley trial, and the current
case of Lt. Col. Hebert have conclusively proven our
arguments of the past. We acted on our convictions
and were declared "criminals" by our government.
But the lessons of recent history are abundantly clear:
the real lawbreakers have been and are in Washington,
not those of us exiled in Canada, in prisons and stockades, and underground in the States.
We were placed.in a cul-de-sac where, on the one
hand, we would be guilty of breaking international
laws such as the Geneva Accords (1954) and committing crimes against humanity, which My Lai has
,iANE
come to represent, if we obeyed the laws of our land.
On the other hand, if we felt bound by the international treat.ies and the laws of humanity, we would
become transgressors of US laws. To us the "crime"
of not participating in such a war pales beside that
which our government asked us to commit in the
name of democratic citizenship. After the Calley trial
and the Pentagon Papers, it should be clear to all that
we have been honorably vindicated.
Consequently, to state the matter in the terms l\1r'
Koch has drawn is merely to continue the insidious
game of deception in order to conceal the real contours of the war. We know that we are not criminals
in any sense of the word and are confident that a
majority of Americans will feel similarly if the conundrum, which we merely reflect, is presented clearly
and honestly. A great many of us would like to return to the States, but a considerable number of us
will choose to remain in Canada. We left the States
because we did not want to become criminals of the
heart and now feel that a government which has the
stain of lndochina on its conscience has no business
passing judgment on our."crimes" and meting out
punishment, no matter how seemingly tolerant and
liberal it may be dressed up. This is not left rhetoric,

Mr. Koch would like to make people believe; it is
the logical conclusion of a collective act of conscience'
Mr. Koch says he really wants us to be able to
return. lf he is sincere, he will support full amnesty
and repatriation for all draft dodgers and deserters'

as

Senator George McGovern has, at the same time,
declared his support for a general amnesty for draft
dodgers. However, I was quite disappointed that he
did not carry his thinking to its natural conclusion.
People who were forced into the military by the draft
and who have deserted because of their consciable
oblection to the lndochina war have done so for the
very same reasons that have compelled their civilian

Gl{iSoNE

tial environment. He is often not adept at articulating
why he is opposed to further service in the military
nor at weighing the abstract prose and cons of desertion. The deserter is apt to react in what appears to
"t

#e

for
for draft dodgers, on the one hand,

peers to refuse induction into the military. To call
a general amnesty

and to declare that military deserters be judged on an
individual basis, on the other hand, is to confuse what
is at issue

-

conscionble objection to the war. Whe

1947 fruman amnesty was executed on an individual
basis and it was far from being just: 1,523 out of
'l
5,805 draft violators were pardoned as a result of
overly stri ngent criteria.
Deserters are, for the most part, a very different
breed of person from draft dodgers. I emphasize'"for

the most part" because it is important not to contribute to already extant stereotypes. ln the main, deserters tend to be of working class origins, poorly
educated, and inarticulate about the reasons for their
war resistance, whereas draft dodgers tend to be of
middle class backgrounds, well educated, and articulate
about their oblections to the war. Draft dodgers often
are able to win parental support or at least some understanding concerning their resistance, but this is
much less often the case with deserters. Dodgers usually have had the luxuries of education, family connections, and sympathetic professional advice to help them
formulate their thinking before they are confronted
with inductjon. ln contrast, the deserter stands quite
alone in a hostile military environment, the callousness and brutality of which has made him come to
terms with his personal involvement with the military
and the war.
The dodger, then, is able to reflect upon his future
vis-a-vis the military from a relative position of ease.
His decision usually has been an abstract one, based
not upon actual experience but upon indirect know-

ability to deal with abstractions. The
deserter, however, usually has not given very much
prior and precise thought to the military untll he is
first exposed to it. Usually he is not experienced in
dealing with bureaucracies, let alone in a hostile marledge and his

be an ingenuine and poorly considered manner, however, this is more the result of being inarticulate in the
midst of a hopeless situation rather than not being a
genuinely conscionable obiector.
Regarding individual adf udication for the deserter,
the cards are, of course, stacked against him from the
outset. First, he lacks the education which would allow him to present a well considered case. Second,
the military has proved to be quite devious in granting
CO's to its men. lt has treated applicants quite insensitively demanding, among other things, proof that the
applicant's conscientiotis objection had been formed
before induction or before ordered to Vietnam. This
totally disregards the fact that most Gl's did not apply
sooner because the odds were very much against them the mere act of applying often leads to preludicial
treatment in the future - so many gambled that they
would notbe drafted or ordered to S.E. Asia. For
many others, their awareness of the horrors of lndochina was revolutionized by their general military
experience and/or contact with returned veterans.
As Senator McGovern has developed the amnesty
issue now, it smacks of.class politics. Dodgers tend to
be middle class, deserters tend to be working class.
Amnesty seems to be shaping up as a reasonably permissible issue in the liberal fringes, if, that is, this provides a mcans to bring middle class sons back into the
fold. For the most part, it has not been these privileged families who have had to bear the American
agonies of the war - it has been the working class
and non-white families. lf anyone deserves a general

pardon becaus€ of oblection to the wdr, it should be
those who felt it was wrong in their gut but lacked
the ability to convince authorities of their feelings.
lf deserters must be judged individually, they
should be iudged by broadly based Presidentially appointed tribunals (as British CO's were judged in World
Wars I and ll) rather than by local draft boards or
military officials. Local draft boards have not been
qualified or seriously interested in the determination

of CO's; their function has been to fulfill draft quotas.
ln a postwar situation, they will more than likely be
more concerned with justifying past policies than administering lustice. These tribunals should include
people who have been opposed to the war since at
least 1968, for they will be better able to appraise an
individual's sincerity than someone who has consistently supported the war. Also there should be substantial non-white as well as progressive labor representation. Moreover, in the light of the Calley trial,
which exposed the bald inhumanity of the war, and
the publication of the Pentagon papers, which has
clearly delineated Washington's duplicity, there must
be provisions made for selective conscientious obiection America's conduct of this war has been proven
beyond a doubt to have been especially evil and uniust. Selective conscientious objection is extremely
important since the absense of this criterion has forced
many men to defy the draft or to desert, whereas
otherwise many could have qualified as legit.imate CO's.
*f ack Colhoun
t9

Anotlrer Vet

,lrunfor ?caa

Some time ago, an American soldier who had been decorated for bravery in an Asian war decided to return the
medal he had won to the United States government. He sent the following letter to the Secretary of War:

$ir:

After thinking the matter over fbr some time I have de-cided
your Department, having

to send back this trinket to
no further use for such baubles, and enable you to give it to
some one who will appreciate it more than I do.
It speaks to me of faithful service, of duty well done, of
friendships inseparable, friendships cemented by dangers and
hardships and sufferings shared in common in camp and in
the field. But, sir, it also speaks to me of bloodshed - possibly some of it unavoidably innocent - in defence of loved
ones, of homes; homes in many cases but huts of grass, yet
cherished none the less.
It speaks of raids and burnings, of many prisoners taken
and, like vile beasts, thrown in the foulest of prisons. And
for what? For fighting for their homes and loved ones.
It speaks to me of G.O. 100, with all its attendant horrors and cruelties and sufferings; of a country laid waste with
fire and sword; of animals useful to man wantonly killed; of
men, women, and children hunted like wild beasts, and all
this in the name of Liberty, Humanity, and Civilization.
ln short, it speaks to me of War - legalized murder, if
you will - upon a weak and defenceless people. We have not
even the.excuse of self-defence. Yours sincerely, R.R. No. 3
Wm. Buwalda Hudsonville, Michigan

William Buwalda was a lifer; he had served fifteen years in the U.S. Army with an excellent record. lVhat causes
such a change in a man's thinking? Sometimes seeing the realities of war has been enough. ln Buwalda's case, the
realities of peace were more important.
After returning from overseas, he was stationed at the San Francisco Presidio. One evening, out of curiosity, he
attended a large public.meeting to listen to a notorious radical speaker. lmpressed but not converted, Buwalda
sought out the speaker after the meeting and shook hands. He was wearing his Army uniform.
Back at his base, Buwalda was promptly arrested; it turned out that plain-clothes policemen had followed him
from the lecture and reported him to the military authorities. For this "crime," not withstanding his 15 years service, Buwalda was court-martialled, dismissed from the Army, and sentenced to five years imprisonment on Alcatraz island. He had not earlier believed the radical speaker's indictment of American institutions, but his own experiences changed his mind. When asked at the trial what that dangerous radical had done for him which led him
to mix with subversives, he answered:"She has made me think!"
Buwalda's Commanding Officer, a certain General Funston, took a different view of the matter: "The first duty
of an officer or an enlisted man is unquestioned obedience and loyalty to the government, and it makes no difference whether he approves of that government or not." ln the opinion of this patriot, Buwalda's action was "a serious crime equal to treason." However, General Funston did reduce the sentence to three years.
William Buwalda, in fact, spent "only" one year in prison before being pardoned by the President, doubtless
as a result of public agitation against the conviction. He came out a very different man from the "loyal" career soldier he had once been, and soon afterward he wrote the letter which is quoted above. He joined the radical movement whose meeting had led to his arrest, and worked to lead others away from their "duty" of "unquestioned
obedience and loyalty to the government." The Vietnam war - as a small recompense for the misery it has made has given to America many such "traitors."
But William Buwalda did not fight in Vietnam. He helped to "pacify" another Asian people who did not want
the blessings of American rule, a people who lived in the Phillipine lslands. The lecturer who had made him think
was the anarchist Emma Goldntan. And the date of Buwalda's letter to Secretary'of War Dickinson was April 6,
1909.

-John Lamperti fromTHE VERMONT FREEMAN
pt

T'he Vencerernos Brigode, vvhich is about to send its fifth contingent of North Americans to work in Cubon ogriculture, hus lssuetl a policy statentent excludirrg activists from the goy liberation movement from the ronksof
lhe Brigade. Folloivirtg dre excerpts frorn the Brigade policy statement, qs published in its semi-secret internol orgon, "Turquino," urrd a statemetlt wntten in reply to the Brigade by Allen Young, who, visited Cubo twice, in
1969 and 1971, ancl worl
with tlte ga)/ t]tot'ctltett t

-WIN

Tlrrough marry discussions in the past few months,the National Committee of the Vencerenros Brigade (BV) has formulated several conclusions concerning the practice of the gay liberatjon movement. And from these, we have
cleveloped a policy concerning recruitment from the gay movement.
The Cuban people, operring a full discussion on homosexuality, have come
to a certain perspective on its origin and its historical development within Cuba.
Tltey have done so by examining the role of homosexuals within the revolutionary context of the society. The present conclusion of this discussion is
that homosexuality in Cuba isa social pathology left overfrom the decadent
hr;urgcois rrrder.
V/e feel that lrowever else the gay movement may be progressing in other
aspects of its practice tvithin the US, we believe that the path it has generally
IE

taken regarding Cuba (generally anti-Cuban) is dangerous and incorrect - and
must be corrected if the gay movement is to move in a consistently anti- imper'
ialist direction.
Generally, the past activities of the gay North Americans have been destructive. A list of specific activities would include "re-educating the Cubans" (assuming that the situation in Cuba must be thesame as that of the US), outright attacks and denunciaticns on the Cuban Revolution, "boycotts", remain'
ing silent and allowing incorrect tendencies to flourish unchallenged, etc.
* ln general, homosexuals in Cuba have not participated in the revolutionary
process. They have existed side by side with the Revolution, and are essentially
parasites in the revolution. (lt nlust be noted that there are a few exceptions;
however, here we are not concertred with individuals and individual actions,
but with groups and group actions.) This has been the reality of homosexuals
in Cuba; and it is on this basis that their conclusion rest. (This basis has nothing to do with the policy demanding all brigadistas to strive to be consistent
anti-imperialiSts, both in tlreory and in practice, in words and in action. Cultural imperialist activity is not and will not be tolerated on the BV. Clearly,
this is the only logical polition that an anti-imperialist proiect can take.)
These actjvities are particularly dangerous at this time because they ioin a
cultural imperialist offensive against the Cuban Revolution carried out be US
imperialism in an attempt to discredit the Revolution and alienate North Americans

from it.

Secondly, thc above nranifestations tend to distort the gay movement's
perspective on Cuba's position on homosexuality in Cuba. This reaches such
absurdities as feeling that the Cuban Revolution is "witch-hunting" for homosexuats so as to oppress them because of their homosexuality in Cuba.
ln light of this tendency, a high degree of political conciousness is required
in order to prevent these distortions from getting out of hand.
Some gay Northamericans have said that we are asking them to go "back
in the closet." This is a clear example of a distortion of the BV policy demanding all brigadistas to strive to be consistent anti-imperialists, both in theory
and in practice, in words and in action. Cultr-rral imperialistactivity is notand
will not be tolerated on the BV. Clearly, this is the only logical position that
an anti-imperialist proiect can take.

THE POLICY OF THE BRIGADA VENCEREMOS

-[he

Venceremos Brigade and Gay Libera-

tion: Notes on Oppression, Solidarity and
Bureacracy
The National Committee of the Venceremos
Brigade has written a document entitled, "Policy
for Recruitment for the Fifth Venceremos Brigade Specifically Concerning the Gay Liberation Movement." lt is not possible in a short space to respond
to the entire analysis put forth by the Brigade. I believe that most people readlng their,document will
dismiss it out of hand for its arrogance and its paternalism.
Apparently these people, so turned on by their
meetings with Cuban diplomats and their secret sessions with local brigade oi"ganizers, have lost sight
of what is happening to literally millions of Americans in rebellion against the U.S. government. The
fact that so many people have moved beyond the
tired rhetoric of the traditional Left - especially
those reached by women's liberation and gay liberation - is upsetting to the Brigade committee. Just
like the bourgeois psychologists who analyzed SDS
in pathological terms, the Brigade mocks us for our
"small grotrp mentality" and "bizarre experimentations with 'new life-styles!" Their "anti-imperialism" is defined in such a narrow way that they are
the arbiters of what is or is not anti-imperialist.
The ruling elite of the United States, through
several of its institutions (education, organized religion, the military, the family, psychiatry, etc.),
is clearly opposed to gay liberation. I know I am
engaged in a mean,ingful struggle against that ruling elite. lf the only way I can be "anti-imperialist"
is to blindly support an anti-gay government (that
of Cuba) - and I am gay - then we have reached
new levels of absurdity. Such an "anti-imperialism"
has oppressive ideas built into it; it isn't worth
much to those of us who are committed to ideas
like equality and justice.
The people running the Venceremos Brigade
say a lot about solidarity with Cuba. Their view
of the world fails to take into consideration the

1. Since there has been no fundamental basis of support in the gay liberation movement for tlre Cuban Revolution;and since the BV stands for firm
solidarity with the Cuban Revolution as its primary obiective; we do not see
any purpose in recruiting from any movement which at this time does not openly share that oblective.
many leveis of oppression, however. As lor me and
2. As there are sorne gay North Americans who do share that obiective,
other gay revolutionaries, our actions on the Cuban
we will require of therrr a much higher degree of political conciousness. This
question go beyond concern with U.S. militarism
ip because of several factors. The BV involves activity within the Cuban setting.
(and we are concerned) to solidarity with Cuban
.As guests of the Cuban Revolution, we mt,st also realize that internal questions
people, who experience very specific and paingay
concerning Cuba's developntent can only be answered by the Cuban people;
l'ul oppression in Cuba.
answers cannot be irnposed frotn the outside. Only the Cuban people have all
lhe National Committee of the Venceremos
of the essential elements to analyze and solve their problems correctly. North
Brigade charges that our actions in solidarity with
Americans, who are usually divorced from a historical understatrding of Cuba,
Cuban gay people aid U.S. imperialism. Our reshave a tendency to totally distort the Cuban Revolution, e.8., the question con'
ponse to that is simple enough: the Brigade's incerning Cuban homosexuals.
to speak out agairrst the oppressiorr of gay
ability
ttshould be clear that the BV is not pretending to analyze the potential or
people irr Cuba, its fawning servile relationship to the
validity of the gay liberation movement. The potential or validity of any sector
anti-gay, male-supremacist Cuban Communist Parin the US movement will be determined by their practice within the context
ty, is typical of the way that "revolutionaries" in
of the anti-imperialist struggle carried out inside the US.
the U.S. prevent the unity of oppressed people,
We recognize that progressive people in the gay liberation movement are
and this urrity is.vital to the defeat of imperialism.
struggling to overcome the tende rrcies nretrtioned above. As it becomes clear
The Brigade asserts that the Cuban people have
from their efforts that a stronghold of support for the Cuban Revolution exist,
opened "a full discussion ot.t homosexuality." This
both in theory ancl practice, irr the broad base of the gay movement (as it does
is pure bullshit. There has been no full discussion,
in other progressive sectors in the moventent in the US), the BV will respond
in terms of repression That is, how to get
except
to that revolutionary direction.
rid of homosexuals. Cuban gay people have not been
The National Committee of the Venceremos BriSade
I

-*--=;_=--::1o participate irr tlrcsc discr'tssiotts' litc cott
allowcd

clusions of thc Cutrarr Lottttltunist Party about lroi'rroscxuality arc b.tsctl 1)n lllisilllorlluttiort atlti ot-l
.i political analysis of ltotttrtscxualiLy irrlllortetl {tortt

r

at""lo tll,xe acceptable to

us than are antl-

tlack attitudes among the nrajority of white work
crs in lhe U.S.
The Venceremos Brigade llas beconre an author-

tlie Soviet Urliorr (arrotlrcr sc.rt of e tnltirtr lct's
f,icc it.) lf Cubarr ltotrtrtsexu:tls f ccl alielltcd {rotrr
"ttre revolut.it>rr," it is becausc tite revolulir-rtl er(-trtr'rtt
cluclcs thcnr. ln .rny casc, nlatly r-lf those
lr.lvc
pcoplc
tsrigacle
tlrc
rvlrich
postcrs attcl ttrovies
tlrilrc
gays
l
Cubarr
by
rrraclc
beett
havc
s,., nruch
g.rde pcoplc lic wlte rr they call Cubarr gays "parasiles";tlresc Brigade per-rple clo tlot evett kttolv any

itarian bureaucracy. It has allowed itself to become
totally subservient to the Cubarl Cornmunist Party
and is actively working agairrst the interests of revnatiorr
oluticlnary unity in the U.S. Throughout the
b ri g
tlre
tr
rr
o
ian t<-ancl-ir e an ti-i m perial ists worki
im
to
will,
their
against
gacle are beirrg compelled,
"pt.r.nt
elitist
arrti-gay
reactionary
brigade's
the
policies. When are tlrose peoplc, and other revolu-

Cubarr gaY PrcoPle .
t he Brigacle ridiculcs sr-tclt "absurdities as feclirlg
that the Cu-barr revc,lutiorr is'witclr-huntirrg' for
homosexuals so as to oppress tllern because of their
homosexuality." Such witch-hunting is a day-to-day
fact for thousands of g.ry Cubans, wlto, by law, are
prohibited from any positions lvhich irrvolve contact with your.rg people, or which involve the "pres-

lutionaries, going to begin to speak out agairrst the
Brigade? The issue is not only the oppressir-rn of
gay people. ln a more subtle way, the Brigade is
attempting to eliminate fror.n its ranks womett
whose priority is feminisnr arrd black people whose
ideas can be described as "cultural nationalism"
(which, in fact, means women ;rnd blacks who ask
embarrassing questions of the Cubans). Then there
is the broader questioll of bureaucracy, wl.rich is
a form of dictatorship. lf people in the U'S' nlovement permit a bureaucracy such as thc Brigadc to
function with revolutionary crederrtials at this tirre,
rrrrre
bule.rucrlcy ('L
t(' r'urL(Iurrdrv
responcl to
Lllcy IU5pullu
will they
now
how wlll
'rt 'rr,
'llly tinlc
in the future? Bureacracy is a form ol.authoritariln
rule which has been ,r.j Uy so-callecl socialists withl
incredible success in the Srlviet Urrion and Eastern
Europe. Will such a bureaucracy emcrge to rule us
in the U.S when tlte Nixorrs and Nlitchells arrcl I
Muskies have beetr destroyed by tlre wrath of tlre
oppressed people? I know ttrat suclt a bureaucracy
will be anti-gay. I know it will opprcss mc in othcr
ways bccause its members will obtain clitist privilcges an by another name. I wallt l1o part of it' Wlrat about
you ?
-Allerr Young

that
!ige" of tlte revolution. ln fact, this means
(or
teachers
as
working
1'rom
kept
are
hJn.tor"rrul,
from any position irl tl're Nlinistry of Education),
from arry position in the Cuban Comnrunist Party
or the Young Commutrist Ut'tiotl, fronr any diplopolicy
matic post, fronr the ntedical field, etc' The
clo.snjt work 100% efflcierrtly, of ctlurse, and the
errforcement of the policy is nrlt always possible'

)

fle6pie

For example, the recerlt declaration of the Congress
on Eclucation atrd Culture suggests that homosexgals no longer be permitted in cultural institutions,
6ut the nrany knowtr horrtose xuals itl the theatre,
dance, art and cinenta remairt there for the time

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selves and those associated with them, so I sometinlcs
arn superstitiously afraid to belong to the sanle tribc
and walk the same ground as our statesmell.
But no. Men have a riglrt to be crazy, stupid, and
arrogant. lt's our special thing. Our rnistake is to artn
arrybody with collective power. Anarchy is tlre otrly

sofe polity.

Many anarchist philosophers start from a lust for
freedom. Where freedom is a metaphysical concept
or a moral inrperatiVe, it leaves me cold - I cannot
think in abstractions. But rnost often the freedorn of
anarchists is a deep animal cry or a religious plea like
the hymn of the prisoners in Fidelio. They feel themselves imprisoned, existentially by the nature of things
or by God; or because they have seen or suffered too
much economic slavery; or they have been deprived
of their liberties; or internally colonized by imperialists. lb become hunran they must shake off restraint.
Since, by and large, my experience is roomy
enough for me, I do not lust for freedom, any more
than I want to "expand consciousness." I might feel
differ-ently, however, if I were subjected to literary
censorship, like Solzhenitzen. My usual gripe has been
not that I am imprisoned but that I am in exile or
was born on the wrorrg planet; recently.that I am bedridden. Mf real trouble is tlrat the world is impractical
for me, and I understand that nry stupidity and cowarclice make it even less practical than it could be.
To be sure, there ore outrages that take me by the
throat, like anybody else, and I lust to be free of
them, lnsults to humanity and the beauty of the world
that keep me indignant. An atmosphgre of lies, triviality, and vulgarity that suddenly ntakes me sick.
The powers-that-be do not know the meaning of mag-

ninimity, and often they are simply officious and
spiteful;as Malatesta used to say, you iust try to do
your thing and they prevent you, and then you are
to blame for the flght that ensues' Worst of all, the
earth-destroying actions of power make it clear that
in ancient tragemen comarrogant
how
read
we
dies and histories
mitted sacrilege and brought down doom on themthose people are demented; and as

It is a common misconception that anarchists believe that "lruman trature is good" and so rnerl can be
trustecl to rule themselves. ln fact we terld to take the
pessimistic view; people are not to be trusted, so prevent the concentration of power. Men in authority are
especially likely to be stupid because they are out ot
touch with concrete finite experience and instead keep
interfering with other people's initiative and rnaking
them stupid and anxious. And imagine being deified
like Mao-tse-tung or Kim ll Sung, what that must clo
to a man's character. Or habitually thinking about the

'

unthinkable, like the masters of the Pentagon.
To me, the chief prirrciple of anarchism is not free^
dom but autonomy. Since to initiate, and do it my
way, anci be an artist with concrete matter, is the kind
of experience I like, I am restive about being given
orders by external authorities, who don't concretely
know the problem or the available means. Mostly,
behavior is more graceful, forceful, and discriminating
without the intervention of top-down authorities,
whether state, collective, democracy, corporate hureaucracy, prison wardens, deans, pre-arranged curricula, or central planning. These may be necessary in
certain emergencies, but it is at a cost to vitality. This
is an empirical proposition in social psychology and
I think the evidence is heavily in its favor. By and
large, the use of power to do a lob is inefficient ill the
fairly short run. Extrinsic power inhibits intrinsic
function. As Aristotle said, "Soul is self-moving."

ln his recent book on Freedom and Dignity, B.F.
Skinner holds that these are defensive' prejudices that
interfere with the operant conditioning of people
toward their desired goals of happiness and harmony.

(lt

is odcl these days

to read a cracker-barrel restate-

ment of Bentham's utilitarianism.) He misses the point.

What is objectionable about operant conditioning is
not that it violates freedom but that the consequent
behavior is graceless and low-grade as well as labile
it is not assimilated as second nature. He is so
impressed by the fact that an animal's behavior can
be shaped at all to perform according to the trainer's
goal, that he does not compare the performance with
the inventive, flexible, and maturing behavior of the
animal initiating and responding in its natural field.
And incidentally, dignity is not a specifically human
preiudice, as he thinks, but the ordinary bearing of
any animal, angrily defended when organic integrity
or own space is insulted.
To lust for freedom is certainly a motive of political change stronger than autonomy. (l doubt that it
is as stubborn, howeve;. People who do their fob their
own way can usually find other means than revolt to
keep doing it, including plenty of passive resistance to
interference.) To make an anarchist revolution, Bakunin wanted, in his early period, to rely precisely on the
outcast, del inquents, prostitutes, convi cts, d isplaced
peasants, lumpen proletarians, those who had nothing
to lose, not even their chains, but who felt oppressed.
There were enough troops of this kind in the grim heyday of industrialism and urbanization. But naturally,
people who have nothing are hard to organize and consolidate for a long effort, and they are easily seduced
by a fascist who can offer guns, revenge, and a moment's flush of power.
The pathos of oppressed people lusting for freedom is that, if they break free, they don't know what
to do. Not having been autonomous, they do not know
how to go about it, and before they learn it is usually
too late. New managers have taken over, who may or
may not be benevolent and imbued with the revolution, bu[ who have never been in a hurry to abdicate.

The oppressed hope for too much from the New
Society, instead of being stubbornly vigilant to do
their own things. The only achieved liberation move-

ment that I can thirrk of was the American revolution,
made Iargely by artisans, farmers, merchants, and professionals who had going concerns to begin with,
wanted to get rid of interference, and afterwards enjoyed a prosperous quasi-anarchy for nearly thirty
years
- nobody cared much about the new
government. They were protected by three thousand
miles of ocean. The Catalonian revolution during the
Spanish Civil War could have gone well, for the same
reasons, but the fascists and communists did them in.
Anarchy requires competence and self-confidence,
the sentiment that the world is for one. lt does not
thrive among the exploited, oppressed, and colonized.
Thus, unfortunately, it lacks a powerful drive toward
revolutionary change. Yet in the affluent liberal societies of Europe and America there is a hopeful possibility of the following kind: Fairly autonomous people, among the middle class, the young, craftsmen,
and professionals, cannot help but see that they cannot contjnue so in the present institutions. They cannot do honest and useful work or practice a profession
nobly; arts and sciences are corrupted; modest enterprise must be blown out of all proportion to survive;
the young cannot find vocations; it is hard to raise
children; talent is strangled by credentials; the natural
environment is being destroyed; health is imperilled;
community life is inane; neighborhoods are ugly and
unsafe; public services do not work; taxes are squandered
on war, schoolteachers, and politicians. Then they
may make changes, to extend the areas of freedom
from encroachment. Such changes might be piecemeal
and not dramatic, but they must be fundamental; for
many of the present institu.tions cannot be recast and
the tendency of the system as a whole is disastrous.
I like the Marxist term "withering away of the State,,,

but it must begin now, not afterwards; and the goal
is not a New Society, but a tolerable society in which

life can go on.

-Paul Goodman

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the Superintendent admonished students to remember
the etiquette of studentship, and informed the faculty that outside agitators "would be dealt with." Lacking a sense of community or cooperative problem solving experietrce the schr-,ol jerked jn spasms toward its

Of the 720 school days I worked as a teacher at
Cubberly High School in Palo Alto, I experienced three
wonderful days. This is the story about one of those
occasions. To tlre school administration this day became knr-rwn as the "bus episocle." For students it was
recalled with pleasure as "the day of long march."
It was February. That in itself is a sign for concern.
l3y this time in the school year the kids and the faculty know that school is a failure. Everyone has tried
lrard, but once again rnust face defeat. During this
particular fall we not only knew of our failings, but
someone was openly denouncing our reason for exisIcilcc.
lwerrty-three transfer students chosen as "guests"
in this "host" school did not know the code of silence
practiced in Middle Class Arnerica" When the faculty
relused to heaf their grievance about ability grouping,

demise. Anger and ineptness had spread in every direction and infected every student and faculty member.
There is no miracle before a disaster, only circumstance. Like the silence before a great storm, the
school suddenly calmed. Word circulated that Friday
would be a bad day. Everyone seerned to seek their
own solace and shelte r.
ln order to escape this depression I found myself
accepting an invitation from a former student to preview a student presentatiott in another high school
located across the city. Ttie rehearsal was much more
than the plodding play or musical I had expected to
witness. Hundreds of students were involved in manipulating the lights and proiectors that poured light
and movement in a multitude c.,f directions. Several
rock bands, a full orchestra arrd a chorus of dancers
carefully wove their magic around a theme of love.

English tcxts, and harrassment from counselors, the

transfer students initiated the war of the flea. At first
it appeared as though the school was simply .falling
apart. Toilets stopped working. Registers and roll
sheeta mysteriously vanished. A film proiector would
fall apart. Frosted lvindows bloomed epigrams. Doors
refused to open. By the middle of February the school
lavatories had become liberation zones. A continual
drum beat echoed through the halls. Fires broke out
daily in corridor trash cans and flghts errupted.
l'he administration response to these events ranged
from an "open door policy" to the eventual "closed
door session" with the local police. ln special meetings,

My God! itwastheir production!
I returned to Cubberley High School the next
morning not in a state of despair, but with a simple
plan for survival. I would take all my classes over to
this experience - if possible I would invite the entire
.l
Cubberly student population of 400 students to
come along. The directors and participants were
thrilled by the possibility of entertaining and rapping

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with students from our school; the only barrier existed rn getting permission from the Cubberly adminis_
tratjon. Upon explaining this plan to the principal he
turned, as expected, to the phone and inquired about
the availability of school buses. Hanging up the phone
he apologized for the lack of school transportatjon.
Basking in do-goodiness, he acknowledged the value

of the trip to the small group of students and faculty
that had accompanied me in this endeavour. He concluded his address with his traditional lf Statement:
"lf we only had the transportation. . .,, Before he completed his apology several students proudly pulled
back the window curtain to show the three bright
red buses they had rented for the day.

ln the midst of morning announcements, pledges,
and warnings, the principal reluctantly issued another
lf Statement: "Any student with clearance from his
teacher may attend the theatrical presentation sponsored by the Social Studies department.,, School
started that Friday morning not in anger, but in con_

fusion:
How do I get o poss? Write it on o bog.
The English department won,t release anyone!
Fuck the English deportment!
Where are the buses?
Let's go!!

By the first bell students were busily finding friends
and rushing toward the three red buses. police stationed on campus to prevent fights were stunned by
the fleeting blurs and excited gyrations. The feeling
of liberat.ion was epidemic:
/)

llho 's doing this? lle ore!
Let's go!
Within minutes the buses were packed. people
jammed four into a seat and then overflowed into
the aisles. Counselors left their offices for the first
time in the year to drive kids across town. One Social
Studies class marched in unison out of their classroom,
through the campus-and out into the neighborhood.
As the first bus departed the school loud speaker
deplored "lf any students wish to attend the play on
(does this play even have a name?), please assemble
in the cafetorium where rides will be provided.,,
lUhot's happening?
Those red buses ore ours. Ours? Ours!

Like an army we descended on the crosstown
student directors and players. Arriving in continual
waves, the three buses and several faculty autos became engaged in a regular round trip service. Most
students walked across the city, some hitched, others
rode bikes. On this bright, crisp day we tasted the ii-

lusive pleasure ol being.
There's o place to sit over there.
Don't worry, we won't stort the show itntil every_
one is reody.
ls this your show? Yes, it's ours. Beoutiful
Once the show started it never ended. lt was a
celebration in which everyone participated. What in
the morning had been unusual was now accepted as

normal and necessary. Sitting on the floor of a re_
turning bus, crunched between layers of bodies, I felt
that glorious glow and murmur of contentment. We
had done something together. At last, we had done
something together.
fones

-Ron

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l,*^,.*.,I*P*[9,*"r^*q]*[].,rrq,.g*$,^.;;:;;-*
sometimes
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were largely formless and my self

that a friend introduced me

iimpl., direct,

unJ ror.tir., ruging tiit.ments. No one else has writienquite
like Patchen. He could ,ug.,.ou'id

.ti.

confusion
to the work of Kenneth patchen. The
year was 1949 andthe two of us were
students at UCLA ancl, like almost all

propt

,,The Character of Love Seen as a
Search for the Lost" and through that
door I walked into a very ip".lif world.
I became an anarchist without knowing
Patchen was one) without knowing the
role he had played ten years earlier as
one who had helped strengthen war resistance in that trara tme."(i [no* it is

poemr'themrelu.s. o-ne I recall: "l
DON'T-WANT TO STARTLE YOU

*..p, iouiJ write the genllest of love
poetry.
po.rr. The titles of hii poems were
students, were trying to write
My friend once copiecl out patchen's bften as brutal or as genile as the
but theyare going to Lill rnott of

anoth;'.9

NiV O"urf ing

us",

fro,Ultt Utul

ven with Her Lovelineis".
I have his ''The Selected Poems" in
rrontor r. now and it i, r,uraio *tit.

;itho;l ti,i"g,

not to

"na-y1ard

want

don't have the exact date of his death'

lf the critics scorned Patchen (the
obit was a long one, more covTimes
erage th,an I can recall his ever having
gotten.from the Book Review during
[it lif.;, he had a large and faithful

undergiound fol[owing' lf the anthologists rated him as a minor poet, many
oi us rated him with Dvlan Thomas'
e.e. cummitrss, Allen Ginsberg' Patchen'
was' above all else' the poet ol the
radicals' of the resisters' lt is painful'
as one gets olrJer' to find oneself writing "memorials" to people' and I close
by copying in full:

:lJfl,llB:,..?.-iy#i:$:il*iil.1T:?,:::ffiil::i.;:lff#il"3l:i:'?fl:I
(
,i"pp.li.f r,ing the ftag, eitchen wtro "What ls the Beautiful" which reminds l--/

.,myth of the State" as us of the .riti"g .Jg. of social change,
demolished the
w.here we are' Let me
;;; ;;.;;;isalvation. I may not be a that thin aedge
t rr I t;;;li ..iiuintv take lust f6w lines:
g""i"-.ir,iit,
'h;;; t.;; a different kind of Marxist The norrowing line'
tratkins on the burnins
withour

patchen).

srounct'

Years later, traveling across countrY The ledges of stone.
on a speaking t-our, a young.resistance Owffisi wading neqr the horizon.
worker in Oklahoma handed me a copy lJnrest in'the outer districts.
olone of Patchen's books and I realized
Pguse'
r,. *ut ierving still as an inner light for
yet another ginerat.ion. For many years And begin ogain'

\--/

-

t FEEL

DRUNK

ALL THE TIME

E;:;r';r?;!i'::il!,t

apptes

it

is a

pretty

W{rili
You're a bastard Mr' Deqth
And I wish you didn't have no lookin here'

with A narrow line'
- statement,
t c1o1-'1,know how the rest of you
parchen's
W;k;;g ,i lie beautiful ground.
brief
me now reet,
A ledge of fire' .
one with which I have closed many
But I feel drunk all the time
is - like scriDture,
was
Patch-en
speeches:
with double meanings to be.found'.,,
this is a man
And I wish to hell we didn't have
^"lo
What was clear on first reading-i::ll^^
he is o poor creqture
ai..
yo,,i,,inottokillhimclearonthesecond,butonefindssome
His
new'
something
you're
a merry bastard Mr' Death
O
thing one missed,
this is o man
you dicln't have no hond
Smith's.singing'
like'Bessie
poems
were
t
wisn
lid
q
he hos horcl time
New
the
to
game
in this
And now, according
ipii tn, earth,
York !'imes, he is dead at.the age of
you orc not to kill him
Because it's too damn beautiful for
Ue'tiin a
Kenneth Patchen was not popular OO, of'u 1,llrt atlack,t"auing
anybody to dia
*iny ytats'
with the critics -- probably because his Miriam, hi, lou. ou.l th. notice, it
1e46 bv Kenneth Patchen)
(copvriqht
obituary
I didn'f keep the
poetry was so compr.1,*ilUf. lf.'u, it
i

have

carriei with

me

I

have

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-[|t-,,] Yffil*i3ff*i::*ffi:::,
^r*
-.;.l#*::,:JJJ::I#i,iiii,^Wtft6..I("1[".T,,[.,H9?;xK::fi?x'..li[l:
uil

rHEELF

was this monster contraption

qsra

W. l( I (

that

3tt-

-l

\tq- (

'--Y

J:)-

duoul so drrlolprrous a tnlng

as aller-

;ii;:llf ::li"; fi:d',',i: :".il;'fi,,
"o"lffil:;' KuffiV' biil ll,,,,,,J
t\t$y
.?

F,

I
l

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t

rooked something
school bus except it war
(' qf\\tu\
and blue and yellow and hal this gigan("
ying/yang
tic
uLrlIl8,/Idrl8,5y[lo0lonIIanopeople,,.->.-..\*-_.._'..,._..-_':.
symbol on ir and p*pt"
, "/ ;
bustling all around it, and wow it
"
|INE a L4r
like
cirnivalonly
rrrvdl urlly lL
it wasn'r."
w4)ll L. lL
lr wd.5
. Ir\\\- t_
,
,^ Liberatjon.
r
thc f.L.F. bus. Education.
ttftty (r
/\;

in a tew.days or even a few weeks. Occasio.nally, particularly in college comask questions about

-1
was
-JJ - 1 Suni!e.s,.99ople
I
this."should" be, or how that
was . fldttU, .,
)
"should" be done, and then l-hey
l-hev ac:k^--+;^^ '/\ - Yr,,.'y'ttLv'- ) J/ lg*
?

/lffi((1. ,:

Front.

_

\

cept our answers as a new gospel sent

from Berkeley. Part of the essence of

(, il*;'L^:- , y ir'#/li !4.iili;:il i;Ij ?:J:t:,:::::;
see.it, is that people are discovering
;i;;; i;0^ \f y,*Y. ,.,,,:.-"j&s>ffii'tt(g
'
and reiec.ting lead"lN)Dstudents,) members .r rlt. il.i. er.
\;1|tu -SffiY..oy ll-ti: "*,1 :houlds"
as inherent-

.,J,m;i';*T;:'J

i"il,'.1?,1i,"

D.c. with an enrolmen;

*-ii''*i;

corective, in conjunctio"
students and area movement
stuoents

and

Wq$su,'
v

li':]lilli::'jllT:,:,1c.,
ly dangerous. So, the dilemma was

*^.,;^^ on
^^ +^
of
^r moving
to +L^
the --^r^smaller, poorer who

are we to travel around trying to

thousand pamphlets on topics ranging
If you dig the ideaof a traveling 'G;J;;lly, we evolved a style rhat
from those covered in The Birth con- research center, would like to work"wittr
trol Handbook to those in Vocations it in any way, or would like ir ro come d;r;;:;.lved rhis dilemma. lnstead.
;i;;r;;;g
workshops on alrernaFor Social change; ran ten or more and spend sometime in your
area, at
dve educatjon, communes, women,s
video tapes on everything from drugs v.,u. school or communitv,
..rir.*
to women and prisons, with and with rrr. E.l.r. Br,is, Box 6425,washington, ffi;r.rr';.., as we initially did in
i.*u],'i".Jo.n, more time with indivi- .
out bars; played a whole bunch of tapes p.g. 20009.
-David Mariuse ar.rr l"J"i, aryzingmeetings between
from eye witness accounts of Attica
individuals or groups that otherwise
THE w.R.L. BUs
to songs of liberation; showed seven
_
would
not have taken the time to get
For
the
last
three
months,
I
have
movies including r..r"*rr.brritr.i uv,

about, and for women, CrUun fii.(t on
Ho Chi Minh, Americ", D;;*;;;;r;
Films on,,Tommy trr. rlr.i"il: ."j
- invited over 750 students to pur,
through the bus and discover sources
of information on possible alternatives
to existing institutions and the ou., uti
system those institutions serve. A lot of
siudents accepted the offer. The
morning the E.L.F. bus hit Trinity
campus a handful of students knew
what it was, by the end of the day 2
handful of students didn't. But, most
importantly, the bus had brought to-

been traveling through the

southern

together'

Supportthe

Because we are a group of people
states on the WRL Peace Bus.
on a bus interested in what's happened by the war Resisters League,
bus spends a few days to a few weeks ing, our very presence gets people toin.communitjes on a very unstructured gether in ways that don't often happen
otherwise, and we give people a chance
schedule, talking to individuals

and
life

Sroups about emerging alternative

- i.e., communes, food cooperatives, free schools, ecology programs,
free clinics, women's Iiberation, nonviolent politics, etc. The trip has provided an incredible variety of experstyles

iences, but I would like to share iust a
few thoughts on what it has meant to

to take time out from their routines
to discuss fundamental qr-testions about
what they are doing.
The most important lesson I havc
learned on the bus is one that really
applies to all of us in all our communities; that, after all, we are iust people
sharing with people. We are not "orCanizers" in the sense of prodilcing a
community Lhat didn'I prcviously cxi:l-.

gether Trinity students, community ffie; -,
,n1,'r,,r,being on the bus was expeople involved in ,.r.rrJ'un;;;.
,-,,
nif a.latilg
- getting to know the others We are not teachers with spccial underment activitier, und ,orr..t
on the bus, eating and sleeping in chang- standing of the way things should be
"ii"r"rmation on how to involve mor. ,.oot.
ing'circumstances, continually meeting taught. We are not gurus with spccial

in the research and

-

movem;;r;;".*-

sarv to herp create u

n.;;;,il

was
different, but the same. More camln Pittsburgh the experience

puses were invaded, more

invitations

i#;::,if:'jiil:r.?il:

trJ

meet that day or where we will sleep
that night. But the freedom and lack
of structure also was quite unsettling
after being used to a life of routine
and very definite direction. I felt that
I was being "lazy," "ineffective," "un-

were extended for the bus to ioin with
community and campus organizations
in meeting and discussing and sharing
ways to develop alternatives. The fees productive."
earned at the larger and wealthier
Perhaps most difficult to resolvc
schools were used to cover the costs were the ambiguities of the roles we

I

;::::fl?r:[ilr#r"'f;:?;,:Hi'

struggling to sort out the contradictjons,
the confusions, the fears, and the meanings of our individual lives. No one of
us can change the world. No one of
us can even change another individual.
But all of us can share.
The Peace Bus can be reached

through the WRL office at 339 Lafayette St., New York, NY 1001 2.
-Bill Gray

4
PLAY

#

1

(Out in front of stoge are two plotforms, right & left
connected by boord. About 5 ft. high, mattresses under)

lnsiructor stoge right, army uniform.Stage Left peasonts in coolie hqts.

AMERICAN/TNSTRUCTOR: Ladies and getrtlernerr
in this audience . . News Cameramen . . Observers . .
Visiting - er- ah - celebrit.ies will you be quiet please?
Will you shut up . . No talking. (Begins speech) My
friends I want to make it crystal clear that this here er - ah - Technical Training School in Fort Leavenworth Kansas of which I am President has nothirlg
whatever to do with Military Training . . We Have Eschewed War according to the Geneava covenants. This
here school (takes hunk of tobacco) . . this here little
gov-sponsored academy is nothing but a language
school to train some of our friends from overseas . .
visitors. . a number of Counter-lnsurgency Personnel
that we have invited here from friendly countries . ' .
to learn how to speak English correctly.
These are all young fellows . . trainees from Bolivia
.. Greece. . West Pakistan . . Uraguay. . Portugese Angola . . whom we have flown over here to Kansas for
ihe purpose of learning our language . . and receiving
technical training. Now I want to stress this. . I want
to make this crystal clear . . that in this here - er
ah - technical training. . the words used have nothing
to.do with what they mean' They have no counterparts in Fact. The important thing is the pronunciation . . the familiarity. . the ease with which-- er
ah - This is iust a Language School.
(End of Speech)
I shall now call on our first instructor from Laos
(He enters right) f his is our old friend General Vang
Pao, leader of the Meo Tribesmen . . who is wearing
his Zorro outfit recently presented to him at Disneyland. He will demonstrate the pronunciation of the
word: MACHINE GUN.
General are you ready? (General gets himself into
speoking position - greot strain) Are your lips warmed
up? throat. . vocal cavities, etc. (American lnstructor
takes mochine gun)
+{< AKK *
GENERAL PAO (stoccaffo/ Rtcf * AKK
platform
lef
t)
(Peosonts
fall
off
AKK
INSTiUCTOR: Wonderful, That was flawless English.'
Wonderful pronunciation of the Word, Machine Gun'
(To oudience) Didn't you like his accent? Not a trace

of Meow.

(General morches off. Peasants return. Second language

instruction)
INSTRUCTOR: Now we have one of our little Cambodian friend who will call in an air strike . .This is
Corporal Sirik Matak of Phenompenh' He come to us
fresh from the flower market district where he gives
astrolog/ readings. We're very lucky to have him.
Corporal Matak will you demonstrate please the
words (He whispers). . . .'AlR STRIKE'.
CORPORAL MATAK: (Perfect Mission Control deli'
very) Charlay Baker. . . callingCharley Baker. . . You
read meOatmeal at5... Oatmeal at5 ... 360deg.
minus 25 min azimuth 1500. May I have room service
now? May I have room service? lt's a bush league.
Now all signals Go . . . The countdown l0-9-8-7- a
tray - a deuce - zero . .. Strike out.
(Americon lnstructor, airplone goggles, makes dive,
diver bombs. Peasonts fall.)

vL

eeu(rat pufur1rlv.6
INSTRUCTOR: Demonstration of the word Air Strike.
Thank you, Professor, that was wonderful English.
Did you note the truly amazing use of the American
ldiom. I like that phrase "Room Service" when he
was calling fbr the helicopter gunship. Thank you.
(Shakes honds. Cambodia lnstructor exiis. Peosants
return. Two more demonstrations, sqnte routine suggestions from audience: Maybe using the words
CR.OP DEFOLIANT. lnstructor sproys, with mosquito squirt, Peasants duck, flatten on plotform.
NA USEA GAS. Squirts from tube. Peosont vomit.
Handshakes. Exit other instructors. Colls for opplouse,

etc.)
INSTRUCTOR: (confers with aides) Ladies and gentlemen this program has iust been interrupted . . (confer with oides) I have iust been informed . . that President Nixon has been watching this program on television . . (Confers with aides) This is very upsetting.
The President didn't like the way that last word was
pronounced. He said it was not spoken with a real
Arnerican accent - it was more like a Kansas accent
and he would like it to have a more Californian pronunciation.
I arrr told that the President would like to show us
himself. He is going to demonstrate the pronurrciation
of the phrase: ULTRA Hl-FREQUENCY INFRARED SENSOR ELECTRONICALLY ACTIVATED
REMOTE CONTROL DETONATING DEVICE. (All
crowd on Plotform right, listening respectfully) Ladies
and gentlemen, the President of the United States.
VOICE OF THE PRESIDENT OVER MIKE:
ULTRA INFRA RED HIGII FREQUENCY REMOTE
CONTROL DETONAIING DEVICE Explosion! Every'
body on platform right blown uP.

PLAY

#

2

(Same set-up. Platforms out in audience right & left,
planks in between. Right platform or sawhorse narked
Paris, left Vietnam, or unmarked)
(On stage right on high chair. Thieu in.costume of Chi'
nese emperor, very stiff, like card deck. Stoge lef t high
chqir Generol Abrams loaded with medals, etc.)
THIEU: My nanre is Thieu
I am the King of Saigon
ln my veins flow the indigo-colored blood of
the Emperor Bao Dai

descendant of dragons
ABRAMS: My narne is General Abrams
I have been ordered here bY mY chief
to perform my militarY dutY
down to the last man.
(They climb tlown off chairs, bow ceremoniously to
each other)

THIEU: (to Abrams) I need you.
ABRAMS: No, I need you.
THIEU: No. lt is I who need You.

paper. She said it was their Peace Treaty. She said
was the 7 Point Plan.

it

NIXON: l-ook, l'm very busy right now. l'm going to
China. l'm iust about to fly to Peking. Here's my air-

plane ( he points towords it) but would you mind
doing a favor for me? Will you shine my shoes? (Or
"l,l/ipe my oss?" Salesmqn does so, with 7 Point Plon.

&rot perforrrned

IBA4M-I
- oqg
speecn6J

ABRAMS: No. No. You are too humble. I need you.
THIEU: You are my shield, my strong right arm.
ABRAMS: No. l'm just a dope, a stumble bum.
You are my inspiration, my guiding star.
THIEU: Nol Don't say that. lt is l. l'm iust a lackey,
a

capitalist running dog.

ABRAMS: Don't say that. l'm jusr a cow turd,

an

asshol e.

THIEU: l'm shit.

(They bow ond embrace each other on the ground.)
SALESMAN: (with suitcose to oudience) l'm an American salesman on a round-the-world trip. l've come
here to redress the American balance of payments deficit. Things are really tough. I have to see everything
I can.(To Abroms) Where's the best place to seil stuf?
around here?
ABRAMS: Well, where do you want to go? There's
the Pacified Zone... the Free-FireZone... the NonPacified Zone.

SALESMAN: How about the Pacified Zone?
ABRAMS: That's very dangerous. You see, officially
we've withdrawn all the troops but we've left the
airforce to bomb everything on the roads so you'li
have to walk very carefully.
THIEU: ln the woods we've left around a lot of remote control heat sensor detonating devices so you
shouldn't breathe either.
SALESMAN: l'll be careful . (wolks carefully -- hotd-

ing nose, etc.)
(He crosses to audience plotform out-left, on plonk.
Vietnomese peosont are lying there, Coolie hots. Opens
his suitcose and se lls wores.)

SALESMAN: Anybody want to buy a hotel? Look,
I have a plastic factory for sale. I have a department

I

store. O. K. What about a battleship, a helicopter squadron. How about some dope? l'll sell anything.
(The peasonts ore foce clown. He wolks over tiem. tte
crosses plank towords Poris.)Dirty postcards? Computer components? Ain't much over here. I guess l'll go
back via Paris(Crosses plank. ln Paris he is given a paper. He returns to stage. Nixon is on the stagefgreets
him) Lool,l just been to Vietnam to try to sell stuff
to try to redress the balance'of paymenis cleticit.
NIXON: (greeting him) Hello. Hellow. Hello Biil.
SALESMAN: I couldn't sell nothing though. They're
all dead over there

NIXON: Hello. Hellow Jack.
SALESMAN: Or maybe they have money but no hands.
Maybe they have hands but no stomach. Maybe they
have a stomach but no head . . .

NIXON: Hello. Hello Jasper. Hello Mike.

SALESMAN: Say, Mr. President lbeen half way around the world to get here. While I was in paris I ran
into a lady over there - in a black dress. . . called
herself Madame Binh . .

NIXON: Hello Peter. Hello Elmer. Hello hello.
SALESMAN: Well, anyway she gave me this piece of

Nixon leotes.)
SALESMAN: (to General Abroms) Here's some paper
left. Do you mind shining my shoes? (Does so)
ABRAMS: (to Thieu) Here's a piece left over, will
you shine my shoes? (Does so.)

THIEU: (to peosont)Will you shine my
don't do it, but accept poper.)

shoes?

(They

Stoge empty. PARIS sign replaced by PEKING SUMMIT CONFERENCE. Music, Drums. Nixon oppeors,
wolks out platform right. then crosses, to left, Vietnom.

Addresses crowd)
NIXON: (big speech delivery) Friends among the
audience. My Vietnamese friends...l have just returned from Peking. I am on my way back to America,
to the White House in Washington. But I thought I
should like to stop here on route before returning
home and share some of my thoughts with you the
Vietnamese people. (Sonctimonioisly) We have had
very clcsse ties, you and l. I want you to be the first
ones, to hear this announcement.
My Vietnamese friends, people of Saigon, We decided in Peking -- Premier Mao. Foreign Minister Chou
En Lai and myself - that you people really have won
the war. No applause please. I mean, let's face it, that's
a [act.
Whcn I was in America, I was told by my businessman, and also by newspaper correspondents and by
the military intelligence . . that you were all dead.
But I see you standing there before me. You are alive
and well. Oh, there may be a few dead civilians and
wounded war veterans but they don't count. I address
myself to you, like myself political figures with whom
I have a great amount of empathy really...the provisional government has emerged, the villages have sur-

vived in a comradely fashion, the Vietcong cadres are
intact, all the party structure is in apple pie order . . .
(w,ith cunning) Therefore, I suggest to you, that it
not
is not really ne cessary to withdraw American troups,
since you have achieved Communism already. I mean,
why should you care? the army don't make a fucking
bit of difference anyway. Never did make . .(to Abroms
and Thieu) I don't know if they believe me. l've been
talking for five minutes and there's no reaction at all.
lnscrutable Orientals. (to the crowd, shouting) ls there
anyone in the audience who doubts my credibility?
My friends, I am addressing you from the Tansonnut
airport, rvith General Abrams, and from the American
diplomatic compound just a few blocks from downtown Saigon, with the Emperor Bao Dai, excuse me,
I mean President Thieu. . Surely none of you people
have an objection to the three of us keeping iust a few
square miles of this fucking country so I can show
it to the American Electorate? Don't you want me
to win in '72? I thank you for that applause.
(Vietnomese child gives him flowers. Viet War Veteron,
with crulch knoclts him off the plonk and into oudie

nce)

THIEU: The president has fallen into the
S.E.

Asia.

morass of
-Bob Nichols

z7

byl*/oignar

67

fr66. lan."l9
the barrels emPtY

rubbish still in the world
home
I

I

u car Passes the street

hydrant the end of

luneT

a

pipe bright
Painted

69 # 322

lune7
enough

below all clouds

#
--

99 iune 3-5

she turned around

money

the straight road
wrapped gas what
direction

67

floating
around

I

here

(

zig-zags in

with an oblong law

I
b

out

urn

lose you

edge of the world

t

place to place

speed you

news

it's the fine

69 # 324

the animal

all up

e

trees

birds

b

(

irds

fune 28 69 # 329

everYbodY has breasts

upstairs the 2 torn screens on the front porch
the birds quiet to fly flies buzzing
the gold car more golden, golden, more

the close branches

People

how long cont.inue

67

fit together better than

smoke dropPings
houses to live with roads were built to pound'

cats

eggs trees

punishment

smooth-riding earth
in its wind
takes the light

.sweat Srows

there

the

mind

are

deliberate stjll

horses

wilder and wilder

or miners these

a drawn tide

regions of

these streets

this time how
many the world what

d i sta n c e

il,ti,i.'l,Xll,

far reach lines all gear

or that too covers

assemblies

rough ground

workers cough

waters or

though bird fails tree
its shadow too
which builds and erases

Nov.27 69

among the leaves

down
stones

v0

#

360

other earth now

lan27

imagined tides

lusion of ease from
i

mpr:oved communications

7O

co-op

wind

small one

the turn

t

(

\

ah what a life

# 98.lune3

I

inhabit
the earth

sounds

,

owsa

fr370

s

EggK
SHAKING THE PUMPKIN:
Traditional Poetry of the lndian North Americas.
Edited with commentaries by Jerome Rothenberg.
Doubleday & Co., lnc., Garden City, N.Y. 1972.
$8.95 hardcover, $3.95 paperback. 504 pages.
I

true sense, these words mean primary (in direct relationship) ,
non-city-dwelling, plain people of nature. Rather than uncomplimentary terms, these are marks of prestige in a rvorld
hellbent for destruction, progressing itself out of existence,
fighting a war with the forces of the universe. Did not the
Wl N people just move to the countryside to become primitive, uncivilized and pagan?
Jerome Rothenberg has attempted to gather translatjons
of poetry of the many groups of primitive, tribal, North
American lndians into poetry which can be read by Western
man. His work is pioneering, and one senses that the task has
somehow found great meaning to him and has altered his
life. Whether readers will find any similar deep personal
ieelings is open to question.
A reading will find moments of bawdy humor, fascinating Insights, new ideas. But that is not getting to the heartmatler oI the tribal poetman.
Rotherrberg believes

The translator has a difficult task. And for poetry, he
must be a poet plus himself, able to grasp the inner meaning
of the original before finding the worcls ot hrs own tongue.
Just translating from French, Spanish, German or other Western tongues to the English is a challenge enough.
For the translator of the poetry of tribal original peoples,
there are extra, perhaps insurmountable problems.
Consider first a people whd consider every man a poet,
attuned to his inner spirit and the outer world, and who encourage each person to be expressive. Consider a people who
listen to the voice in the wind, and speak the language of
the trees. Consider a people who dance the steps their ancestors learned from the rabbits when man and rabbits could
share rituals.
For these people, poetry is a substance woven through
their lives, without which lite has no meaning. lt cannof be
separated out and refined into words and print any more
than one's soul can be preserved in a scrapbook.
Literate socieiles are at a great disadvantag,e in many respects to oral societies when it comes to the gut issues of Iife.
The poetry uttered in moments of grief or ecstasy, the byproduct of a living event, can be reduced to print that a disinterested party can pick off a shelf during idle moments,
or perhaps even memori ze f or recitat:on. lt can be dissected
by a professor in English Literature 303. Great literature
that it may be, perhaps, it is not the same stuff that life itself is made of, and it serves to keep literate people, the readers, at arm's length from the real thing.
For their poetry, members of oral societies depend upon
relating to the significant events of the universe: the cycle of
the moon, the rising of the sun, the first flow of the maple's
sap, the thrill of the first ripe strawberry, the satisfaction of
garden's initial produce, or the security of an autumn's harvest, the solstice and eclipse, life, death, love, birth. lmmersed
in an identity drawn from participation in these events, oral/
primitive/tribal Ieople do not need volumes of poetr:y to
bring inspiration into their lives.
Literate people are able to perpetuate things from the
past long beyond their original value. Why Americans call
the moon when the corn ripens ")uly" after a Roman emperor, or January after a god of the Greeks, is just a small'
indication of how ridiculous literate societies can be in their
retentiveness. To primitive people the setting sun is the color
of their blood, not some abstract called "red". And even in
those instances where literate people use language with literal meaning, they abstract it so that it's essence is concealed: is Sunday the Sun's Day to the English world/ Or is
any respect given to our Grandmother, the Moon, the senior
female personage, on Monday?
Primitive, uncivilized, pagan people all negative adjectives for urbanized, educated, Christian man. Yet in their

it is possible for people to bridge.

cultures. Perhaps it is. But while an American may read the
the sacred curing songs from the Society of Mystic Animals
and even elicit some exotic imagery, the American does not
know how to make it cure him. Poetry rt may be, a cure lt
isn't - for the tribal man, the reverse is true. Those who
know the ancient secrets know that living power can be
called upon to bring about good health and peace of mind.
Read by Western man, it becomes a collected butterfly,
pinned in an album by a knowledgable collector: somewhat
beautiful, and very dead.
The way tribal people relate to one another, and to other
peoples, is usually with profound respect for one's differences, rather than an attempt to seek similarities. After all,
if it is the spirit of each living thing that must become manifest, that spirit will emerge only in a free, open atmosphere.
People who obtain their truth from the Creation itself feel
secure enough in their beliefs, and at the same ti me recognizing that other messages and other interpretations are not
only possible but desirable. For Americans raised on broth
lrom the Melting Pot, such talk is heresy.
ln tribal life, the task of the individual is to deepen his
relalonshtp with all things, rather than asking for "understanding". The relationship must be mystical, not rational.
One never hears Mohawks and Hopis arguing about the nature of God. The Cayugas do not try to teach the Sauks thc
"right way" to do the Green Corn Dance. Yet it secms to be
the burden of non-tribal people to seek out in othcr cultures what they find missing in their own. And in doing so,
they usually argue that their cross-cultural odyssey is enriching and necessary for brotherhood and all of that.
Mohawks and Hopis, Cayugas and Sauks already know that
all children of the Earth Mother are brothers to each othcr.
Rothenberg believes that boundary crossing is not only
possible but desirable. Certainly it is a Western, perhaps
white, quest. Certainly for people who have lost what tribal
people still have there is something to be learned. But the
lesson becomes possible onlv whcn people are willing to give
up most of their background, to reject the processcs to which
they have been subjected, forget their careers, adopt new
life-styles, and give themselves over to the Eternal Things.
Most Americans want instant tribalization, like instant cof'
fee, when they set out on that search.
And if boundary crossing is not only possible but desirable, why not translate Shakespeare and T.ennyson and
Whitman into Mohawk and Navajo? lf the thought of Hamlet being performed in a kiva strikes you as ludicrous, if you
cannot visualize a Paiute elder reciting Robert Louis Stevenson as he enters the sweat lodge, pcrhaps you will ur.rderstand what a one-way streel-, what an ethnocentric concept
it is to "cross boundaries".
Rothenberg seems to recog,nize this. He speaks of thc
a.^

I

"tribal and matrilocal wisdom which can be shared only

a-

mong equals who have recognized a common lineage from
the Earth." And yet recognizing something, and living it, are
two different things. Western man already knows that his'
pollution is killing off all life and threatening future generations. He knows that the experience of community and
warm, loving secure relationships are necessary for people
to maintain their sanity and identity. He speaks with fervor
on the drug crisis, the generation gap, the excesses of materialism, the evils of war, the shrinking natural resources and contjnues to plod on the same rutted path, caught up
in a system that allows movement within so long as its ongoing thrust ls not changed.
" dnut tribal people k-now, and what they are, are one and
the same. Modern man is able to compartmentalize his family, his career, his religion, his patriotism, his knowledge, and
so that only by avoiding confrontation with
himself, by rationalizing to an extreme, is he able to maintain enough grasp upon his existence to keep putting one
foot in front of the other in his climb toward the Golden

hii life-style

of his Heaven.
Rothenberg's effort is an important one, and the criticisms discussed here apply mostly to the society that will
read his translations, rather than to his own monumental

Gates

effort.
But I fear the book has a parallel in real life' Thousands
upon thousands of young people look to the lndians for the
answers, for the ancient knowledges. They flock to the repeople of lndian heritage who
servations, often finding only
glittering wonder
[l* 0.."'O.tribalized ind moved into the
gospel
tents' and
fundamentalist
oi HeuO Start Programs,
,iiii"iv-rit .touriing sihools which have processed him
like anv other raw material into something man-ufactured'

*fr. stitt lrota the ancient knowledges are passed
a weekrrulroiii.ntlv unable to communicate their being in
itself is
if.rr ."Lt

.,ii'rilitlif,.'knowledge still held by the Creation
to the library'
overlooked
"'' -S;; ',fon theareway
interested in poetry, Shoking the.Pump,ou
kin willoffei some new and interesting thoughts and ideas
liilr rivr"t. ir yo, ut. interested in its essence, though' gather
move to the site
i.n.ii!iv."r family and close friends andRead
one selectribe'
your
new
fot,
to
;;1-"h;;"'"h.r.n
grandchildren
Your
generations'
several
for
ii.,n each vear
,.v"t..ui. t [tatp tt'tt ileaning and compare it with ceremonials of their own'

-RARTH.K*ATS

ASIIESASNE NOTES, o notional lndion newspl'
priirititiriii tn" Mohowk Notion ot Rooseveltown, N'Y'

editor

of

AN EYE FOR AN EYE

H. f ack Griswold, Mike Misenheimer, Art Powers,
Ed Tromanhauser

Paperback-Pocket Books, 246 pp',95 cents
Hardcover-Holt Rinehart & Winston, 304 pp', $6'95
(Paperback available from War Resisters League)

ln reviewing the recently published paperback edReview'
it.ion for the New York llmes (Sunday) Book
jessica Mitford, author of The Trial of Dr' Spock and
ih6 American Way of Death writes: 'iwhen the book
(the hardcover edition) first came out last year it impressed me as not only an immensely informative
chronicle of prison life but also as an incredibly brave
act of defiance on the part of these four convicts (stlll

doing time at lndiana State Prison)
"The addendum in the newly issued paperback
edition tells something of what happened since the
original publication of An Eye for an Eye' Predictably'
instead of addressing themselves to the criticisms of
their operation, prison officials turned on the authors,
held them incommunicado, refused to permit TV interviews about the book, and busied themselves with
an investigation of how the manuscript was smuggled
out of the penitentiary. Because the four authors were
on the staff, Warden Lash shut down the prison newspaper, Lake Shore Outlook, published since 1947 '
Lately he has instituted a compulsory skin search of
prisoners after family visits, a procedure that some
find so degrading they have urged their families to

w

or

all

th
a8

ter

stay away.

"By inflicting these punishments Warden Lash has

in a perverse sort of way proved the very point the
authors were trying to make about the petty-minded
tyranny of keeper over kePt."
This "tyranny" is spelled-out by the authors in
the form of essays, profiles, sketches and human interest reminiscences. Each chapter is initialed by one
of the four authors. None of the coUntless abuses of
the prison system remain uncriticized' They are abuses
which I have witnessed in my own many experiences
in Federal, city and county iails(though I have not
done time in a state Prison.)
As Jessica Mitford aptly states in her review, the

authors "go far to explain the underlying causes of
the unprecedented upheaval currently taking place
around the Atticas of America."
Ed Tromanhauser writes in his chapter on " Rehabilitation:"Thus the most modern, most 'enlightened'
country in the world, operates a system of jails and
prisons which are wretched pestholes, indecent cri melr.ealng swamps of iniquity into which are iammed
the pooi, the socially outcast, the ignorant, the emotionally disturbed and the mentally ill'
"l do not mean to leave the impression that theinto
inmate bears no responsibility for getting himself
the cesspool that is the American correctional system
in the first place. He does. But I happen to believe that
what the society does to a man after it gets him in
prison is a much greater wrong."
Though the authors are sensitive to the disrimination against blacks which prevails in all phases of the
prison system and mention it in several of the chapiers, they cannot give the black experience firsthand,
porbeing white. Since blacks constitute such a large
that
at
is
unfortunate
population,
it
prison
tion Lf our
least one of the author could not have been a black'
To me, this is the book's main shortcoming'
book's
Of special interest to peace ptoplg is the
and
glorifying.murder
in
mention of the inconsistency
declaring
while
wars
waging
of
process
violence in the
it criminal on all other occasions'
ln the very first chapter entitled "Man's Greatest
and vioFoliy," H. lack Griswold writes: "That crime
order
social
man's
part
of
integral
i.nl.'rluu. L..n un
Hardly
acquisition'
of
wars
many
his
by
out
is borne
a decade has elapsed in the whole of man's history

rh;
vic

inE
N4i

yei

sul

lu1

n0
c0

Fe

wa

fo
Ps

de

clr

isti

go

m(

to

p0

ho
an

Br

qu

wi

to

ir

sil

he
as
SE

when he hasr.r't, in the name of nationalism, encroached
on his neighbor. And just as the major proportjon of
all individual crinrinal acts are crimes against property,
these crirninal aggressions perpetrated by one nation
against another have almost alrvays centerecl around
territorial disputes andlor the almighty dollar.,,

_f im peck

GOING TO TAIL: Tt-tE POLIT|CAL PRTSONER
by Howard Levy and David Miller
Grove press 243 pages

I

i

I myself, mctnths after jail had turnecl me loose, lying
on a dazzling Mediterranean beoch, sucldenly felt hount_
ed by the memory of my long posslge through the
"Mill" that grinds up rnen. I let my heod foll into my
hands, I closed my eyes. Once agoin I sow the workshop, the yards where our files of woe-striken men
turned in endless circles, the faces, so mony foces; I
sow it all ogain, my heart heovy with a feeling of loss,
pity ond regret. And isn't it a kinct of fascination
mixed with poin that mokes me write this book? Old
choins which have tortured us dig so deeply into our
flesh that their marks become a port of our being,
and we love them becouse they are in

us.

Victor Serge, after flve years in a French prison wrote
that. (Men in Prison, Doubleday, 1969). lt,s true. And convicts of a particular bent ancl upbringing deal with it by writ_
ing books. Others, return, in time. Howard Levy and David
Miller wrote Going to f ail: The political prisoner after two
years each in Army and Federal prisons. Eldridge Cleaver
suggests that prisoners, "become great poets or great revolutionariesi'. Howard is correct in assessing that prison did
not improve his poetry. The book is a straight forward ac_
count, chapter by sometimes agonizing chapter, of life in
Federal prison. No rhetoric or posturins For those on their
way to prison, it strikes me as absolutely indispensable. The
four chapters devoted to Rats and Snitches, Race Relations,
Psychiatry, and Resistance relate to the lives of us all and

deserve attention from a rvider audience.
The experiences shared in these chapters and the con_
clusions drawn are a part of the growing awareness and soph-

istication of the white political prisoner in jail. prison is a
good working definition of the school of hard knocks. The
movement, within and without the walls, has a great deal
to learn. Mistakes are costly, particularly for the intrepid
political prisoner.
The greatest weakness of the book is in the chapter on
homosexuality. Despite the bad analysis, the advise is good
and to the point regarding the problem of sexual assault.
But that's the problem with the descriptive analysis. The
question of sexual assault should probably have been dealt
with in the chapter on Violence. Dave and Howard are wrong
to deal with the question of homosexuality in prison as if
it is only a question of learning to deal with violent, aggres_
sive males who, on the street, woulri consider themselves
heterosexual. That's a question that has to be dealt with _
as any young political prisoner can tell you. But it is a disservice to clear thought and understanding to lump it under

the very different topic of homosexuality.
ln terms of recent events in the Northeastern Federal
prisons (1.E. Lewisburg-Allenwood and Danbury) the sections in the chapter on Resistance dealing with personal experience in 1968-69 are dated. political prisoners have come
a long way in the last two years. The theoretical sections,
however, are excellent. The simple rhetoric,,,every prisoner
is a political prisoner" has enough truth to it to stay with
us. As a slogan it expresses the best in the movement that
identifies with all the victims of our economic and social order. There is enough untruth in the slogan to cloud percep_
tion when it comes to the hard task of organized resistance
within the walls. Dave and Howarcl analyse this problem and
lay out a logical framework for undertaking action. They
are the first to stress that this chapter, in particular, is written

for white, male and explicitly political prisoners. personally,
I would have liked a small sectjon on the history of political

resisters actjons since World War ll. They ignore the roots of
resistance that started at the Lewisburg Farm (where they
both finished their "bits") in the Spring of ,43 and spread

to other institutions. The Vietnam war resisters have yet
to

achieve such a spreading affect.
Going to Jail covers a great deal one needs to know
about
prison life and does it well. The movement, ex-cons included,
have a long way to go in learning to deal with
imprisonment.
Going to Jail is a valuable contribution. Victor
Serge said it
best and l'll let him finish this review, as he started
it:
l-am. leoving IprisonJ with my mind intoct, stronger
for hoving survivecl, temperecl by thought.'l hove not
lost the years it has taken from me. We hove committed greot errors, comrodes. We wanted to be revolutionaries: we were only rebels. ll/e must become ter_
mites, boring obstinotely, potiently, oll our lives: in
the end, the dike will crumble.
Eaton

-Bob

NEW SCHOOLS EXCHANGE
301 East Canon perdido St.
Santa Barbara, Cairf.93 l0l

The New Schools

E

x-

change is a cantral ro

source for the exchanoe
of id€as and informatio"n

about alt€rnativo

and

exporimental schoolino
Ths Nowstart6r has oud
I ish6d
the work of
people lik6 lven iltich
Georos Dennison Jonri

Holt, Jim Hs;ndon
Jonothan Kozol et"

Pgrhaps sven mora im,
portant, wo have orinted
tho work of hundrsds of

othors workino rn
schools ol one so-rt or
anoth€r across the
Country. What we oublish rs rarelv {inishid or
polishod rheorv; ir has
moro olten be€n a k in.i

of raw matorial.'betwsan
a lrterai

"exchango"

Peoplo concarnad with
children, tn addttion to
this, The N€wsl6trer in
cludes lists of Altsrna-

tive Schools. and a sac
3aekino
places and placas seskl

tion lor p6opl6

rng paopta. The Ncwslottsr is pubtishcd twice
a month and a 3ubscrio-

tion is S1O.OO. W"
don't publish durino
July and August.

likr

alignment". The three judges then signed
I had met Karpel and Vishner twice briefly'
the judgement, which included themselves
whom
Levy,
Karpel suggested Dr' Howard
as administrators and contractors with Grove
beI hacl never met. I agreed to these three
for the books. Mr. Hoffman rvas directed to
cause I did not know them personally, but
negotiate a suitable arrangement for them
I knew of them. The plan was presented to
sign with Grove by October 1. and to pay
at
.to
know
not
did
I
he
agreed.
Iloffman, and
me
$1,000 by November 1.
intimately
this time that Vishner had worked
There have been a number of articles and
On October 1, 1971. I delivered to the ofthat
and
farce
WPAX
on
the
Hoffman
with
neteven
and
a series of radio appearances
fice of Pirate Editions an invoice for the first
Karpel was Hoffman's friend.
work television stories regarding my suit and
2,000. On October 2, when the shipment did
to
accomodate
delays
of
After a series
appear, I immediately invoked a provision
arbitration with Hoffman in regard to Slsql
hearthe
Mr. Floffman's speaking schedule,
of the agreement calling lbr a meeting of the
This-Book. During this time, I have made no
ings began. Hoffman had two witnesses, his
arbitration panel. To this date, the panel has
oublic statemcnts or det'ences whatsoever
lawyer and business manager, Gerald Lefon this subiect. Now. after a silence of over
never met. On October 2, 197 I, for all incourt, and Dinny Zimmerman, sales manaa year, I hereby put forth my sole and hopetents and purposes, the so-called people's
judges
admitger
Press.
even
the
of
Grove
As
fully final statement or-r the subject.
court ceased to exist.
coached,
heavily
had
been
In November, 1970, Abbie Hoffman con- ted afterwards, they
On November l, l9'11,1 skipped lightly
and they lied through their teeth. Zimmertacted me and asked me to form a partnerto my mailbox in Washington, D.C', twirled
man denied the book had gone into a second
ship with him, later called Pirate Editions,
the combination in eager anticipation, and
printing, although the copies of it were sitand to edit and arrange for publication of a
opened thc littlc tloor to bc met by a singuZimmerman
room.
the
ting right there in
book called SICaL-T_ts Bqq]. I did not know
larly. disappointing sight: the clear r.vhite light
claimetl the book had sold under 100,000,
at this time nor until months later tharr lzak
of emptiness. After repeated attempts to get
although the day before he had told a reporHaber had actually written the book and
in touch with the elusive Mr. Vishner, I rvas
been ripped off for it, or I would have refused ter it had sold 2,000,000.
informed that "the check must have been
was
never
contract
the
tlien
claimed
Lefcourt
to participate at all. At any rate, we
lost in.the mail". No mattcr, it would have
contract,
the
in writing, but I later produced
drew up a contract which provided me with
had to be replaccd anyway, sincc accortling
on his own stationary, with his own hand8% of the first 20,000 books and 4% there'
to Vishner, it was not certitied, and bore thc
writing on it. He denied ever having heard
after. This contract was tc be typed and reendorsement "editorial services paid in tull"
of Forman or me, and Lefcourt denied we
turned for my signature. By a long and cotnThe cashing of this check by nre under New
had introduced the book to Grove. Later
plicated series of stalls and deceptions, this
York State law would have abrogated my
been
Karpel called Reichbach, who had trot
tontract was never returned to me. Hoffman
rights to additional compeusatiotr, e.g. the
pre-coached as he was not expected to teswas in an extreme hurry to get his book out
10,000 books or their cash etluivalent.
ify. Reichbach inadvertantly confirmed that
before Rubin's and so I went ahead on the
Nearly two months later, a seconcl check
we had introduced the book to Grove, Makbook rather than delay it over what I felt
rvas tinally obtainecl. The secotrtl clteck was
ing Lefcourt and Zimmerman baldfaced
was a petty business Point.
certilled and also boldly bore thc cnclorscliars. I was not allowed to cross-eramine
Se.uut. a series of incredible scams had
ment "lbr editoriat services, paid in tull".
either Lefcourt or Zimmerman at any tilnc.
gone down by then which had resulted in
Orr January 8,1972, after ovcr a ycar of being
Further, any (equests that Lefcourt, Hoft'Hoffman being banned from the U.P.S. ofstallecl, liecl to, antl havitlg try time antl nlonman, and Grove bring their records into
fice by the staff (not including me), I was
ey wasted, I decitlecl to reopen tny suit
up
covered
ancl
court were ignored by them
neither unhappy nor surprised rvhen one of
agrinsl Hol'fmln.
by the judges.
Hoffman's business managers, Gustin ReichUpon my arrival back in Ne w York City
My witnesses were Melany Thum, Rolt
bach, intbrmed me that he wished to buy
on
January 13, l9'12.1 callcd Visltner ancl
Rosenbaum, Izak Haber, and Michael Forout my share of the book. I estimated that
asked hirn ii he had any moncy tbr nre and
availmade
were
and
man. They testified,
the book would sell 500,000 copies, makit.tg
received the by now traditional answcr. I tlten
able later for crossexamination. Afterwards,
my share rvorth $40,560, however, I didn't
informed him that I intendecl to leope n my
we agreed that no witnesses would be interwant to wait until the book sold a half milsuit against }loffrnan and t'urthcr, for failure
rogaied until the next session. Thc next clay
lion so I offered to take a walk for $5,000.
to t-ulfill the agrcemcnt which they had writcalled
had
been
Wilcock
At first, we all agreed, that $5,000 was an em- I found that Amber
ten themselves into and signcd, I intcr.rded
contiontby Dr. Howard Levy. I immediately
inently fair figure, but then Hoffman into sue Karpel, Levy, Vishrler, and il possiblc,
ed Levy with this informafion. At first he
formecl me that my editing was "terrible"
Vishner's goldtish, parakect, ant farm, cockdenied it, but finally admitted it, but denied
and so on. Mr. Lefcourt began a series of
roacltes, 3 cats, his ancestors to the 4th gctlany wrongdoing. One of the judges had been
double deals. Negotiations dragged on.
eration and his descendents to tho 7th gencaught lying. The day previous, Vishner had
Shortly after this, the New Nation symeration- I'll let thc public's responsc to this
bol was removed from the cover, a4d a photo attempted to privately question a witness,
letter detcrmine finally whether to suc thc
until caught. What little faith I had in the
judges, however.
of Mr. Hoffman substituted. Izak Haber's
proceedings was fading raPidlY.
name was removed, and Hoffman's name
lzak Haber may become the tirst "moveAt the beginning of the hearings, at the
doubled in size and moved to the top. A
ment" person to be stoned to death lbr saya
10
request of the court, I had submitted
series of photographs of Hoffman inside
ing the Emperor has no clothes. Karpel has
page single spaced account of the event' At
were quadrupled in size. N{y urgent request
seen fit to write a det'ense of Hoffman and
inJ ena of it, I asked the judges if they could attack Haber in WIN N{agazine although he
that a couple of incorrect bomb diagrams
be revised-was ignored, and the book was
find a single inaccuracy or falsehood in my
cites not one fact.
printed. Where I had argued for a maximum
account. TheY could not.
In a December issue of WIN, Karpel had
After the second session, there was a long an article entitled "Steal This Court", which
$1.25 price in pocketbook, it was issued at
wait of about three weeks until the judges
$ 1.95.
contained a series of ties which Karpel knows
The book appealed. All my editing, all
could meet to develop their judgement' When to be lies. Michael Forman's answer in the
writincludwere
time
the sections which I had written
they finally did, they spent more
January issue covers some of these. In the
ed in totem without a work changed. Further, ing their ptess release than they did writing
January issue of the ACLU newsletter, Karthe plan which I had developed for marketthe judgement. This was a portent of the fupel
had a further article which repeated some
ing, advertising and promotion was being used ture. Their judgement was to order Mr' Hoffbf th"r" lies. For example, Karpel states that
books
10,000
and
1,000
in totem.
man to give me $
Hoffman came to me because I was interested
I filed suit and after the suit had been
at cost. Both Mr. Hoffman and I recognized
in setting up alternative distribution, and
pending several months, I had a series of
and agreed that this was a completely foolislt,
that their decision to give me 10,000 books
discussions with Rex Weiner, who constituted utterly naive, and eminently stupid decision,
was based on this. In fact, as Mr. Karpel
Pirate
for
a
cash
defunct
lobbied
now
of
the
vigorously
staff
the entire
and we both
knows very well, I have been a long and vojudges
do'
each
to
orders
agreed
Editions. Weiner filled the mail
settlement. This the
cal opponent of so-called alternative distriWhile Mr. Hoffman and I waited in the anteday. We agreed that arbitration would be
bution because I consider it politically reacpreferable to litigation. ln fact, I had written
chamber, they spent about an hour drawing
tionary and economically disastrous. Howoralso
one
conjudgement.
new
original
The
our
into
clause
new
a
up
an arbitration
ever,
it is essential for Karpel to continue to
and
1,000
panel
give
and
me
person
to
$
dered Mr. Hoffman
tract. I proposed a three
make this claim, because otherwise he looks
suggested Mayer Vishner and Craig Karpel.
10,000 books at cost. It was called a "karma

Ietters

lror

\r/al

llit
\\o
tlra

CCD

thr'
the

hls
ball
irrg

I

SSU

oft

logi

unt

nar

cor

anc

Kcr

dy

Ra;

ocr
anc

lite
Ra;

blv

dat
ing
Re
Ra

of

col

tbr
Mc
gra

to

see

ing

th(
ligl
tru

itr

srt
ttt

of

har

ar)

mi

frc

lni
m(

icr

th,

co
el.l

inl

an

frr

de

yi

ac

p(
NI

g!

fi

like a darnned fool tbr oft-ering nre 10,000
books to start a tlistribution system l don't
want, don't need, can't use, and r.von,t use.
Flither that or Karpel has not listenetl to a
wortl I havc said or rvritten.
The end result of this tbr me has been
that to this date I have not receivecl one
cent or oue book lrorn Abbie l{offman, and
the so-calleil judgcs have not met once since
their prcss conlcrencc. Thc counter-cullure
has been made to look like a bunch of meatballs lbunelering in their own gravy and sucking on their own spaghetti.

- RE\.. TIION{AS KrNG FOR9ADE
WASHINGTON, D.C.

'Ihe article in your September 15th, l97l
isstre, LA RAZA DLSUNIDA, has a number
of disturbing errors in fact, judgment and
logic.
Tl.iis article has got to be one of the most
unusual pieces ofjournalism written in the
name of Chicanismo, a classic exar.nple of
confusion mixccl rvith the weird logic of par-

Drall Boards in New Nfexico

less Chicanos

would have to go to war. It is absurd to say,
"Galaraza says we should just seek brown
Draft Board members and be happy with a
lew less sons killecl."
The article states, "We don't want La
Raza Unida brought into. New Mexico.,'
This implies that the writers speak for all
Chicanos in New Mexico, but again it is the
logic that's faulty. La Raza Unicla will not
be imposed from other states on Chicanos
Nuevo Mexicanos. Chicaho Nuevo N,{exicanos
of La Raza
Unida.
So, my friends, the article LA RAZA
are potentially already members

DESUNIDA does not perform a service tcr
the forces of liberation. You should be more
careful about printing articles that pretend
to offer insights in Chicano political life.

tTRANK SIFtTENTIIS
COMPTON, CALII'.

gard to an individual's rights, and who mask
lhcir insccuritit.s trcncath thc unitbrrns of
,otlicers. Individuals of this narrow mold
should be stripped of tht-ir authority.
In the typical fashion described, the Ar_
my has pref errcd charges against me ancl initiatcd elimination proceetlings. Given the
capriciousncss of military .justice, I look
forwarti to eventually falling victim to the
"sJ.stem." Perhaps I shoulcl have taken
heecl
u,hen thc Assistant Staff Judge Aclvocate
warned me not to "buck the systcm," for if
I did, jt would chew me up and spit me out
in little pieces
Tt.]RITY T TORRES
I:T I}I]NNING, GA.

in.

1. Thank you tbr the article on.women
North Vietnam. (121 l5l7 l\ A real inspir-

ation l'or continuing thc struggle.
2. llowever tlre article on Brazil irr the
same issue was annoying. lior one thing, it
It has been my personal observation while t'lidn't t'vcrr ntentior.r rvlrat to nte is a cricial
tcnsion hetwcen (violcnt) gucrrilla warlarc
in the military tliat actior.rs which are disand nonviolent strugglc. (Nlaybc sontcone
criminatory in nature are not the exception
could clcal with that in an articlc sometinrc,l)
to the rule, as so often said, but rather, occur More irnportrrrt. it rr:rr prclty \e\i\t - jusf
so frequently that these matters should no
plain untwarr' ol tlrc prohlcnr. l'rn arnaze,l
thrl you (a\ ('ditors) lct slip by s(.1)tcl.tc(,s
longer go unnoticed and unchallenged by
like "His breaking out of a ring thrown aestablish€d authority.
round his rural training center south ot Rio
The following question enlcrs nry mind:
last year shor.ve cl both balls and brillianc:e."
Do you automatically fbrfeit vour constituI hope the struggle rvhich is rising rround us
tional rights rvhen in service of your country'l is closer to that of
tho N. Vietnan)esc womcn
I believe this is contrary to what our forethan to this person's analysis!
fathers intended rvhen they drafted our
I don't o\pcct you, or the author, or
any of us. to bc totally cltrar of scxist inraConst i t ution.
gery yet. It's a long I-laving applied for a discharge as a conls lmportatrt to kcep challenging e ach other,
scientious objector I rvas reluctant to volun('vCn on suclt apPartillly
l)i\.ayunc points
teer my views to my superir:rs; however, I
clrc lrorr u ill ut'grou., I lropc in llit. tuturc
was pushed into speaking out by several
you may bc lcd to scnd such rnanuscripts
people who opposed my ideology. Conscback to autliors with a notc saying ,'Wc
quently several commanders havc beerr
would be glatl to publislr this if'you are wiltaking it upon themselves to arbitrarily reling to makc tho lollowlnu change:s. . ."
pudiate my ideology which they pcrsonUITTSy CAZDtaN
NI.]W SWARTIIMOOIT
ally lind inconsistent, indifferent, and repul-

anoia. The idea that various members of "the
Kennedy clan," Shriver and N{cGeorge Bundy in a secret nreeting gave birth to the La
Raza Unida is crazy. The last thing the Democratic Party would want is a Chicano, Black,
and Indian Third Party. Such a party would
literally destroy the Democratic Party.
Recently in Los Angeles Raul Ruiz, La
Raza Llnida candidate for the 48th Assembly District, deteated the Democratic candidate, a Nlexican American with a lot of backing, even thcrugh Democrats out-numbered
Republicans two to one. In other words, La
Raza Llnida Party proved it was the balance
of porver. I-a Raza Unida in New Mexico
could hope to control tlie entire state. Therefore this articlc is rcactionary and the New
Mexico Democratic Party will be eternally
gratcful to ther writers and to WIN magazine.
Chicanos, on the other hand, have plenty
to be disturbed about. This article makes it
\ Vr'.
scem that Chicanos are dumb and unknow[:ollowing a dise us'ion (onccrning nr]
ing, that they can be easily manipulated by
views as a conscientious objector, rny fornrcr
tlte viciously clever "liberals" of the estabcommander, a (_'olonel, vehcmently
lighment. Thc writers do not recognize the
staled [.coulrl forg.'t ahout gcl(ing nr1 ohl
truth ofChieano power, that plans to pacify
1ob back wilh Sourhcrn lle lt Tclcplrone llie r
it rnore oftsn than not backfire.
I left the Army, because he had some ties
The Chicano sense of urgency will never
rvith certain high ranking ofllcials in thc
sr:ttle for nrinor reforms, but it does not fail
company who tvould assurc that I woultl
to appreciatc that retbrnrs are also the result
not be rchired. As an assistant clct'ensc counof Chicano direct political action.
sel for special court martials I u,as pcrsorrThe writers of l"A RAZA DESUNIDA
ally counseled by the convc:ning authorhave somo rveird ronrantic sense of revolutionity and legal officcr concerning cascs I hatl
politics.
ary
They scem to indicate that angry
defended wlrich werc ilismisscrl on technimilitancy must by necessity be separated
calitic.s when "the defenclant is clearly guilfrom clcctoral politics. La Raza Unida Party
ty." The fbur months I dclendcd at trial
mr'ans the [inited Pcople's Party, hence the
elrabled me to ntake a lirst hand obscrva_
most revolutionary concept in North Amertion ol'lhe egrt'gious r'xpt.tlir,nt.e ol lssr,rrrhly
ican politics..lt is bound to frighten and furlrnc \ystcm ot military jurlier. I inrlll,ls
ther confuse the already confused.
an outspoken critic of thc war ancl an organ_
N{ost of rvhat the writers say can be disizer of the lrort tsenning chapte r of thc (_-on_
counteti, if .it were not for the rlangers inhercerned Officers' movement, my clccply hcld
ent in thc logic of paranoia mixed with misviews have creatccl an atmosphcrc ufi"pr"rrinformation. La Raza Unida political party
ion ol thoughl and arlritrary capri..iou.
and La Raza.Unida Association and Southdiscrimination against thc intliviclual.
u,est C-'ouncil of La Raza are very dift'ercnt
The schemc e mployed by thc ntilitarv to
from each other, and thc r.vriters do not uncliminatr unorrhodor tltinkr,rr is,,hrrati..r_
derstand eithcr. Dr. Galarza has for over 30
ur'rl hy innuentlo antl pic:ryune .hrrge..
ycars eloquently and consistently been an
Tlri\ ('()mc\ liirg,'ly rrot ils J rr.\ull ol iltc inti,,r_
advocatc for economic justice lbr N{exican
ibitity ol'the Unitbrm ('orle ol'Nlilitary JLrs_
people botlt here in the Southi.vcst and in
tice or'of thc Arnly llcgulations, but ot'a
Mexico. Putting him dotvn becausc hc sugpcrsonal vcndctta of certain egoccn tric
gcsts having Chicanos on Draft Boards is unhuman beings u.ho lccl contpe llcil to llaunt
hir. The truth is that il- ('hie lntrs \\ crc or')
thcir authority, recklcssly ac:ting rvithout rr_

(]I,INTON, N.Y.

I

IIavc jirst rcatl lhc articlc on Wornan's
.[,ibcration irr North Victnam. N,ly rrrain rcason lbr rvriting is to point out tlrat thcsc

wotrolt aro libcratcd bccausc ol'tlrc abolition
of "privatc propr.rty".
WoLrltl likc to rcconrrncntl to thc autllor
tlrat shc rcarl lrrctlerick I,irrglcs'

"Olll(ilN

Oli Tl{ti liAI\,llLY, PltlVz\Tl,l PROPITRTY
AND ]'tIti S'lATI,l". In this srnall book hr:
thc wbman was thc "hoatl".
llclirro tho ttlvcnt ol "privatc propcrty"
thcrc rvas no r.rci:tl ot'lnarriagc, as wc know
it totlay. Thc wornutr rvas tlrc lrcarl ol'thc
lantily bccausc whc gavo birth to the chiltlrcn,
rvlrosc

lirthcr was not knorvn.'flrc tnarriagc

coirtract rvas bcguit rvlrcrr thu rrran witrttctl to
It:avc his l)rol)clty to lris sonsl No Propcrty
no nrarriagc! Tlrc worrrarr lost lrcr status f'or
tltc samc rcasolt.
Although not a rcligious nran, I ntust go
along rvitlr St. llasil wlrcn lre said, "A pe rlcct
sor.:icty is that wlrich cxclurlcs privatc pnrpcrty. Suclr was thc prinritive ivcll-bcing ol'
ntarr rvhiclr was over-turnorl lry thr: sin ol'
our I'irst luthcrs."
All thc cvils ol'tlrc carth can ltc tracotl to

tlrii orrt ite nr l,l{lVA I I l,l{()l,l.l{l yl
t\lAt{silALL (;lr()tr
NOltl lI llt:Nl). ()ttt,.(;ON

b3

HELP WIN
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copy. lol.2
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Prisoner(sl worrld like to qet info for political awareness-uptiqht (punishment lockup)
can receive mail. newsletters, pamphlets, etc.
All ,iews are welcomed and would like to
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James E. Szulczewski H.-4923
P.O. Box 9901

Available fron the North American
Congress on Latin America

P.0.

for

Have been sentenced
a

to 75

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Box 57

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or

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Marshburn, 5OO ComThank You, Tommy
merce, Dallas, -f exas, 75202.

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Prison correspondents are u rgent-l.y need'
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t iri
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Get it on!..
Co'op mehoers'peoplesmedia
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Iiterature

LocaI

WRL Groups
REGIONAL OFFICES

THEY LOVE lT BUT LEAVE lT. Written by WRI Secretary Devi Prasad, this book covers all major aspects of desertion by U.S. servicemen and their situation in the countries where they have taken refuge (paperback) 80pp. $t

AIN'T GONNA PAY FOR WAR NO MORE. Finally, every
thing you'd want to know on war tax resistance under one
cover - by Robert Calvert, coordinator of War Tax Resis-

WRL Midwest,1437 E. Brady St., Milwaukee, Wis. 53202
,l003
Forrester NW, Albuquerque, NM
llRL Southwesr,

tance. (paperback)

81104
WRL West,833 Haight St., S.F., Ca|.94133
Atlanto llorkshop in Nonviolence, Box 7 477

AN EYE FOR AN EYE impresses .l essica Mitford, author
of "The Trial of Dr. Spock" as "not only an immensely
informatjve chronicle of prison life but also as an incredibly
brave act of defiance on the part of these four convicts."
They are still doing time at lndiana State Prison. (paperback)
246 pp.95 cents

,

Atlanta, Ga.

30309

D.C.

llashington lyRL, P.O. Box 231, American University,
Washingtorr, D.C. 2001 6

KANSAS
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MICHIGAN
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NEW J ERSEY

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NEW YORK
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Columbus WRL,195 lndianola Ave., Columbus, Ohio
43201

OKLAHOMA
Oklahoma WRL, Box

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Austin WRLlDirect Action, P.O. Box 7161 , University
Station, Austin, f x.18712
Ft. Worth WRL,3111 McPherson, Ft. Worth,

fx16109

VIRGINIA
Edinberg Virginio WRL, Rt

FREE TO GO. When Wiliiam Kuenning went to D.C. on
spring vacation it was not to participate in the Mayday demos. But he wound up by doing so atrd he, his wife, son
and daughter all were busted. He tells the story, human itr
35 pp. T5cents
terest style, in this pamphlet.

WHAT lS CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS? This noted article

by Wilhelm Reich is translated into English for the first time
52 pp. $1
in a reprint by Liberation Magazine.
MOVEMENT SECURITY KlT, lssued by RESIST, this kit
includes RADICAL'S GUIDE TO GRAND JURIES,"ARE
YOU NOW OR HAVE YOU EVER," NOTES ON SECUR.

etc.

$1

WRL BROKEN RIFLE BUTTON $6/100,$1 112,10d each

TEXAS

WEST VIRGINIA

$1

STRUGGLE FOR JUSTICE. A report on crime and punishment in America prepared for the AFSC with Mark Mor179 pp. $1.95
ris as staff writer (paperback)

lTY,

Norman Okla. 73069

121pp.

ff

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in assorted colors $7/1 00,$1 /1 0, 1 Ocents each

Morgontown WIN , 420 Stewart St., Morgantown, W. Va.
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ND PIN

ln addition to the above groups, there are about a
dozen efforts to organize local WR L's going on
around the country. These are what we c-ould call
embryo WRL's and when they reach the stage of
being able to organize and work outside the WRL
membership we will list them as locat WRL's. lf you

---;,

would like to begin organizing a local WRL or would
like information on the local WRL program please
write to the National Office.

on heavy metal. $'l

WRL BROKEN RIFLE PIN

black enamel on steel.

wAR REsrsTERtrrncur
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Yo*,

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$1

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'/'4i->\
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r,///t/rtl
THE 1ST ANNUAL WIN SELLING CONTEST
lst (and onlv) or,i.ze: "tU

',, fu, ,,

an all expenses paid (except transportation) vacation

for two at the WIN Hilton in picturesque Rifton, N.Y., near the
beautiful, scenic Shwangunk Mountains.
That's right girls and boys! A week at the fun filled WIN
commune can be yours if you are the lucky person that sells
the most copies of the special March 1 issue! (And a very special double issue it will be.)
Because this issue will be more than double the size of an
ordinary issue of WlN, we are forced to charge 75 cents a copy. Thit means that you buy them from us in bulk (lq 9opies or more) for 40 cents, thus make a clear profit of 35
cents on each copy that you sell!

And imagine

-

you might even win a week at WIN!

Deadline for the contest is March 31 so hurry and get your
first order in now!