Win Magazine Volume 7 Number 17

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Most of the attendants and speakers session completed the organization of
local community Schools of Living, to
were for a more organic integrated life
be directed bylim Ryan, Box 6,
than is now lived by most Americans.
Hill, NC. -Mildred J. Loomis
Chapel
paid
to
selfwas
Particular attention
maintaining living on the land, or
"homesteadingl' new.forms of communACTION IN AUBURN
ity, freer'access to land, to new schools
The Auburn, Nl sglective service
for children, and to a new adult studyoffice was invaded on September 10 by
action program.
protestors who used, their act itself as
A featured sPeaker was Dr' RalPh
protest-draft files were opened
their
philosopher
and
Borsodi, decentralist
contents scattered around
and
their
in
of
Living
of
the
School
founder
the room, but nothing was destroYed
1936. His books,Ihrs Ugly Civilization
or taken.
and Flight fromThe City, were popular
A letter to the editor of the Auburn
during the Great Depression and are
from what the paper
of
Problems
Moior
Citizen-Advertiser
revived.
now being
referred to as"the vandals" explained
Men ond SocietY was Published in
the action as a response to"a feeling
1 968.
group
to
of shared guilt . . . due to our cooperathe
Dr. Borsodi challenged
tion with the Selective Service Systeml'
an action program that millions can
The letter,which the newsPaPer did
implement with resulting good health,
print but quoted from in its story
not
security, independence, and creative
on
the
incident, was signed "Guiltyattendants
the
days
three
living. For
but,not repenttngl' fhe Citize*
probed the nature of major problems
of man and society and then organized Advertiser story managed to transmogrify the signature into"Guilty-but
to begin new nationwide, adult studyrepentingl' -WlN Auburn Bureau
action groups of local communitY
Schools of Living.
The schools will be initiated bY
BRAD L}TTLETURNED LOOSE
consumer-producer cooperatives, outAn indictment charging Bradford
lined by Don NewY of Devcor, Fresno,
Lyttle, a leader of the MaYdaY
CA. A grouP of neighbors Pool their
demonstrations, with assaulting a
needs for eggs, oranges, meat, or other
policeman last MaY 3 was dismissed
a
aPProach
product;
theY
specific
by a Superior Court Judge on SePfarmer or producer to suPPlY this
tember 21.
amount at an agreed-on price, usually
Ruling on technical grounds,
higher than he gets in a regular market
George H. Goodrich held that
pay
udge
a
in
consumers
the
.f
and lower than
the indictment was defective because
regular market. Such groups eliminate
a representative of the J ustice Demiddlemen, advertisers, sellers, and
partment's internal security division
producer
storage. Both consumers and

t (L/

V

u

gai n.

To clarify the Health Problem, the
Possessional Problem, and Political and
Educational Problems, a score of persons presented papers and led discus-

NEW I-IOPE IN DECENTRALIST
EDTJCATIONHCTI OI\ PROGMM
The 1 971 Conference on Adequate
Action for a Human Future, held in
early September near Gettysburg, PA,
and sponsored by the School of Living,
Freeland, MD, brought together a
score of leaders in allied decentralist
groupsr emphasizing personal, family,
and community independence from
overcrowded cities, from government,
and from rigid wage and school
systems.

sions.Three businessmen examined the
nature of the land, money, and government monopolies that create unemployment, poverty, and dependence on
government. Five people presented
workable alternatives in the economic
sphere, including the I nternational
lnstitute of lndependence directed by
Robert Swann at Voluntown, CT
A film,"One WaY to Better Citiesi'
showed how higher taxing of land site
values and under-taxing of buildings
also helps distribute wealth fairly and
reduces povertY.
There were also sessions on health,
therapy, natural childbirth and breast
feeding, and new schools. A final

had appeared without authorization

before the grand iury that returned
ir.
-WlN Woshington Bureou
PROTFST VESSEL OFF ATVrcHITKA
The 85-foot protest vessel "Greenpeacei'manned by a Canadian-US crew
of 12 has arrived in Alaska in plenty of
time for the five-megaton A-blast
scheduled by the AEC for the end of
October.The halibut boat, owned bY
from Vancouver
f ohn Cormack, sailed
in late September. Among the crew
members are an ecologist, an organic
chemist, a political scientist and a
physician.
The"Greenpeace"will anchor just outside the island's 3-mile limit, 20 miles
closer than the AEC scientists observing the blast.
The protest won the official support

of Prime MinisterTrudeau, who said:
"We believe all such tests should be
halted.There can be no mistake as to
the depth of Canadian public concern
in this matter:"
On October 4 the Canadian government presented in the House of
Commons a resolution urging the US
government to call off this recordsetting nuclear test, which some fear
might set off an earthquake.Two days

from London, the British
Society for Social Responsibility in
Science sent a similar plea to Washington.There has been considerable protest in the US, particularly on the West
earlier,

Coast.
However, according to the most

NOW ITS"YAHIYAH!''
INISTEAD OF" KI LL! KI LL!

ing of indiscreet slogans or responses

"

This change in US Army bayonet
drills was revealed in a New YorkTimes
story September 19 by B. Drummond
Ayres,

J r.

The story quotes Col. W C.Carster,
an Army training specialist at Fort
Monroe, Virginia:"We're trying to
keep things modern and in good tastel'
But it also quotes Pvt. Walter Stout
of Tulsa, Oklahoma:"Killing is killing
and that's what war is all aboutl'
TheTimes reporter explains: " Nevertheless, the Vietnam war has brought
enough scattered complaints from both
both recruits and civilians to force the

Army to change its bayonet training

recent newspaper story:"A White
House spokesman said that President

Nixon is"still reviewing" the matter."
-1.P.

yells and chants. Publicly, this is not
admitted. Army spokesmen say only
that commanders have begun to
enforce a regulation that states:'Shout-

HOME FOLKS
marilyn albert
connie bleakley
bruce chrittianson
donna chrirtianson
diana

i

davies

Letters

An Appeal from

page 9:

Omega's First Voyage

pogell:

Steal This Court

poge I 8:

Note New Address

page 20:

The Attica Demands:

Bangla Desh

@@@o

mayer Yish ner
linda wood
mike wood

STAFF

CL'W2

maris cakais
susan cakart
burton levitsky
mary mayo

peace and froedom

through nonyiolent action

IN THE PROVINCES
michael brunson (box 12548, reatile,

wash.9Slll)

Tuth dear (5429 s. dorchester, chacago,
ilr.)

seth foldy (2322 elandon dr., ctevetand
heights, oh.)

becky and paul (somewhe;e in new mexico)

iim gehres lbox 7477, ailanta,

9a.

wayne hayashi (lO2O kuqpohqku
€4., honolulu, hi. 968f9)
tlmothy lang€ (1O45 l4th st., boutder,
co.)

ma;k morris (3809 hamltton rt.. phita-

delphia, pa.l
paul oDluda (544 natoma, san trancisco,

ca.94l03,

present for pre-induction physicals
placed their processing papers on the
floor and set them afire.
The two, John Petruzziello and
Lawrence Levy, were immediately
arrested and arraigned before a federal

poge 6:

wendy Schwartz
lorraine shapiTo
bonnie stretch

3(}309)

On February 27 in a corridor on the

fourth floor of the induction center in
Ntiwark, NJ, two of 100 young men

igal roodenko

leah tritz
margaret haworih

dorothy lane

BURN PROCESSING PAPERS
AT PHYSICAL

poge 5:

iim

,ack horowitz
marty iezet
peter kiget

-J.P.

peck

,alph cligia
jen elodie

neil hawo;th

yah"means, he said:"1 think it,s an old
Asian word, maybe Chinese or
Japanese.Well, I guess it means'Killl,,,

menu

elliot linzer

jackson maclow
david mcreynolds
pete, merlin
karen messer

A
poge

26r

Reading

To Hitch His Own

poge 28:

Reviews

Cover:

Burt Levitsky

339 lafayette street

new york, new

york

10012

telephone (.212l. 22&027 O
WIN 15 publlshed twlcc'monthly
exc€pt July, Augurt. and Janu-

ary when lt ls publlshed monthly
by the WIN Publlshlng Emplro
wlth the support of the wer Rc.
rlsteri LGaguo, Subrcrlptlons are
$5.OO per year. Second class po9
tage pald at New York, N.Y.
lOOOl. lndlvldu.l wrlt€rs are re.
spontlble tor oplnlons expreJ3€d

and accuracy ot facts

glven.

Sorry-manuscrlpts cannot b€ re.

turnod unless eccompanled by

a

sslr-adclrosscd, stampod envelope.
Prlnted ln U.S.A.. WIN ls a member ol the Underground P;ess Syndlc.te and Llberatlon NeWs Ser-

vlcc.

is

not permitted:"
The story concludes with an anecdote about a drill sergeant at Fort
Leonard Wood, Missouri, who had his
men yell " Kee-yahl "Asked what,,Kee-

November 1,1971

Volume

Vll, Number 17

wrN N6rrs ARI uJo(K.qN,/ftrNG Fflou ,o0Drts
Io Dffiu,tNgS To PHor0s.

magistrate on charges of interfering

with Selective Service business.
I nitial reports misrepresenting the
protest as an attempt to burn down
the building were dismissed by Lt. Col.
joseph Gerda, commanding officer of
the induction center, who commented:
"lt would be pretty difficult to burn
this building down by starting a small
fire on a concrete base floor between
*J,P
two metal wallsi'

GI'SWN RIGHTS
ln a landmark decision handed
down September 22,1971, the US
Army Court of MilitarY Review in
Washington, DC, reaffirmed the aPPlication of the Supreme Court's right-tocounsel protections to Gl's, but went
on to extend to Gl's even broader protections at i nterrogation.
ln a unanimous decision, the ArmY
court reversed the 1969 court-martial
conviction ofThomas W. Catlow, holding that a"confession" he made was
unlawfully taken by the Army's Crimi-

nal lnvestigation Division because of a
blatant disregard for his request to con
consult his attorney befor.e being
questioned. ln so holding, the Court
for the first time set down guidelines

prisoners faced over 40 years in prison

for the setting of minor fires

-Workers Defense Leogue
KENT STATE GUARDSMAN
WNISCO DISCHARGE

which must be followed by Army
investigators once a man has claimed
his Constitutional right

to

see

a lawyer

before being questioned. lf these
guidelines are not followed, any statement given by a suspect becomes
tainted and cannot be used against him
in an Army trial, no matter how

"voluntary"it may

have been.

For Gl's facing interrogation, this
major victory" For Catlow, it means
back to the Army and back to jail.
Catlow is one of the celebrated " Fort
is a

Dix 38j'who were charged with criminal acts during the 1969 rebellion in
the Fort Dix Stockade in protest
against the brutal and inhuman conditions of their confinement. No
stockade officials were ever brought to
answer for their vicious and unlawful
treatment of the prisoners; but five

and

broken glass during the disturbance.

Roymond Silvey, the Ohio National
Guardsman who applied for a CO discharge following the killing ot tour

Kent State University students in May
1970, finally has won it.
Reversing an Army review board

decision, US Judge WilliamThomas has
ordered the Ohio National Guard to
grant Silvey a discharge.
"My first reaction when the shooting
occurred was to cry and I did so un
ashamedly,"Silvey had told the review
board.o'l then left the ranks and threw
down my rifle and declared I wasn't
about to take part in any killing:' -l.P

ACLUCRITICIZES

MTIONAL GUARD
The "abuses" perpetrated by the
National Guard were sharply criticized
in a 14O-page report written by
Nicholas Waranoff, a member of the
American Civil Liberties Union legal de
department.
The report, which listed remedies fo

for the situation, said: "The
limbs, and freedoms

lives,

of innocent citi-

zens.were put in immediate danger on
each of the 324 occasions when the
Guard was called out between January

1968 and May 1970.

i

"Experience demonstrated that

when guardsmen . . . arg dispatched to

the scene of a disorder, they do not
consider themselves to be merely a
supplementary police force but rather
a military unit engaged in warfare."
The Guard's most notorious single
action was the Kent State case which

resulted in the murder of several

students.

-1

.P.

DANBURY REVISITED

Lyndon B. johnson refuses o leaflet handed to him by Ed Hedemann ofAustin
(Texo) WRL.This historic confrontotion took ploce on October2, Notional Politicol Prisoners Doy. Johnson was leaving Memorial Stodium ofter o footboll gome.

+

Ted Glick, the preceding speaker at
the Danbury rally October 2-attended
by some 2,500 people-had just been
released the day before.This prompted
me to mention that I had been released
26 years ago after three years imprisonment as a war obiector.
This was my fourth demonstration
at Danbury since then-and by far the
biggest. For me, it had turned out to
be one Danbury demonstration Per

eion| eaeD bft,re

that, while the specific demands vary,
the prisoners' main objective is the

same-to simPlY be treated

as human

beings.

Linking the Protest to Vietnam,
Don Luce, well known for his exPose
of the Con Son tiger cages, told us in a
later speech how the US is presently
using our tax money to construct new
tiger-cage prisons in that country'
After the rallY, which was at Kenosha Lake state park, the demonstrators
went to the prison entrance to vigil'
The vigil line,stretched for almost a
mile, covering the entire length of the
prison property which fronts on the
highway. Prisoners on the inside
marked the occasion by a day-long fast

:,i,

decade: in the Forties, to demand
amnesty for war obiectors; in the Fifties to suPPort SeYmour Eichel, a
hunger-striking draft resister; and in
the Sixties to mark an international
observance of WRI's Prisoners for
Peace Day.

Though Dave Dellinger, who sPoke
later, warned against feeling so complaI'm doin time oi the west coast in a
penitentiary of Washington State. This
durle from the USC down in California
sent me your address and told me that
you might turn a dude on that's in the
joint so he can get on down rvith what's
goin' on in the streets. Well, the man
started letting underground presses into
the joint here, and I'm wondering if you
people could turn, me on to your mag.
The joint that I'm doin time'in is the
worst of the three in the state, but the
new trend has been to Put most of the
people that were involved in the "movem"nt" on the streets. So I have seen these
changes come about much faster in the past
year than in the whole three years I've
been here. And it's getting better all the
time. The most recent change beirlg the
OK for long hair, etc. Like I said I have
been here for three Years so I'm not
sure how the joints are in other states,
but we are coming together.
Would you send me a letter and let
me know if you are sending the paper so I
can make sure it comes in? Sometimes
these cops do get funky with the mail.
Gene

Ault

226075

Box 777
Monroe, l'lashington 98272
In March of this Year the Program of

Eastein African Studies of Syracuse University voted to endorse the principles of the
enclosed "Joint Treaty of Peace Between
the People of the United States and the
People of North and South Vietnam" (the
Peoples Peace Treaty). We did this because
on the whole we were convinced that the
Treaty represents a valuable contribution to

cent about the turnout that one might
sit back and refrain from further

action, I did feel Pleased about the
large number of demonstrators.
ln my talk, I recalled the successful
135-day strike in 1943 by 23 of us in
Danbury to end segregation in the
prison messhall. I linked it with today's

and a memorial service for the 42
Attica murder victims.
The DanburY demonstration was
one of about 20 which took Place on
the same daY at Prisons across the
countrY, among them the federal
prisons at Alderson, Ashland, Springfielcl, Sandstone, the state prison at
San Quentin, and several county iails'

-J im Peck

prisoner protest actions, pointing out

Younger people coming idto the movement
a background of historical
the
knowledge necessary to avoid making
get
same mistakes again and again' Don't

.r"", io iick

letters
the efforts for peace in Southeast Asia' The
recent PRG peace proposal in Paris and the
obvious sham of the upcoming South Vietnamese elections have reinforced our view
that the principles outlined in the Treaty are
the only way to quickly end US involvement
in Vietnam.
In the past few months our Program has
been discuising possible ways in which we
might concretely express our endorsement
of ihe Treaty. Program members ultimately
voted to take several specific actions includine collecting scientific and technical books
foi universities in North Vietnam and money
ior the independent South Vietnam National
Student Union so that they can continue to
works for peace in the[ war-torn country'
Further, rve have decided to inform other
African Studies Programs, the press, elected
public officials, and groups active in the
peace effort that our Program has endorsed
the TreatY's PrinciPles.
'
-Patrick J. McGowan

From time to time I try to write and let
vou know that there is still plenty of peace
activity uP here in the North.
I partiiularly liked Chuck Fager's article'
"Coalition Capeisl'A few comments might be
in order,
Reading Chuck's article made me feel
"this is where I came in beforel'The same
tactics have been used time and time again
during my I 2 or so years of peace activity'

discouraged-after a while, one becomes able
to recognize the eager'beaver manipulatorsand, wilhout apology, I always insist that
there is a basic acceptance of certain

common means and acknowledged ends
before I am prepared to get involved closely
with any grouP.
fnis tris nothing to do with"elitisml'
which I find a boring word. Our own gloup
(and these
has always had elected officers
elections are not rigged); and members are
encoutaged to attend all executive meetings
in a non-voting capacity' Any time the mem'
bership feels like throwing out any ofthe
they are most welcome to do so'
"*a"uiiu.,
We have acted on the basis that both men
and women-whether they are on the execuiir. ot otdirury members-must be prepared
to do what is most useful for the group at
any time-and this includes washing dishes-'
iiliing ttu*pr, and determining policy and
activities.
-I *ut also glad to read Staughton Lynd's
can
usual sane words of wisdom' Democracy
U" .ua" to work-although we had a rough
time aroirnd here with theWar Measures Act;
and I know many people suffered through
that time. (I myself spoke out publicly at
it tt.igfrt of the crisis on the same platform
"
as Dr. Slpock and no one bothered arresting
me. Maybe as I spend so much time in the
hospitai. the authorities don't think it worth
the trouble putting me in jail') As it is' some
of the hasty actions of last fall are comlng ln
tur" and rnsp-e:f io n, :t-"Lly,
for pub lic
but surelY. "*po
-ccilotr, JoSEPHYOTTAWA, ONTARIO

Ieturning

from a visit to the border area of

Bangla Desh, where I met a number of our people
who lost their everything in the struggle for freedom
that is going on there, I felt that, in my humble way, I
should make my appeal to the world conscience, to
raise its voice against the mass killings by President
Yahya Khan's forces. Clearly, it is an unequal struggle.
On one side there are the army, navy and air force of
a military rule which has been receiving modern arms
from the three greatest powers on earth. On the other
side are the 75 million people of Bangla Desh with
only their indomitable will to struggle as their ally.
The world press, radio and television have given
enough publicity to this event of infringement of human rights; but the innocent people who are daily
being killed by Pakistani bombers, rockets, tanks and
mortars are still anxiously waiting for the world

r

conscience to respond to this kind of situation' Why
this delay? is the question in the eyes of every dying
human being in Bangla Desh.The obvious answer is
that the great powers are biding their time. And perhaps the small powers are waiting for the greater
powers to move.
For those of you who are not already fully aware
of the situation, here are a few points which may very
briefly state the position: The two wings of Pakistan
are separated by about 1200 miles of lndian terrilory'
West iakistan includes half of former Puniab and the
and the whole of Sindh, Baluchistan and North West
Frontier Provinces of British lndia, while East
Pakistan is comprised of the eastern part of former
Bengal. Fifty -six per cent of the population of Pakistan iive in East Pakistan and they speak the Bengali
language. Forty-four per cent of the population lives
in Wesi Pakistan and they speak at least five different
languages.

ln. f,ittoty of the past 23 years has been that of
donrination over the political, economic and military
life of East Pakistan. Some of the results can be seen
in the following table:
East

population
general Sovernment exPendi-

tures (in billions of ruPees)
economic develoPment
expenditure
imports
foreign aid exPenditure
government iobs
army jobs

s6%
15
30
250/o
20%
1s%
10%

west
44%
50

60
75%
80%
8s%
90%

People in East Pakistan have always felt grieved at
the treatment meted out to them.There have been
frequent protests and agitations against the iniustices'
One of the maior issues has been that of imposition
of Urdu, a language of a very small minority, on the
whole of East Pakistan as the national language' A
ministry in East Pakistan was toppled on this very
issue.

The Awami League, which is spearheading the
liberation struggle in East Pakistan, started as a breakaway faction of the old Muslim League'The new party
was called Awami Muslim League, but the suffix
Muslim was dropped in 1951 in acknowledgment of
its avowedly secular character. ln 1967 Sheikh
Muiibur Rahman, the leader of the Awami League,
drew up a six-point program to abolish the hegemony
of West Pakistan and to obtain some safeguards which

he called "autonomy" for his state.The Pakistani
sovernment accused the Sheikh of plotting to secede
f,-m iut istan and put him in iail.The day the Sheikh
was released there were a million people to greet him'
Muiib fought the 1970 general elections on this
six-point program.The Awami League secured98'8 per
cent of seats from East Pakistan and polled 77 per
cent of votes.This gave them 55 per cent of seats in
the Pakistan parliament. Muiib was thus the elected
leader of the maiority party of Pakistan'Yahya Khan
referred to him as the"future Prime Minister of
Pakistanl'

Events started taking a different shape when Zulfikar Ali Bhutto of West Pakistan entered the scene.
Bhutto, who was formerly a member of Ayub Khan's
government, now leads a party that has 27 per cent

of s.rtr in the Pakistan parliamgnt.Throwing to the
winds all democratic norms he insisted that he would
not go to the parliament unless Muiib gave up the
demand for "Autonomyl' Muiib was prepared to

negotiate a settlement. But, presumably pressed by
Bhutto and the military hawks of the Pakistan army,
Yahya Khan suddenly called off the parliament, thus
depriving the people of Pakistan their first democratically elected parliament since the birth of the nation'
Yahya called a meeting of all the political parties'
While everybody was expecting that the Sheikh
would react strongly and declare independence, he
was still open to negotiation. But, deeply distressed at
the behavior of a minority, he refused to attend the
meeting convened by Yahya Khan and called for a
nonviolent non-cooperation movement.
The nonviolent non-cooperation movement had

the fullest support of practically the whole of East
Pakistan. lt would be hard to flnd another example in
history of a leader who had succeeded in uniting his
people behind him in the total manner that the
Sneitfr did.The chief lustice of the East Pakistan High
Court refused to swear in the new military Governor,
the East Pakistani cooks refused to prepare food for
him, and the whole population was on an unprecedented "strikel'
Yahya and Bhutto went to Dacca, the capital of
East Pakistan, to negotiate with Muiib. But later
events proved that it was only a pretext and the
hawks in Pakistan were only trying to gain time for
their troops to reach East Pakistan. While Muiib and
his men were still expecting the negotiations to
continue, Yahya's forces attacked Dacca and other important centers of East Pakistan with all their might'
The attack was carried out at the dead of the night in
a manner that the world had not witnessed since the
days of Hitler. lt was a story of one-sided killings,
bombing from the air, rapes of women, bayonetting
of childien, selective killings of East Pakistan's intelligentsia and youth, and extraction of blood from the
bodies of prisoners, preserving the blood for the army
before killing them.
It was only after these massacres that Muiib's men
declared independence.Till then, all their efforts had
been to preserve the integrity of Pakistan and have
the maximum possible autonomy for both of its
units.Thus it is not Muiib who can be blamed for trying to split Pakistan. History will record that the two
men most responsible for smashing the unity of Pakistan were President Yahya Khan and Z.A. Bhutto, for
now after five weeks of atrocities the question of a
united Pakistan is a thing of the past.The struggle
seems to be a long drawn out one and its cost in

human lives and suffering is unimaginable' lf the West
Pakistani army manages to conquer the whole of
Bangla Desh, it wjll be an occupied territory, but
never again a part of Pakistan.
lndia's expressions of sympathy and support have
been characterized by some as interference in

?An

{

Pakistan's internal affairs. Several governments have
declared that they consider it improper to interfere in
the internal affairs of another nation. But what is happening in Bangla Desh is certainly not an internal
affair of any one country. lts issue will not only
vitally affect lndia but also Asia and particularly
South and Southeast Asia. lt will also decide the fate,
for a long time to come, of the prospects in this part
of the world for human values, the decencies of
democracy, freedom from colonial domination, secularism and socialism.
Will it not be a major tragedy of history if this
great example of 'people's upsurge is crushed by the
military, anti-people and anti-democratic junta with
the "revolutionaries" and "champions of the people,,
of the world standing by and doing little or nothing?
The peace movements in lndia are doing their best by
helping the refugees coming in to lndia from Bangla
Desh and by organizing medical aid. We are also
eagerly waiting for friends from abroad to take some

I

l

kind of initiative. Some action by an international
team such as a nonviolent march intcthe Bangla Desh
or a voyage to the shore of Bangla Desh would be one
way to start. I am writing this to you because I consider you to be part of the world conscien.ce.
However humble we may be we all have to play our
part in history. lf you are convinced about the cause,
I would appeal to you to act personally. I need not
suggest to you how to act. You have been part of
some kind of peace actions. Some of you have led
peace movements.You know how to act at your end
(group meetings, mass meetings, letters to the UN,
the Pakistan embassy, etc.). What is needed most

today

is

world bpinion against the mass killings,

immediate recognition of Bangla Desh by all freedomloving countries, and aid in cash and kind not only
for the hundreds of thousands of refugees pouring
into lndia, but also for the millions of people living
and struggling in Bangla Desh.

-nome withheld

$i
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OI\4EGAS FIRSTVOI/AGE
This occount the teom members give of Omego's first mission to Bongla Desh involves us more intimately thon
ony grophic film version could.The orguments obout civil disobedience, the major's instruction to demonstrote
ogainst something else, the problems of decision moking-these ore things familior to us all.
The purpose of the first Omego teom wls purely ond simply one of confrontotion with the Pakiston authorities"
A second teom-deoling solely with getting relief into oreas of Bonglo Desh territory not controlled by the Pokiston
Army-hos now corried out two missions, both of which have been successful.
News

-Peoce

Omega 1 and 2 crossed the lndian checkpoint 60
kilometers outside Calcutta at noon onTuesday,
,August 1 7, passing the flagstaff flying the Bangla Desh
flag, which the mukti bahini raise and guard every
night while the Pakistan Army make sorties against it
to within fifteen yards of the lndian border. ln Omega
1 were Marc Duran, Christine Pratt, Roger Moody and
Dan Due; in Omega 2 were Ben Crow, Dan Grotta,
Doreen Plamping and Freer Spreckley.

?o.t
o

The road was narrow with potholes every few feet.
The two vehicles entered at about 3 mph and 100
yards apart, in case the road was mined. We crawled
forward 250 yards and heard a loudspeaker. Roger
said he could see a soldier ahead, behind a tree. We
stopped, then went on. As the voice went on
repeating the same message, we stopped again, made
ourselves.known through our loudspeaker, and heard
the words:"Get down from your vehicles. Proceed on

-t
foot in twos. Do not step off the roadl'We did so,
and two more soldiers appeared, smiling and greeting
us.Then a ma.ior, all smiles, asked us who we were.
Roger introduced us and all shook hands.
As the major said he did not know who we were,
Roger told him we were Operation Omega and stated
our intent.The major asked if we had passports and
visas. On hearing that we had no visas, he asked why
not. We said we didn't feel we needed visas to bring
food to people in need. We were told to go back to
lndia and asked why hadn't we come in through
Dacca to distribute supplies through the proper channels or through the United Nations.

Walking with the maior
We replied that we had brought food from
ordinary people in England and other countries to
distribute directly ourselves, explaining our mission

several times at intervals.The maior, contradicting his
original statement, said that he had been awaiting us
since 10 am and that he appreciated our humanitarian

mission.
He asked rus to come to Jessore and leave our
vehicles. We replied that we could not leave our supplies. He said we could not take our vehicles any
further. When asked why, he said it was impossible.
When pressed, he said that the road was impassable
for military reasons.
The point was also raised that Pakistanis have to
obtain visas before going to England-why had we
come to Pakistan without visas? We replied that we
were acting independently of our governments and
were against their visa regulations.The malor also said
that he had expected us to bring refugees with us.
Finally he told us that we could go to Jessore to
discuss all these matters with his superiors but we

must first talk to his commanding officer who was
waiting for us. He agreed to let us discuss these matters privately among ourselves, and then we walked
back to our vehicles for a discussion. We decided to
send the four members of Omega 1 and informed the
soldiers of our decision.

supposed to be punctual. He was alternately angry,
fanatical, racist and even friendly.
He admitted that there was need for food but told
us that our half ton of biscuits was an insult, a cloak
for our underhand intentions. He asked us why we
didn't sit in at London airport against our visa law
and why we didn't take our mission to lreland. Aid
should be negotiated on a government-to-government
basis and all governments had laws which people had
to obey.
We told him that when laws are not operating for
the benefit of the people, it was time for individuals
to disregard laws and act with individual responsibility. He said that we were anarchists and that his
country had not time for such people. He said that
our minds had been fixed by the propaganda of our
newspapers and the BBC and that he didn't want this
"Omega business in Pakistanl'
We then returned, under escort, by a different
route, arriving at the vehicles about 5 pm. During the
time that Omega t had been away, Omega 2 had
either stayed in the road or taken shelter in the vehicles from the monsoon rains.

Arrested
We discussed the alternatives: 1) to send a group
of us, or all go to Jessore;2) to stage a sit-in with the
vehicles; 3) to start walking in the morning with a tin
of biscuits each.There were two problems about the
first: we felt that everyone should go, which would

mean leaving the vehicles, also we could not
accept the Pakistan Army's hospitality in Jessore.
By this time it was obvious that Roger was very sick.
We decided to spend the night in our vehicles and
discuss further in the morning.

On being informed of our decision, the soldiers
were very upset, said it was impossible for us to stay
there the night, and pleaded with us to go to Jessore.
We were told we were behaving like children. By
around 7 pm we had settled down to sleep in our
respective vehicles. We were all very concerned about
Roger's condition.
Around 9:20 pm the soldiers returned and asked
us to come immediately to their commanding officer.
Much argument ensued and we refused to leave our
vehicles and supplies voluntarily. One of the officers
then arrested us. Roger stated that he would not
cooperate with arrest, as did Chris and Ben. Omega 1
and 2 were then pushed back on to the road by a
group of soldiers. About now Doreen asked the
soldiers for a doctor for Roger.

During the whole of this period the vehicles were
clearly in sight of the lndian border post. Now the
officers asked us to move our vehicles to the side of
the road. We agreed and then Omega 1 left with the
major and two captains, who were very apologetic
about the long walk through paddy fields and across
flcoded sections of countryside.
We walked for abouf five minutes when we came
across a length of white tape which stretched for
about 100 yards, at the end of which it formed a
small enclosure in which were standing two old
Jessore
wooden chairs. When questioned about this, they said
The officer asked those who were prepared to walk
they .were.expegting refugees... .
to stand on the side of the road. Roger again refused
After about 45 minutes walking across soms diffi;; ;;;; una-in. officer immediately ordered a
cult terrain and through a monsoon downpour, we,
;;;r;;;r. ilen the stretcher arrived, about half an
arrived at a building with a sign on the outside wall
i,;;;i;;;r. ahris and Ben sti, refused ro move while
that read,"Reception Centerl'We were taken inside, R;;.;;; lifted out onto the stretcher and put on
and met by a lieutenant colonel, several soldiers and
;h;;";.
two men in Western clothes.The lieutenant colonel
tt.r. *u, then an argument among Chris, Ben and
said that he had been waiting for us since 10 am and
otn., i"u, ,embers urit *u, obvioui that if Ben and
was under the impression that the English were

?Z q

Chris still refused to move they would be left with the
vehicles. Chris and Ben eventually were persuaded
that it was a bad idea for the team to be split. Furtner
delays seemed fruitless in view of our states of mind
and Roger's condition, so we decided we should all
walk.
After wading through a four-foot-deep river and
across some paddy fields, we got into two military vehicles and were taken to the lieutenant colonel's quarters, Marc and Ben arrived first and received a barrage
of comments-'Fucking foreigners, why have you
kept my soldiers all day and night?" Then the rest of
us arrived. Roger, it was said, was obviously a Hindu/
lndian spy, everything that had happened was a
Hinduplot. As far as possible we remained silent, and

Pakistanis over lndians-those "animals who wear
these dhoti things between their legsi'and who grovel
on the ground, whereas West Pakistanis ate at tables
and sat on chairs, etc. How dare we English presume

hospital. Doreen asked if she could be given the prescription to administer-the reply was noncommital.
The army vehicles came to take us to Jessore. On
the road we saw groups of civilians with staves at
maybe hundred-yard intervals and checkpoints at
half'mile intervals.These civilians were "local volunteers protecting the culverts in the road and their
local area against miscreants from across the border."
We arrived in Jessore about2 am and were shown
into three rooms in the officers' quarters. We were

We returned to our vehicles without mishap, with
some of us carrying Roger on a stretcher. As far as we

only Freer argued.
\
A doctor attended Roger and diagnosed intestinal
colic; he wanted Roger to see a specialist in the morning. He administered a pain-killing injection and
suggested that Roger be admitted to the hospital that
night" Roger said that he did not want to go to the

offered food but refused. We were awakened for
breakfast about 7:30 and all refused. We met to
decide strategy. Early in this meeting Ben was called
away by a captain and told we were to prepare to
meet a higher officer. We disagreed about the alternatives available and finally decided to tell the officer
no more than that our intention was to distribute ('ur
relief freely. At this time Doren had just taken
Roger's temperature-l04.6. He was told that he
required immediate medical attention but said that he
would not go to the hospital.
At 9:30 am a brigadier, the iieutenant colonel and
some other officers came into the room.The brigadier
said he appreciated our humanitarian gesture but that
we should apply through the proper channels. We did
not reply, whereupon he began a short racist monologue on the theme of the cultural superiority of West

?^u,lo

to dictate to him! Our days of dominance were over.
Towards the end of his tirade he told us that "this
time you will be pushed back to lndia. lf you return
you will'be handed over to the civil authorities for
trial according to international law."
We were then left alone to wait for the vehicles
which would take us back. We discussed briefly
whether to resist being moved and decided against.
The journey back was physically uneventful but
mentally harrowing. We saw very few people and
many empty houses-on the whole trip from Jessore
to Benapol, Roger counted 1 50 people in the fields.
Some houses were burnt down, some demolished; and
many looked in various stages of dilapidation. At
least one village (probably Benapol itself) was burnt
completely to the ground and uninhabited.

could tell the vehicles were completely untouched.
We got in and waited.Then it dawned-there.had been
some misunderstanding.The captain was waiting for
us to drive back'to lndia while we were waiting to be
pushed.The captain called the major, who stormed
across the paddy in high dudgeon, shouting and
swearing ferociously. After cooling his temper, we
arrived at a compromise.They would push us to the
point where we had stopped the previous day and
there we would drive back.
The officers seemed genuinely afraid that they
would be shot if they approached the lndian border
any closer than this.We also agreed that several of us
should walk in front of the vehicles, both to make
plain that we were not some Pak Army "Trojan
Horse" and to allay the soldiers' fears of being shot.
There were no formalities on our return.The
lndian guards were friendly and interested to hear
how we had fared.They asked a few questions of
military interest.They offered us tea which Doreen
and Freer refused because they felt the reason we had
refused the hospitality of the pak Army applied
equally to the lndian Army.
Then, the barricades down, we drove on and were
met by a beaming Bernard and a joyous J oyce.

ffi

c}ils K{mo

I had a flash some time ago about which way the
great medicine ball ought to be rolling. ln just about
every insurance policy there's something called the
acts of God clause which says that notwithstanding
anything this policy says it covers, should anything
reolly calastrophic happen, like a flood or an earth-

thing's copacetic here in our little family, dum de
dum, everybody getting along just as nice as nice
could be.
"You mean with bickering and jealousy and Oedipus numbers and Electra runs and crazy Uncle Harold
messing all over himself in the attic and nobody talking at the dinner table and only staying together for
the sake of the children?" I asked.
"Well ... no. lmean likea...like areol family!,
And I told her no, she didn't mean like a real
family at all;she meant like a family that never was, a
fantasy family. I told her that the co-op.she was living
in sounded to me iust like a real family. And that we
had a choice. We could either live in real families
where we might not get along without anguish but
where, when we had to go there, they,d have to take
us in; or we could try to live in fantasy families where
everybody got along copacetic only in the fine print
you discover you're not covered in case of extremity.
I told her I thought love was not the absence of
petty bickering but the acceptance and transcendence
of petty bickering in the face of such acts of God as
the soul-wrenching, unaccountable, entropic continued flowering of the universe.The world, I told her, is
only staying together for the sake of the children.
The movement at its best is a home without walls,
and right now movement people would do well to
consider staying together for the sake of the kids.
We've had our share, recently, of disagreements and
disputes and mutual badmouthings.
There are two ways of looking at all this. One is
that we're not acting like much of a family.The other

quake or an incursion of internoospheric smegma
whorplers, you're on your own. ln other words, the
American economy promises us this and that, but
should God go into his act, the deal's off.
Whot a fantostic opening this gives the movement!
I thought. We should concentrate on promising things
that we make good on only when there are acts of
God going down. What could be a more potent organizing tool than the promise that we'll be there when
you need us and the only way this can work is if you
become part of us?
The best of our projects-draft counseling is a good
example-have had this quality of showing people
who they can rely on in extremity and who they

can't.
The best honky institutions have that quality, too:
"Home is where when you have to go there, they have
to take you inl'
Now the "they" wlro have to take you in is
supposed to be your family, and family is a word we
hear a lot of these days as a model for how we're supposed to get on with each other. I was at a student
living co-op conference in Austin last summer and a
girl there was disappointed about how the kids in her
co-op related to each other.
"How should they relate to each other?" I asked.,.
"Like . . . more like a familyl'she said.
I had the feeling that to her this meant every-

is

that we are.
And when I was asked to be one'of the arbitrators

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in the dispute between Abbie Hoffman andTom Forcade over Steal This Book, I felt that I had been called in to help settle a
disagreement between two members of a real family.
The movement has lately been paralyzed by its failure to develop ways of resolving its own disputes and its failure to come
up with ways of legitimizing righteous authority.
We've come to use techniques of disruption invented out of necessity during the Sixties for scuffling ontheir turf, againstas.
And the only process of legitimizing authority^in a movement where both the bogus and righteous leaders are self-appointed,
has been who has the biggest fan club.
The panel thatTom and Abbie convened to settle their Steal This Book dispute implicitly addressed itself to both these
problems.
While it was deliberating, Rolling Stone was running a smear on Abbie written by one lzak Haber, who claims that, though
he has a fulfilled contract with Abbie guaranteeing him 22b per cent of the royalties on Sreal This Book, Abbie is somehow
ripping him off.
Tom, unlike Haber, realized that the time had come when we could deal with each other face to face without the mediation
of Kinney National Service Corp.
The dispute arose late last year when Abbie approached Tom with the manuscri ptof Steal This Book. Abbie had
heard thatTom, who was then coordinator of the Underground Press Syndicate, was interested in publishing and distributing books through underground channels.Steol had been relected by over thirty publishers, and Abbie desperately wanted to get the book out.
Tom told Abbie that no more than 20,000 copies of the book could be sold without recourse to a major distributor,
but that he was prepared to copublish the book with Abbie-take the book all the way from manuscript to shipping
finished copies. lt was agreed that Tom would do this in return for a percentage of sales from the book, and that a contract for Tom would soon arrive from Abbie's lawyers.
A few days laterAbbie had to do thirteen days in Chicago for having written FUCK on his forehead during the 1968
convention, so he left the manuscript forTom to get to work on.
Some time after Abbie got back from Chicago-just how long after was part of the dispute-he checked over the galleys
of type thatTom had contracted for, and found too many mistakes in them to suit hirn.
What's more, though he thought he'd made it clear toTom that the book would be a regular-size paperback,
the type had been set to the dimensions of the larger "quality" paperback size. He told Tom he didn't want
him to work on the book any more.
When Tom was asked how much he expected to be paid for the work, he said $5,000. Abbie thought
this was outrageous, and though he promptly paid everyone else who had worked on the book, he refused
to payTom. Eventually,Abbie decided to publish the book himself through Pirate Editions, lnc.,and
arranged to have Steol distributed by Grove Press. A few months later,Tom filed a lawsuit against Abbie.
Last summer, Rex Wiener, a writer for the East Villoge Other,who was working for Pirate Editions, was
in Washington and met Tom, who was then in the process of getting accredited as UPS's Congressional
correspondent and was waiting for White House credenlials.Tom had spoken about-the possibility of
settling the thing out of court and Rex offered to take it up with Abbie. Abbie agreed and Rex set about

''i

.z

finding arbitrators.
He finally landed on Mayer Vishner, who had a good background irt ripoff economics through his leadership of the Rock and Revolution class atAlternate U. Mayer, in turn, recommended me-l had written an
article entitled "Das Hip Kapital" for a national magazine, later reprinted in Creem; I was writing a book
on the economy of the counterculture; and l had invented the Countereconomy course for the Free University at Berkeley.
What's more, Mayer and I had discussed several times the possibility of setting up an alternative distribution apparatus for independent record companies, and there were parallels between the system we'd
envisioned and the one Abbie was thinking about when he first approached Tom. Rex was ready to
leave it at two arbitrators, but I suggested that for tie-breaking purposes, we had to have at least
three. My wife, Alison, suggested Dr. Howard Levy. We thought he'd be good because there was no
question that he'd paid his dues, and we'd had the opportunity of hearing him accept theTom
Paine award of the.National Emergency Civil Liberties Committee and had been enormously
impressed by him. Abbie and Tom approved the three of us and the date of the hearing was
set.

A few days before the hearing, a story appeared in the New York Posf which dealt with
both Haber's claim and Tom's. I was struck by the way people who had heard of the
caseossumed that Hoffman was in the wrong. I reflected that when the government
accuses somebody in the movement of doing something, movement people universally assume the accused is innocent; but perversely enough,when the accusation
comes from within the movement, you're guilty until proven otherwise.
We met for the first time in the"PeaceChurch" in Greenwich Village. A
reporter from the NewYork Times was outside, and the judges had to
make their first decision-to exclude the press from the hearing.Tom and
Abbie were edgy enough as it was-Abbie refused even to be in the room

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at the same time

as Tom-and Mayer, Howard and I
were not sure enough of our own roles to have some-

body sitting there writing everything down.
The format of the hearing couldn't have been
more informal. Abbie and thenTom appeared, each
with all his witnesses in the room at once. Rex acted
as bailiff and taped everything that went down so that
we could refer back to the record if the need arose.
Abbie's position was simple. Tom hadn't done very
much work on the book*some editing, arranging for
typesdtting which couldn't be used, hiring an artist
who refused to do drawings of bombs.The result,
according to Abbie, was that he had to pay for the
typesetting twice and had to pay yet another artist

for drawings.

He said he was willing

to

pay Tom

$1,500-$500 on the basis of Tom's work itself, plus
another $1,000 in recognition of the high degree of
misunderstanding that had arisen.

Our first order of business was to argueTom out of
a provision in his "submission to arbitration":That he
would refuse to accept our decision unless we each
decided i ndepe nde nt ly, without conferring.Tom
explained that he was afraid that if we had a chance
to hash it out among ourselves, one strong personality
might pull the other two out of line. We told him we
thought the issues of the case-and their implications
for the movement-were too complex for us to decide
without rapping it out among ourselves. Finally Tom
agreed, and in retrospect it was lucky he did-each of
us came out of the hearing with a divergent idea of
what ought to be done; if we hadn't argued it out,
there couldn't have been ony decision.
Tom began by presenting a lengthy brief in which
he offered his iustification for asking $8,500 from
Abbie-the $5,000 he'd asked for in the first place
plus $3,500 to compensate him for the hassles he'd
had trying to collect the $5,000-plus the legal fees
he'd been charged in connection with his lawsuit. He
accompanied his brief with copies of Steol marked to
show the additions and changes. And to round out his
presentation, he brought along Haber and a draft of
Haber's hatchet job on Abbie-presented to us to

"demythologize" Hoff man.
Reading Haber's piece was probably our first maior
departure from "legal" procedure-in any court of law,
the article probably would have been considered immaterial, since it said nothing at all about Forcade's
relationship with Hoffman. But we read it because we
felt we wanted to know whether there was a pattern
of behavior on Abbie's part of ripping off people
who'd been involved in Steol and, frankly, because we
were curious as to what Haber had to say about
Abbie.
Tom's position, as iupported by witnesses, was
that he had put five weeks of work into editing the
book and working with the typesetter and the artist..
The mistakes on the galleys were inconsequential, and
the real reason the type had to be reset was because
Grove suddenly decided it wanted to handle the book
in a smaller format.
What's more, his associate Michael Forman had
introduced the book to Grove Press, so that Forcade
was responsible for setting up the distribution plan

?fit+

for Steal, plus scenarios for advertising it.
ln justifying the size of his claim, Forcade said his
price for working as a consultant to Madison Avenue
firms was $2,000 a week and that Sreal was going to
sell 500,000 copies, that Abbie would net over
$300,000, and that he was worth at least one thirtieth
of what Abbie was worth.Throughout his presentation Tom constantly jibed-gratuitously much of the
time-at Abbie and his "business managersf 'and
pictured Hoffman as only in it for the money and
Forcade as having a higher motive.
He reiterated that he was doubtful of getting a fair

hearing from us, because of the backlog of favorable
publicity about Hoffman we'd been exposed to.
We had expected to be out of the hearing room by
dinnertime-but by the time Tom and Abbie had
testified and examined their witnesses, it was

midnight.
For this first hearing, we hadn't made any provisions for cross-examination of witnesses. Most

particularly, since Abbie had refused to be in the hearing room when Tom was there, neither had a chance
to cross-examine the other.
ln the absence of the kind of probing that would
have come out of cross-examination, Howard, Mayer
and I found that the only way to get at the truth was
to ask rather pointed questions-essentially, to play
Tom when Abbie was testifying and to play Abbie
when Tom was testifying.The result was that by the
time we began to deliberate the following evening we
had learned that each litigant believed that we had
been hostile to him and sympathetic to the other, and
each felt he had had an inadequate opportunity to
present his case.
"We must be doing something righti'said Mayer.
"They both hate us!"
Another problem had arisen-Tom had been

quoted in theTimes to the effect that if he wasn't
satisfied with our decision, he'd sue. Mayer spoke to
the reporter, who admitted that Tom really hadn't
said any such thing, that he'd fabricated the quote
because he believed that was what was on Tom's
mind.The reporter apologized, but the damage had
been done-the next day the Times ran an editorial
that said,"lf Mr. Forcade is directed by his peers to
take, say, a tenth of the $8,500 he feels he is entitled
to, he does not rule out the possibility of reinstituting
his conventional legal suit.... ln short, an antiestablishment trial is all very well as long as one can
appeal to a lower court-if necessary carrying his case
all the way down to the Supreme Court of the United
Statesl'

That being the case, we decided to get the two of
them together at one time to sign the same

arbitration agreement.
What's more, though Tom's original submission
required that we stick to the question of whether he
was owed money, we decided that we were going to
be damned if we'd allow ourselves to be bulldozed
into coming up with a purely monetary settlement.
We felt that we had a duty to present an alternative
to the court system not merely in the informality,
simplicity and fairness of our proceedings but in the

t

decision itself.
So by the end of our first session of deliberation,
which lasted long into the night, we had decided to
lrave a second hearing so that neither Abbie not Tom
could complain of having been slighted, preceded by
their signing of a new submission containing a clause
requiring that they accept not just whatever financial
compensation we awarded, but also "such other
forms of compensation as we might specify, and that
in no event would any legal action be brought except
to enforce our decisionl'
The second hearing was held the following week in
the Bleecker SLreet loft of the notorious Dylanologist,
A.J. Weberman.This time, Abbie had a chance to
examine the typesetter in an attempt to prove he'd
fired Tom promptly, and Tom exarnined two more
witnesses in an attempt to prove the opposite.
Again we didn't knock off until after midnight. We
scheduled our flnal deliberation for the following
week at Howard's apartment.
It was fascinating to watch our judicial personalities unfold during the deliberation. None of us had
previously known each other well, and yet somehow
the responsibility which we felt to Tom and Abbie
and, if you will, history, acted like a soldering flux to
lecch off whatever personalistic scud might have kept
us flrom rnaking contact with each other.
Mayer was the moral ballast of the group, bringing
the discussion back onto an even keel when Howard

and I begarr to go overboard. Howard seemed to have
one of those infallible shit detectors Hemingway used
to talk about- neithcr Mayer nor I could say anything
that was shil without Howard detecting it. My role
was to propose alternate settlements, then argue
against their weak points.
None of us felt that Tom had done as much work
as he insisted he had done. We thought the size of his
claim was excessive, based on an inflated idea of what
his energy was worth and bizarre extrapolations of
how much money Abbie would make on Steol. Here
wc were, convened as an alternative to the honk
courts, being asked to judge the real value of Tom's
labor in lerms of what Madison Avenue corporations
were supposedly willing to pay him to use his
expertise as an underground businessman to help
them exploit freaks!
We thought the strongest point in his favor was
that there was reason to believe his associate Mike
Forman had opened the door for Steol at Grove.

Quite by accident Abbie didn't think to mention it,
though it would have helped his case; and Tom didn't
opt to, though it would have strengthened his credi-

bility-we discovered that Forman had been paid a
modest sum by Abbie for having done so, and from
there on we didn't take Tom's claim to have set up
distribution very seriously.
ln the end, based on our intuition of what was fair,
and our knowledge of what people of similar talents
were asking and getting for work on analagous projects, we set a vTlue for the work thatTom had done:
one fifth of what he had asked for, double what
Abbie thought it was worth, and two thirds of what
he had said he was prepared

to

pay.

We thought the strongest point in Tom's favor was
that he had been promised a contract by Abbie, done
his part of the bargain, and then discovered only after
he had put weeks of work in that he was out in the
cold. All of us felt Abbie's problems with Tom
stemmed from the fact that at the time he didn't
know his ass from his elbow about publishing, and
had expected people to go around picking up after
him on what arnounted to a speculative basis. lf Tom
was trying to use his competence to hustle Abbie,
Abbie was trying to use his incornpetence to hustle
Tom. We thought we should impress this fact upon
Abbie in a way that made him aware of his carelessness.

On the other hand, though in effect we wanted to
levy a fine on Abbie for a pattern of behavior that
had included but not been limited toTom, we saw no
reason whyTom should be the sole beneficiary of it.
What's more, since'Iom had spent so much time
making self-serving statements about his own expertise as a movement businessman, we thought he
should be afforded an opportunity to show his stuff.
At that point, the concept of alternative distribution that Mayer and I had been talking about'
suddenly arrived on the set-indeed, that was what
had first brought Abbie to Tom. And since Tom had
said he'd be capable of selling 20,000 copies of the
book through underground channels, we decided that
at this point, with the market for the book saturated,
we'd have to cut that figure in half. At first we were
thinking of having Abbie advance 10,000 copies of
the book, at his cost, to Tom, with Tom to pay him at
the end of six months. Ultimately we decided that
this would force Abbie to lay out a lot of money and
created the possibility that nowTom might rip him
off. So we decided to have Abbie advance the book to
Tom 2,000 copies at a time, with payment after 90
days.

Another factor that led us to write the alternative
distribution scam into our decision was the fact that
to protect himself from a lawsuit from Grove, which
would feel that distribution of the book was being
undercut by Tom, he'd have to renegotiate his contract with them to provide for alternative
d

istribution.

We figured that if Abbie could rip Grove off at this
point, we'd be setting a precedent for movementoriented artistic creators to reserve "alternative
rights" in their work-records, books, films-the right
to arrange for distribution of their work through
channels not being exploited by overground distributors. Artists reserve motion picture rights, Latin
Amer:ican rights, electro-video recording rights, why
not alternative rights? That way, a movement author
could arrange with, say,Tom, to distribute his book
through bail funds, prisoner-operated bookstores, Gl

coffeehouses, food conspiracies, co-op stores, and

non-profit stores like Berkeley's Leopold's complex
and Champaign-Urbana's Earthworks.
We wrote up our decision, an explanation of it and
a press statement, and we arranged a meeting between
ourselves and Tom and Abbie so they would have a

?9 ts

chance to see the decision before it was released to

the press.
Tom and Abbie arrived at the Health Policy
Advisory Center, where Howard is a staff.member. We
had put two copies of our decision in an envelope
inside a larger envelope inside a slill larger envelope
inside an enormous envelope.
By the time they got to the innermost envelope
they were giggling-which is precisely why we'd
packaged the decision that way. We sat there, watched
both men gravely read the material, and waited for

the explosion.

Boom!"You cut the baby in half !"said Abbie.
Hoffman approved of the spirit in which the decision had been drafted, but he didn't think he could
work out the details of the alternative distribution
plan with Tom."What happens if Tom turns around
and tries to undercut Grove by dumping the books on
one of Grove's accounts for less than Grove?"
ln fact, we had originally included a clause that
madeTom share the liability with Abbie if Grove
should sue, but we'd taken it out on thc assumption
that Tom wouldn't dream of doing such a thing.
lnstead, his reaction to the decision was that he could
do lust that. He explained that although he had once
thought alternative distribution was feasible on a
limited basis, he no longer thought so and, in any
event, was not interested in doing distribution now
only publishing. His implication was that iust because

he didn't want to get involved in distribution at this
point,we should change our decision.
We insisted that our decision was not meant to be
likeable, iust fair. Abbie was so disturbed at Tom's
attitude that he insisted we strike the alternative distribution provision, up the money figure and leave it

at that.
What, we asked, if we put a clause in the decision
that guaranteed Grove would get prior approval of
any arrangementsTom made? ln that case, Abbie said,
he would accept the decision.
This angered Tom, who sajd Abbie was trying to
embarrass him into accepting the decision. We kicked
the two of them out of the room to try to cope with

their objections.
Howhrd's initial reaction was that it they want a
purely cash settlement, fuck 'em, Let'em have it.
Mayer, however, thought that if we allowed ourselves
to be pressured into coming rlp with just a cash settlement, we were being used and the two belonged in a

honk court. I felt that Tom was simply trying to get
us to award him more money, and I was for simply
leaving the money the same and chucking the alternative distribution.
But again we were able to converge on a place
where we felt we all belonged-to put in a guarantee
that Grove would have to approve of Tom's arrangements and ask both men to then accept our decision.
We retyped the decision, called them back in, and
watched gleefully as both signed and exchanged
copies.

Two days later we held a well-attended press
conference at the Peace Church. We decided not to

?d

tb

read the press statement for the cameras, which
turned out to be a mistake.Though our statement
made it clear that neither party had "won"or "lostf '

ti

t1

Tom made a statement that since he could make

9,000 by selling the books and he had asked for
only $8,500,"The iudges have a weird sense of
humorl'Now,.we knew there was no wayTom could
make $.1 9,000 or we would have adjusted downward
the number of copies he could buy at cost. But the
electronic media had a field day, crowing that "Abbie
Hoffman had been found guilty by a lury of his
peers" and other similar nonsense. lt wasn't until after'
the early news programs had appeared that we were
able to make contact with the editors of the later
editions and insist that they stick to the facts.
Abbie's attorneys had advised him to steer clear of
movement arbitration for precisely this reason-that
the media would project him as being on trial, and,
since there was an absolute certainty that he would
be asked to pay something (he had already indicated
in the press that he thoughtTom deserved $.1,500) the
stories would make him out to be the loser.
I thought that since Abbie knew up front that he
was sure to lose in the very media where he had previously operated with such success, the only justification for his participation in the proceeding was that a
larger cause than Abbie Hoffman would be servedthat we'd be able to get the concept of alternative
distribution across to the people, that we'd be able to
offer an alternative to the honko system of iustice,
where somebody has to win and somebody has to
lnse, iust like in one of President Nixon's Sunday football games.
I was disappointed thatTom had used the press
conference as a vehicle for winning a few feeble ego
points at the expense of the proceeding.
$1

But I don't think anythingTom said vitiated the
substance of the proceeding, which both men approached in the best of faith and the consequences

of

which were accepted by both men, if not with the
best of grace, at least with legible-and bindingsignatures on the blank space on the decision labeled
"ack nowledgedl'
The fact is that the sii of us have set a powerful
precedent by proposing a way in which people who
don't accept the legitimacy of honk institutions can
begin to solve their problems with each other without
recourse to those institutions.

A few days after we came in with our decision, we
appeared on Alex Bennett's show on ABC radio in
New York. He asked whether, if he had a dispute with
an establishment type, he could avail himself df the
services of a tribunal like ours.
I replied that this is precisely the next stage we
envisioned-the day when we can use our collective
power to induce people to stay away from the
corrupt and debased iudicial system and challenge
them to create a better one themselves.
But we're not going to be ready to mete out
justice to other people until we're capable of meting
it out to each other.

S

a

(

I

I

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t

Afterword
Recently Alison and I took a trip that changed our

lives-a real trip, for a change, geographical, across the
map, the astral plane, via Deadwood, South Dakota..
Sornewhere along the line I had a calling-you know,,
a vocation, sorta like the Maid of Domremy only

without the trumpets.
"Become a rabbi!" it said.That's all-didn't say how,
sat where, didn't say when, just " Become a
rabbi!" 1 was puzzled as to just what my calling
meant-presumably it was not iust the black robe and
suburban prefab synagogue--and I put the idea on ice

didn't

until I was paged

again.
When the editorial about our case appeared in the

Times, I decided to dig up some precedents for it.
First I went to the American Arbitration Association
and picked up some literature. Next thing I knew I
was in the Jewish Room of the New York Public
Library reading The Jewish Court in the Middle Ages
by David Menahem Sholet. I read about how the
Kahol, or.l ewish commurrity, had its own judicial
system to deal with disputes among the Jews:

"The Jews of the MiddleAges, in so far as the civil '
authoritics would permit, vested in their communal
organizations all the powers and functions which
among living nations would properly belong to the
state. . . .

'i . .To resort to the civil courts would have
undoubtedly disrupted their inner independence. lf
we add also the low standards of the medieval secular
courts, the preludice of the judges against Jews, the
rampant corruption and bribes, the prohibition
against resorting to non-Jewish courts becomes more
j

ustified.

"ln practically cvery commur..ty there functioned a
regularly constituted Court of Three. . . . Membership
in the Court of Three was not limited to scholars, or

to commissioned judges. Even three plain men,
possessing only rudimentary legal knowledge and
common sense, had the Talmudic right to bring litigants before them and to pronounce judgment. . . .
The iudges were not to be held responsible for errors
if the parties had iointly agreed ro be tried by theml,
All of this sounded awfully familiar-l had no idea
when I got involved in the Hoffman-Forcade case that
I was acting so totally within the tradition of my
forefathers. I even discovered that there was
precedent in Jewish case law for some of the principles we w'ere incorporating into our decision. For
example, the notion that though Grove is a capitalistic outfit, we should be taking their contract with
Abbie into account in making our award to Tom:
"Though the Jewish authorities declared an oath forsed
upon a.few by a feudal lord as not binding, yet it was
considered valid in cases involving anotherJew."
I read that the medieval Court of Three had its
origins in the ancient Court of the Chosen Three, the
Beth Din Shel Borerim, in which each party chose
judge,
the two judges the third.
'oneHere l'dand
thought I was iust another hippie, but
now I discovered that I was authentic Twentieth Century borerl And the Court of the Chosen Three, "
Sholet noted, had functioned only in Palestine,

"where Roman oppression was strongestl' So here we
were, piling precedent upon precedent. . . .
. I came out of that session where Tom
and Abbie signed our decision feeling sort of . . .
sort of rabbinicol f or the first time in my life, and

thinking that regardless of how anybody felt about
our "Karma alignmentj'on a certain level it could be
said to have been ordained.
I lust got a beep on my paging receiver. Right now
l'm holding it up to my ear waiting for the message.
I sure hope it ain't in Hebrew.
--Craig Korpel

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Ii,rr

''$
onnouncing the Karmq Alignment betweenTom ond Abbie. Left to right: Rex lleine6Tom,
Moye4 Abbie, Howord Levy, Croig Korpel.Tom requested that his photograph not be used"
Press conference

,-o0
o.

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We
W ! N has

did it!
is

e

finished

_J'(

moved to the

country. Although the barn

still pretty far from being

(for example, the heat and plumbing aren't in
yet), we are somehow managing to put this issue
together. lt's rough but rewarding. From now on
you can reach us at:
Box 547, Rifton, New York

l9
"l '/2

7z

'1247"1

For the time being-until the
phone strike is over-our phone number is914,331-4286. lt's a party line, so be cool. lt will
l]!l probably be a iong hard winter, but with
', your continued support the whole
N thingwillbeworth it. Bbth to us
I 111 :lnd to you, the read-

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TholoS-Piane Ehi5one

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The prisoners at Attica have spoken, raising the
struggle against iniustice to a new and higher level'
Prison riots are not uncommon events in the American past. But as with other recent prison actions,

Attica was a revolt, not a riot; and its consequences
for fundamental social change will largely be determined by the process with which outside allies seek
immediate answers and structure future actions.The
statement and demands issued by the prisoners must
be central to that process.

(o to

3

Though basic to all radical political change, thc
rebels' words are especially important in organizing
the prison struggle, for penology rests on a foundation which ignores the validity and even denies the
existence of the prisoner experience. Just as police
and state officials barred prisoner familics and. lawyers
from Attica after the massacre while propagattng
their own maliciously false version of cve nts, so too is
penal servitude publicly defined by the motives of
those who administer coercion rather than by those
who actually experience the coercive reality.Thus a
widely-offered and treatment has attained public acceptance'The reformist call is to end the crime of punishment by imprisoning people to r:ehabilitate them, not to punish
them. But of course there is little ultimate difference
between imprisonment for punishment and imprison-

ment for treatment if in both cases loss of freedom is
the end result. lmprisonment, the involuntary
deprivation of liberty, is inherently punitive when
considered from the position of those on the receiving end of the coercive process. Such scandalous distirictions as the one between punishment and rehabilitation serve the needs of those in power by legitimizing the unfettered application of state force' Outside
aliies must respond directly to the prisoner voice and
begin to break through the elaborate public iustificaiio"ns by which the pinal system camouflages its true
nature.

The Demands and Revolt
The organized collective action by the prisoners
provides the context for reading the demands' Oppressions can be approached as sets of power relationships between the dominated and those who
doniinate. As with the institutions of racism and sexism, prison's capacity to victimize is largely measured

in its ability to reduce its victims to active
accomplices or passive recipients. But the relationship
is a dynamic one, and with the active resistance of
the victims, oppression is disrupted."Those who
would be free must themselves strike the first blow,"
and that is the most important development in America during the last ten years. As the Attica prisoners
declared in their statenrent,"The entire prison populace has set forth to change forever the ruthless
brutalization and disregard for the lives of prisoners
here and throughout the United Statesl'The prison '
system cannot continue unmitigated victimization if
prisoners refuse to sanction its existence-with that
commitment made, prison injustice will be overcome,
inevitably, no matter how long it tales.
The prison system vigorously attempts to prevent
the emergence of this commitment's organizational
expression.The rehabil itation methodology teaches
prisoners to regard their psyches and family backgrounds as the source of their oppressive situation
rather than the social structure and its exploitive
institutions.The goal is to make prisoners individualize their world outlook and seek solely personalistic

solutions.The literature of penology is filled with
calls for remaking people and for repairing defective
human beings. lnmates are literally brainwashed to
view themselves as misshapen people who need

rehabilitation much as old chairs need remolding.
When this treatment ideology is successful, it causes
prisoners to internalize these images as their own selfdefinitions and leads to the cruelest form of degrada-

tion: self-victimization. Anyone who

has witnessed

the mutilated spirit of the model prisoner can understand the crushing force of this process.
When it fails, prison managers turn to other crisismanagement devices, incl ud ing offi cial ly-sponsored
racism, violence and competition.The strategy is to
keep prisoners occupied with fighting each other:
"divide the races and control the convictsl' Many of
George .lackson's most important writings analyzed
the source and political function of such disunity and
urged prisoners to surmount these obstacles and
achieve solidarity against their common oppressor.
After the striking Attica prisoners demanded food
during the uprising, the prison authorities sent in
1,000 sandwiches for 1,500 inmates.Their obvious
expectation was to cause fighting in the prisoner
ranks over the distribution of the food.
A growing prisoner movement is successfully
breaking through these and the other enormous
barriers and establishing itself as a maior new force.
It is nearly impossibie for outside people to imagine
the risk involved for prisoners who organize and resist
within prison-the emergence of such extreme
humanity and courage in the midst of total control
and constant terror must enlarge our measure of the
human potential.The collective struggle which surfaced at Attica has been maturing for several years
throughout the country. One'of its strongest expressions is the California-based United Prisoner Union,
whose constitution accurately reflects the spirit of
this new empowerment, beginning:

The right to orgonize for protection ond survivol is an inqlienable right which is guaronteed
to all people regordless of their sociol, racial,
religious, economic or politicol conviction.
Therefore, we, the convicted class, hove banded
together. . . . We believe the creotion of this
Union will enable us to put 0n end to injustice,
protec! the lives ond interests of our people,
goin our Constitutionll rights qnd free us of our
bondoge.

For people on the outside, the clear lesson is to
formulate strategies for becoming effective allies of
the prisoner efforts and to define the situation in
terms of this newly-emerging power. Ailer an event as
appalling as theAttica massacre, the inertia of public
attention focuses on the officials in control: Should
Rockefeller have gone to Attica? Was ploitical expediency his real motive? How did Oswald make his
decision? What will the investigatory committees
discover? The mystery of the event exerts its own
fascination. And analagously, many people aflerwards
turn to legislators, politicians, service organizations,
the correctional bureaucracy and other groups to
make changes. Both responses ignore the prisoners
and their active existence and perhaps this is what is
most characteristic of reformist practice. Most past
prison reforms made the prison system more
repressive by increasing the human costs of penal
coercion; such evils as the indeterminate sentence, the
penitentiary, discretionary powers and other
repressive practices were established largely through
reformist pressure.

With its expanding structural strength, the prisoner
movement must be a primary focus for outside concerned people; only it can even begin to blunt the
sharp sword of penal coercion. Support of prisoner
unions and ex-prisoner groups constitutes the most
significant work to be done at this period. When
prisoners organize and rebel, the work of outside
allies can make that resistance more effective and
positive. Attica will mean even less if it only results in
pleading with uncaring officials to do better next
time.
To use an analogy, the peace movement advances
politically when it organizes on the basis of the Seven
Point Peace Proposal of the Vietnamese instead of
around arrogant tallies of spent American treasure or
amorphous end-the-war protests. Support of the
Vietnamese resistance is crucial to the anti-war struggle: We must take the seven points and circulate,
discuss and act on them. And rather than looking to
investigatory committees or state agencies, our
immediate task is to establish alliances with the
prisoners and strengthen public comprehension of
their situation.Their demands must be circulated,
discussed and acted upon.

The Demands and lntervention
The demands were not addressed to Oswald,
Rockefeller, Mitchell or Nixon-they were addresse(
'To the People of Americal'The prisoners stated:
We coll upon the conscientious citizens of
America to assist us in putting on end to this

fh,,7l

/

situation that threotens the lives of not only us,
but eoch ond everY one of us os well.
This was a call to create a new relationship of.alliances
alliances between prisoners and the public'Writ large
throughout the Attica inmates'statement is the awareness that deep change occurs only when people
mobilize their inherent power on behalf of iustice and
dignity, as the prisoners did in their action.The prisoneri are not pleading with reluctant state officials; they
are appealing to thi people. And in the same way the
concerned public must relate directly to the prisoners'
"We invite all the people to come here and witness
this degradation to an endi'wrote the prisoners; and
their calling the people to Attica alters an important
factor so characteristic of penal and other slave relationships: the concealment of the victims'The
isolation of prisoners intensifies the power of the
prison managers and permits them to abuse, degrade
and attack inmates with impunity. lt creates an
environment of total control endangering not only
the physical safety of prisoners but all facets of their
exisience as well. Creating a veil of secrecy, the prison
walls (of stone and fear) are intended to keep allies
out as well as prisoners in.We must intervene to break
through that veil and end the isolation of the prisoners from concerned societY.

Many of the demands explicitly fashion new
mechanism for accomplishing this required interven-

tion. lt was to be"expressly understood that members
of the observer committee will be permitted into the
institution" to monitor implementation of the nego-

tiations. Another demand called for establishing an
ombudsman post. But the prisoners'call was not
aimed solely at ombudsman-type or observer committee authority; it was issued to all people'The demands
for ending publication censorship, for abolishing
approved visiting and correspondence lists, the
demand to allow inrnates to communicate "with anyone they pleasei' the demand to be "politically active
without intimidation or reprisalLall these attempt to
shape the new contacts.We must implement the
demand for intervention by creating new models of
alliance with the prisoners.The busing programs for
families of prisoners sponsored by community organizations and political parties are one programmaticat
attempt to penetrate the clcsed environment of
prison.The prisoners sought to enable these new
relationships; we have to seize the opportunity and
establish them.

The Demands and Social f ustice
The prisoners' eJemental proposals for changing
the institution's daily operations reveal how closely
the obscenely inadequate social conditions within
prison mirroi those which black, brown and poor
irhit" p.opl. must face in dominated communities on
the outside. Even the basic biological life-necessities
of food, shelter, proper medical care and recreation
are often ,nuuuil"bl..The all-white prison security
forceis an extension of the entire criminal iustice
system's racism; the black or Puerto Rican Attica
priron.t (about 85 per cent of the population)

ld

ot-

7'

guarded by a white officer probably was also arrested
by a policeman, prosecuted by a DA, convicted by a
lury and sentenced by a iudge who represented the
dominant white caste, in values if not in color.These
and the other demands for easing the organized
misery of prison life must be examined within a context of political and economic power,in America.
ln particular, the.demand to stop slave labor by
applying minimunr wage laws to prison work bears a
heavy historical burden.This American peonage
developed in the South during the chattle slavery era
when "freed Negroes"were impressed into servitude
as punishment for petty crimes; convicted whites were
were not similarly punished. Following legal emancipation, prisons provided the only available force of
slave workers and under the convict lease system
blacks were contracted out to operate mines, work
plantations and earn revenue for the state. Later,
during the 1920's, the work camp and state farm
systems (including Arkansas' infamous Cummins
Farm) forced prisoners into public works (the chain
gang) and cane cutting prolects. ln the North, the
establishment of large penitentiary institutions coincided with industrial expansion and prisoners were

forced to serve time as convict-proletariat in factorics
and on railroad construction crews.
The thirty cents per day wage forAttica inmates
privileged enough to work in the metal shop is the
legacy of these racist and class exploitation policies'

The most glaring residual form of slave labor is the
Federal Prison lndustries System, which annually
generates millions of dollars of profit from the labor
of inmates paid pennies per hour to do work which
even includes munitions and other war industry
manufacturing. Betvreen its founding in 1935 and
1969, the Prison lndustries System earned over
$125,000,000. Unable to sell their labor, many inmates in local iails must sell their bodies; drug and
cosmetic firms and blood plasma companies all scout
subjects'
-iail populations in search of needy
aspects of
degrading
inherently
the
to
ln addition
slave labor, this peonage further oppresses prisoners
because the lack of any trye wage or income
relegates many families of prisoners to the humiliating welfare rolls-thus reinforcing dependency
reiationships between people without power and the
state.

The demand for effective narcotics treatment
programs reflects a similar connection between
wreiched prison conditions and social iniustice' Fully
75 per cent of the Attica population allegedly committed drug-related crime. A humane alternative
criminal lai policy would be for the stateio provide
voluntary treatment facilities on the street which
addicts could turn to and rid themselves of the
narcotics plague. But it now seems clear that since
dope keeps potentially rebellious peoples literally and
figuratively dazed and distracted, the state will not
move to root this killer out. For the state to provide
treatment facilities within prison would be to free
people up for social action-clearly not the type of
iehabilitation the state has in mind. lndeed, mirroring
outside police and political corruption, numerous

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prison officials and guards regularly participate in the
illegal trafficking ot narcotics within prison. After
prison oisturbances, drugs suddenly become available
in large quantities. And on a smaller scale, prisoners
who actively protest and refuse to submit to harsh
prison discipline are often "treated" for their "hyperactivity" withThorazine and other behavior-modifica-

tion drugs.
Both the historical development and the political

function of decrepit prison conditions make clear
that the struggles for criminal lustice and social
lustice are inseparable. People moved by the demands
must realize that prisons are part of a law-enforcement apparatus which serves the interests of those
with wealth and status; only as power is redefined and
redistributed frorn the bottom up will prison inlustice
ever be eliminated. Demands concerning internal
prison conditions should never be examined in isolation from the larger patterns of abusive power
relations and social inlustice in America; at root they
are grievances not of penology but of politics.

The Demands and Discretionary Powers
To comprehend fully the prisoners'situation within the penal system, the most important demands to
examine are those which challenge discretionary

lL

$

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.g

APOEM FOR FMNK HILAIRE
THAT HAS SOCIAL SIGNIFICANCE
'ln this slow-time
ploce, society plays
the port of o bee-keeper
ond us convicts are the fuc
kin honey bees thot just buzz
oround, not moking ony honey or
any other sweetness that is good for
humonconsumption or selfconsumption toa,
TheY

extract
our stingers
only sonte of us
grow fongs when they

'dol
court time creePsf

look to your chest.

- Paul C. Kelly

powers, the key to tlre prison managerial process. One
of these demands calls for legal assistance and
"appropriate due process of law"in all institutional
proceqdings. ln institutional disciplinary hearings,
prisoners are uriable to participate actively or effectively in their own defense during these kangaroo

court sessions, which are used as behavior control
devices to prevent organizing, punish leadership and
enforce a totalitarian regime over every aspect of
prison life.The outcome of thes ehearings-a punitive
(involuntary) transfer, segregation, or an unfavorable
barole report-usually leads to an extended prison

granted the right to counsel;and he is remanded to
prison for a term administratively determined and
hence unchallengeable.
It is through these discretionary powers-in this
case within the parole board-that racism, class bias,
corruption and repression exert their toxic influence.
Prison functionaries are granted unlimited powers
over the lives of prisoners. While California's indeterminate sentence (witness George Jackson's one-yearto-life sentence) is the most refined discretionary
system, all parole systems are indeterminate systems-

term.Transformi ng these ad mi nistrative disci plinary
hearings into quasi-judicial proceedings by instituting
due process would hinder the ability of prison
functionaries to use them for unfair or illegitimate
ends.

The three demands concerning parole revocation
procedures similarly challenge the untrammeled discretionary powers vested in the correctional bureaucracy.The first would remove motor vehicle

violations-illegal offenses committed by millions
every day-as grounds for revoking a parolee's freedomesince these are maong the most selectively enfo
enforced laws in the judicial system. Police exercise
enormous discretion in choosing which of the
millions of violations to actually enforce.
The second demand that"Menenchino hearings be
held promptly and fairly"concerns the actual revocation hearing. On January 13,19'11, the New York
State Court of Appeals ruled that Joseph Menenchino,
a parolee returned to prison for allegedly denying to
his parole officer that hehad consorted (associated)
with former convicts in violation of parole rules, was
Constitutionally entitled to iegal representation
during his revocation hearing. Prior to this ruling,
parolees lacked rights of any kind in the hearings and
were often remanded to prison custody on the basis
of hearsay, illegal evidence, rumor, prejudiced bad,
conduct reports, etc.The board had total discretion
in revoking paroles since lparolees lacked the legal
safeguards necessary to challenge the charge or appeal
the decision.The only ex-prisoners Menenchino
consorted with were his fellow construction workers.
lf a parolee is returned to prison, the amount of
his unfinished sentence which he must serve is determined in an administrative hearing by the parole
board and this administrative resentencing is
challenged by the third. parole demand. AdministroSive proceedings involve vast discretionary powers'
because none of the legal protections developed for
judicial proceedings-due process, equal protection,
no ex post focto laws, etc-are applicable, even
though a parolee could be resentenced to three, five,
ten or more years, depending on the original sentence.

This is open invitation to discrimination, favoritism
or just plain error.
The sum of this revocation process, then, might
include the following scenario: a prisoner paroled
from Attica is ordered to appear before the parole
board for allegedly driving without a license; his
revocation hearing determines the fate of his freedom
yet in it he is a legal non-person, only recently

(d z'f
7

V
I

I

stops
rree m

l;;;,
t

:::

V
causing prisoners intense bitterness, frustration and
anger. More investigation of discretionary power
needs airing: lts historical development during the
Nineteenth Century as a device sought by nativist
America groups to exert control over the urban
immigrant"dangerous classes"; its function as a
managerial device to regulate prison population and
control convict behavior; its role as the essential cog
in the plea bargaining machine.
For a reading of the Attica demands, the critical
feature of discretionary power is lhat it renders

prisoners totolly powerless and subjects them to
blotsnt legol tyranny. None of the safeguards which
supposedly protect citizens from uncontrolled govern-

mental power in criminal justice administration (so
prominently featured in the Bill of Rights) apply to
discretionary powers-How do you challenge the
indictments of a DA, the sentence handed down by a

judge, a denial of parole?The penal system has
institutionalized unrestricted state coercion:The
administrator's will is the prisoner's law. Despotism
has been transformed through discretionary power

respond to prisoner needs and struggle, the need for
public education on the concrete conditions of prison
injustice, and the development of ways of action
which recognize that prisons are institutions of state
power.This perspective requires attention because in
the aftermath of Attica, many groups will push for
adoption of a few of the demands-not to basically
change the penal system but to save it, not to liberate
oppressed peoples but to pacify them. A political
perspective on the demands helps us avoid entangle-

ment in the trap of the repressive reform which
inevitably follows rebellion and which only serves to
strengthen the status quo.
The prisoners provided the outline for this perspective in their preamble:
lUe hqve set forth demonds thot wilt bring closer
to reolity the demise of these prison institutions
thot serve no useful purpose to the people of
America, but IonlyJ to those who would enslove ond exploit the people of Americo.

These demands and action to propagate and implement them will bring the demise of prisons closer to
reality, but they will not in themselves cause the final
lmpresstonS

of folsom prison
bors block

body
movement,
stops
free motion.
images come,
go unheeded.

y

wa n'd e r s c eo se f I ess- I

thru my unguarded mind

os..,
violent explosions

within
shattered dreoms
awake me

(from where i loy)
on the edge

downfall. Outside people must remember that the full
implementation of the demands, even if politically
possible, would not fundamentally alter the basically
violent nature of the prison: its use to coercively
deny freedom.
Rather than final ends, these demands are intermediary goals which move the struggle for justice
forward because they would strengthen the ability of
prisoners to resist the many depersonalizing pressures
of prison life while providing for more liberating
alliances with outside supporters.These demands
provide the specific content for the alliances:
prisoner organization, public intervention, reducing
administrative powers, basic legal rights and so on.
Actions which focus on the demands and on the
prisoner movement are approaches for outside allies
to bring closer to reality the demise of prisons and
other cruel institutions which prevent people
from achieving dignity, justice and power.

-Alex Knopp

of sleep.

i trip
on

my
mood.

-lew

e brown

from

a threat to inalienable rights into a philosophy
of penology!The prisoner demands reassert the perspective of the victims of this coercive regime and, in

so doing, direct attention to repressive practices in
terms defined by those who suffer them.

The Demands and Strategy
How do these demands provide handles with
which concerned allies might grasp the situation and
move to action?The question is important; for a
balance must be found among the imperative to

When writing this article, I was unoware of the
Monifesto of Demands submitted by the Attico
prisoners to Oswold in earlyJuly. My reading was
bqsed on an observer committeemqn's copy of the
preamble ottoched to o list of fifteen demonds (both
were written ond typed by the prisoners) ond the
New York Times /isf of twenty-eight proposals from
Oswold.The significance of theTimes lsl rs minimol:
Oswold had no power to actually institute most of
the chonges; the list was drofted moinly by the obsev
er committee; the prisoners never octually negotioted
with Oswold;ond without omnesty oll "agreements,'
were worthless,The July Monifesto, not thefimes list,
is the most important set of demonds to circulate; it
is the stotement the prisoners fought ond died for.
The qreas discussed in my orticle-lobor proctices, discretionory powers, etc-hold for the July Manifesto
os well.

-A.K.

74zs

tofi,itcl,, lci,aoufi

l've hitched across the US and Canada and up and down the coasts, and l've
done some camping. Here is some advice for long trips.

What to bring
Carry a comfortable knapsack and a plastic rain poncho that can become a
groundcloth.Two ponchos can snap together to form an envelope for sleeping in
wet weather. For warmer weather a blanket similar in design to a rain poncho
can double as a blanket and a coat (you'll probably have to make it yourself).
(Learn
For colder weather bring the best lightest sleeping bag you can afford.
de
St.Vincent
about free stores, secondhand stores, Salvation Army, Goodwill,
is
and
warm,
lightweight
Paul's, basements, closets.) A secondhand ski iacket,
important.There are overpants made of the same material.They look silly, and
probably need to be bought new (l've never seen them secondhand), but those
who laugh at you will be a lot colder. Bring a woolen cap (when paranoid you can
stuff ha'ri under it), heavy socks, and lightweight boots. Long underivear is probably unnecessary if you have the ski iacket-overpants, but in extreme cold
weather all of ,it together would be far out. Mittens are useful, turtle neck shirts
are nice, and flannel shirts are warm and light and comfortable. Rugged pants
that don't show dirt too much are convenient, while for warmcr weather shorts
and al:shirt with one change of underwear and socks will do.Wear the whole set
when it,s real cold. Handy things are brush, coml, toothbrush, tape, nails, flashlight, twine and first aid kit (check the ones in the stores and then make one
yourself for a third the Price).

Food
You have to decide how much and what to carry depending on where you'll
be (near sources of food or not) and your taste. Food for carrying should be the
kind that goes a long way, like grains and dried stuff. Sometimes I carry too little,
sometimes too much. lf I only carry one thing it's my homemade cereal: Mix 4
cups wheat germ and % cup warmed liquid honey.Toast at 300 degrees for 10
minutes. Add dried fruit, raisins, coconut, chopped nuts, powdered milk, etc.
and eat.Travel heavy when you
Just pour into a plastic bowl, add water, mix
Bring a small pot and lid and
a
store.
might spend a few days without seeing
and dried beans, % lb'
rice
brown
lb.
mixed
1
goes
way:
a
long
tooO tfrat
'homemade
bread,/z lb. peanut butter, % lb' honey,
plwo"t.O"n'tilk, oneloaf
pound or fwo of snack (made of
% lb. cooking cereal, salt, multiple vitamins, a
coconut, etc.) and a couple
beans,
soy
roasted
seedi,
ririi aii.J iriit, runito*ir

of pounds of fresh fruit and

vegetables. Learn a

little about nutrition

(cabbage is

edibles saves money, gives added

beiter than lettuce, etc.). Learning about wild
security, and is healthful.To avoid messing up contents of sleeping bag, carry
food in plastic containers and plastic bags'

lnformation
Talk to people who give you rides. Present them with your problems. Usually
they first admit to total ignorance. Some pressure, though, often turns up friends
who will put you up, hippie communes, deserted houses, free campgrounds,
open land, isolated lakes, deserted beaches, sometimes even free meals. Every
area has some food or other which people don't consider because it's too free
and plentiful: clams, oysters and common fish at the shores; berries and fruit
growing along roads; potatoes, corn, etc. People who garden usually have one
crop that is so plentiful it is rotting on the vines or in the cellar. Don't be
ashamed to ask. M-any people en.ioy helping.Wholesalers throw out perfectly
ripe fruit and vegetables because they'd be overripe when they reach stores.
Farms leave fallen stuff all ovei fields after harvest.
It,s easy to go from long hair ghetto to long hair ghetto: universities, cities,
commrnei. I find it dull but nice to know where they are for security. Get a

copy of Vocations for Social Chonge
(Canyon, CA
94516), a bi-monthty caratogue *[o;;;ip;se
is to
get people into constructive trips.The
last iew pages
usually have addresses of dozens of movement
centers
including (l think) all of the following places:
The
,l830
S.witchboord,
Fell Street, San Fiancisco, for a
list of switchboards throughout the country; New
S^chool Exchange Newsletter,30l E. Canon perdido,
Santa Barbara CA 93,| 02, for a list of all free
schools
(m.an_y won't put you up but may
tell you where to
g,o);.Modern Utopion, for a list oi .orrrn.s
(many
don't want visitors, but some do). Be sensitive. Ask
if
people are too busy or overcrowded and
find out
where else you can go. Some won,t mind your
crash_
i-ng for a night, but are uptight about youi
hanging on
for weeks. lf it,s crowded, sluggest the'back yara.
There is a thing called the Troveller s Directory
from Woodside, Ny. you give them your address and
promise to put up others, and they give you
a book

of other people's addresses. lt sounds great, but no

one I know has ever used it. (Alas, I have no place of
my own.) lt's listed in the Whole Earth Catalogue.
Each of these lists costs about a dollar.
Get an address book and list all friends and friends
of friends by states or areas. lf you know no one in
an area, there are often pinko ministers around (like
Unitarians), and all universities are full of com-symps.
Don't be in a position of looking for a place at
.
midnight when you have to crash in on someone or
,freeze. Start thinking of where
to stay early (like a
couple of hourse before nightfall). lf you have been
getting up at dawn (a good idea), that gives you
plenty of time for travel. Some places ire up to
their
ass in crashers. Others are dying for new people
and
news from the outside. lf you,re in a real hurry,
have
enough equipment so you can crash behind some
bushes near the roadside.
,

Hitching
It is often unwise to

go as far as your driver. He

may be turning off the road at the bottom of a hill
where all the cars are doing 70 and,there,s no shoulder. Or he may be exiting the highway where there
is
no entrance or a too quiet one. Have a good map and
find out where he wants to go exactly.Then figure out
where you want to get off.Traffic lights, majoirest
areas, gas stations, toll booths (where legal) are great.
Some exits are dead.you can usually tell from a map.
Ask the driver about good places to hitch where it is
legal and there's a lot of slow traffic and a shoulder..
Make sure he lets you off off the highway. l,ve been
jailed once and ticketed twice while walking
to get off
the highway. All pedestrians are illegal on ,.rt big
highways.

Legality
It is always illegal to hitch on superhighways,

free_

ways, turnpikes, etc. lt's the way to get Oustej
hitching. Hitching in fact is never leg"al on forr_
or:
more lane highways. Canada is pretty nice to
hitchers
in my experience. lt,s illegal and enforced in Washington State but people do it.
Just don,t stick out
your thumb, but stand on a corner and psyche
out
drivers. lt really works, but don,t be in a hurry.
l,ve
heard bad about Wyoming and Colorado but
have not
enough experience to say.The South and
Southwest
have bad reps, though south and central
Arizona seem
okay. New England has always been good to me.
Some cities are good for hitching: Si Di.go,Vuncouver, San Francisco, Berkeley, Boston.Tucson.
Phoenix,Cambridge. NyC is bad. Sray on the
side_
walk in cities. Street maps are hard to get but really
usefu l.

Obviously you can travel without much of
the
above information.There is much luck
involvei anO
usually many ups and some downs.This article
is all
dry, technical details (minor as long as they are
iaken
care of).There is much more that is life,
especially
eood people and beautiful places.
_ieter Behr

7l t-t

3

1

(

a

(

(

I

THE RESISTANCE
Michael Ferber and Staughton LYnd
Beacon Press
Available from WRL, $2.95
I

It's an awful feeling, but the things which stick most
sharply in my mind as lcollect my thoughts about this
book are the numerous small errors of fact' A couple of

lines from P.F. Sloan's"Eve of Destruction" are mistakenly
credited to Bob Dylan. A photo of the December 1967
Stop the Draft Week in New York is captioned, O'!*?'
t9OZ, giving one the impression that the picture is of Oaktand.'S]usan Kent of WIN magazine becomes Susan Kemp
in a footnote rather than the Susan Cakars she became in a
wedding ceremony. Paul Goodman's late son Matty is some-

as
how-trJnsformed into Monny Goodman, and is identified
was'
he
a draft card burner rather than the non-registrant
Doug Baty of California is confused with his cousin Don

Baty of Long lsland.

fh.r" .t-tt bother me not because they alter the substance of The Resistonce, but because they can create

predoubts as to the veracity of any other fact the authors
a
few
contain
to
bound
is
history
of
work
any
ient. Yet
misidentificaiions, misquotes, and miscredits' Forget them
for now; it really doesn't matter that it wasn't Dylan who

in war, but what's that gun
you're toting?" What counts is that millions of young
peopte hearing the song were faced with the question' A
second edition of The Resistance, or even a page of errata'
ghost
can give Sloan recognition for his song and give the
first
name'
proper
his
young
Goodman
of

asked: 'iYou don't believe

lt
The Resistqnce is the first attempt at writing a history
of the movement by the same name' Two years of work
went into its preparation-l remember Ferber coming

around to interview New York. Resistance members early
in 1969-and the thousand miles which physically separ-

ated the two authors must have made coordination no
mean task. The written material Ferber and Lynd amassed
makes a movement library all but impossible to duplicate'
Along with obtainable items such as back issues of ['lilN,
The Feocemoker, and WRL News, the authors cite hundreds
of esoteric sources: notes from conferences held four or
five years ago, copies of New Left Notes from long before
the time SdS-was taken over by Progressive Labor, mimeographed leaflets cranked out by short-lived We Won't Go

inions, publications from literally dozens of draft resistini" gioupt, personal files of letters, etc', etc' The research
that ient inta The Resistonce is so obviously painstaking;
in light of Ferber and Lynd's deep personal involvement
with the movement it must be seen as a labor of love'
As a history , The Resistance starts with the Lincoln's
28

1960's
Birthday draft cird burning of 1947,lumps to the
draft
of
resurgence
the
on
up with a short chapter
una
May
of
"nit
strike
student
nation-wide
the
i"firt nc" during
of the
non-cooperators
the
of
told
are
we
between
1970. ln
iSOOI (including such folk as.David. Mitchell and
""riy
oavid Mitler). the impact of the black civil rights moveSDS and
,.rt ("tp""iatty SNCC) on white student radicals,draft
card
Meadow
the
Sheep's
unions,
Go
its We'Won't
Draft
the
Stop
frrning, the launching of the Resistance,

Oakland, the Pentagon demonstration, community
of
based draft resistance, ,un"t'uty, and the destruction
like to
Lynd
and
Ferber
as
resistance"
(or
"ultra
rir"t
aiiii

W."k

il

call it).

Tktree chapters are devoted to the histories

Resistance

gioupl The Palo Alto

of individual

Commune' Chicago's

of

an"d Boston's New England Resistance' Each
Comitr"m is portrayed as archetypical, and the Palo Alto
Chapseminal'
Harris-as
mune-fiom whence came David
about life in the Resistance' the re-

eADi,,
t"it

also included

"t" of some Resistance groups towards anti-corporoiilntution
the
ut. *ott , the Resistance mentality, and the politics of
but
least'
the
say
to
is
sketchy,
n.riitun"". The last of these
the authors should be forgiven, for an adequate discussion
of the Resistance's politici could easily fill another volume'
epp""a"J to the chapter on the Resistance mentality'
malewirich the authors candidly admit was sometimes
Resistance episteon
Ferber
by
excursus
an
is
chauvinist,
.of
,.[Sy. A"rually it is a separate essay on the question
(as
*h.tfr", there is such a thing as innate human nature
PaulGoodmanorNoamChomskywouldclaim)orwhether
(as
human beings are shaped in toto. by-their environment
be
to
hold
would
iilr.-iti"*i or the late C. Wright Mills
While this excursus needs no iustification for its
*.
remainder of
"it"i.
inclusion inThe Resistonce, neither it nor the
the book can stand alone.

(
i

a

5

t

a

t

c

c

t

a

e

c

f

c

v

I

R

ti

h
b
b

N

SI

lll
the
What the authors cover-aside from the chapter on
thrown
1970
May
on
one
the
and
politics of the Resistance
in u, un epilogue-they cover well' The leading radical
historian in America has teamed up with a most talented

language-Ferber's speech for the Resistance at the
Aiiington S"trelt Church in 1967 is truly a classic-and their

;;;i

pioati.t ir inevitably a worthy contribution to

anyone's
fill in

Where the book falters is what is omitted' To

iibi"tv
tttt gupt would take considerable work, so all I will do is
a second edition
foini ior" out, again with the hope that

criticism into consideration'
will take my'all,
there are important omissions of fact' For
First of
that the
example, the ihapter on sanctuary fails to mention
Street
Arlington
the
at
place
not
first such action took
the
farm
CNVA
England
New
the
at
but
1968,
Church in

Twenty$eeWlN,.tune 30, 1967,for details)'
draft
arrest
to
needed
Irgr',i tt"rl nnd f.d"tui agents were
decided
community
CNVA
the
,"?rr", f ohn Stevens when

pilrioutV*t

S

T
d

C

la

tl

tt

L

S(

A
a

si

ti

ir

n

F

C

I

to give him militant but nonviolent protection. Since a lot
of CNVA people were close to the New England Resistance,

to Bob Talmanson in particular, there can be little
doubt that Talmanson's taking sanctuary at the church
(along with AWOL Bill Chase) was influenced by what had
happened with Stevens.

and

Even more important, however, is the authors, failure to
deal adequately with the government's primary response to
the Resistance: delinquency reclassification and accelerated
induction. On October 24,1967 ,a mere eight days after the
first Resistance draft card turn-in, Selective Service Director
Hershey issued a memorandum to local draft boards advising that the delinquency regulations be applied to anyone
who abandoned or mutilated his draft card. Numerous

court battles followed, and the final result, which is mentioned only briefly in a footnote, was the overturning of
the delinquency r'egulations. Some Resistance people, however, were opposed to such litigation; they thought it was
inconsistant to turn-in a draft card (an act of non-cooperation) and then go to court pleading for a return to deferred
status. Others were indifferent, and still others, feeling that
the courts would never rule in their favor anyway, went
along with the suits as a mere delaying tactic. A few resis-

ters nevertheless agreed with the ACLU that turning in a
draft card was "symbolic free speech," and backed the legal
challenges to the delinquency regulations. And even with
the arguments as to the merit of court su.its forgotten
about, the impact of Hershey's memorandum was felt by
every person who considered joining the Resistance after it
was issued. lndeed, what enabled UNDO to coliect so many
draft cards in May 1970 with so little organizing was the
fact that the Supreme Court had struck down the power of
draft boards to reclassify and induct men as delinquents.

t
I

I
)-

Why is there little or no discussion of all this in

rf

Resisto nce ?

is

r
as

e
ls

)f

te
In
al
:d
ne.

ir
/s
in
rs

)n
0r
he
)et
he

tyafr
led

The

Ferber and Lynd also fail to say very much about the
Resistance's main response to repression: increased resis-.
tance. When Gary Rader was arrested soon after he burned
his draft card, six or seven men came to his arraignment and
burned theirs. When organizers of the Sheep's Meadow card
burning were summoned to appear before a grand jury in
New York, several new resisters burned their cards on the
steps of the courthouse. When the Spock-Coffin defendents
were arraigned in Boston, people returned to the Arlington
Street Church to accept more draft cards. As soon as Bob
Talmanson was taken away by federal agents, two more
draft resisters came forward (one returning from exile in
Canada) and were granted sanctuary in another New Eng-

land church. Soon after it upheld the constitutionality of
the draft card burning law, the Supreme Court was treated
to

a

group of women burning cards before its portals. As the

U.S. marshals were carrying Tom Cornell off to prison,
someone came forward to send another card up in smoke.
And a common practice in California was to hand a judge
an envelope of draft cards every time he sentenced a resister. Such actions were an important aspect of the Resis-

of them should have been included
in the book.
There was also a geographic mobility among a good
number of Resistance folk which is not evident from
Ferber and Lynd's book. Yes, we are told of the early
California tribe moving up and down along the west coast
tance, and descriptions

and spreading eastward to places like Chicago (paul Rupert)

and Boston (lra Arlbok, Joel Kugelmarr). Aut there was
certainly more movement than that. Take Rod Robinson
for example, an important Resistance organizer, but not
mentioned once in The Resistonce. Robinson, a young
executive of the California packing Company, dropped oui
of the corporate world to become a peace freak on the
CNVA farm. He was there when the cops came for John
Stevens, and soon afterwards decided to become a draft

resister himself. He first went to New york where he helped
establish the Resistance there, and then moved to Washing_

ton where he worked on both the draft card turn_in and
the Pentagon march. He was one of the founders of the
Washington Draft Resistance Union, and was among those
present when Rev. Coffin presented the briefcase full of

draft cards to the Justice Department on October 20,1967.
Several months later Robinson returned to the New york
Resistance and eventually went back to California to work
Resistance. Such mobility was not at all
unusual. Even CADRE'sGary Rader moved to New York in
February 1968, and worked with the Resistance there for
several months before suffering a mental breakdown and

with the Berkeley

attempting suicide.

One more area Ferber and Lynd could have touched
upon was the relation of the Resistance to the Columbia
uprising of 1968. Although most of the credit has gone to
SDS, the Resistance was also involved, and much of what
SDS did was a response to the moral-political question the
Resistance continually posed: lf you are not non-cooperating, then what ore you doing? Columbia had always been
a stronghold for the New York Resistance. Dozens of
students had turned in their cards between October 1967
and April 1968, a few had refused induction, and the
Columbia faculty donated considerable money to the movement. There was some overlapping membership between
SDS and the Resistance, although by 1969 most Resistance
people had either quit SDS or had been expelled from it

for

"anarchismr" "trotskyism," "pacifism," "homosexuality," or some other sin, and during the occupation of the
buildings it was not unusual to

see SDS members

burn their

draft cards. Furthermore, one of the SDS national office
people hanging around Columbia at the time of the uprising was none other than Jeff Segal, an induction refuser
under a four-year sentence and soon to be one of the Oakland Seven defendents. While not part of the Resistance,
Segal was certainly sympathetic to it (despite some political
disagreements), and was a living example of the intertwining of draft resistance, SDS, and the Columbia rebellion. Ferber and Lynd could have explored this further.
A final omission of the authors is their failure to mention that many older men not only supported the Resistance but joined it by turning in their cards. (Selective Service regulations require every male citizen born after 1922
to carry a draft card.) Some of these supporter-resisters
were declared delinquent, as was Staughton Lynd who
turned in his card with CADRE, and a few were called for
induction. This often resulted in good news coverage. For
example, in April 1968, Rev. Paul Biggons, a Cornell chaplain
refused induction in New York; despite the fact that he was
an ordained minister, 36 years old, and the father of three
children, his local board insisted on drafting him. This led
to a really huge spread in the New York Times. Similar inci-

29

dents involved a college porfessor in Maryland ordered to
perform alternative service asi ianitor to a draft board, and
a theatrical director in Minnesota who brought his entire
troupe down to the induction center.
Summaries and conclusions aren't easy, and this review
much longer than I would have liked it to be. So
already
is
let me just finish up by thanking the two authors for
quoting a little retrospective piece I wrote for WIN regarding the Petrtagon demonstration. And I extend these thanks
even though Ferber and Lynd say that "in his nostalgia
Steve seems to draw the wrong conclusion." (l also thank
the editors of this magazine for allowing me to include
these few vainglorious lines.)
-Steve Suffet

THE ATHLETIC REVOLUTION

rhe

Free

r/*:,illli,,o, , ril

Over the past thirty yeors, eight of which were spent
as rt high school cooch qnd othletic director, l've seen
a rbmarkoble number of nthletes fighting and even dy-

ing for their country, ond remorkably few of them
ending up in joil or toking the Fifth Amendment before
a Congressionol investigoting committee. . Maybe

thot's why they're under increasing ottock from the
kooks, the crum-bums, and Commies.
Thus spoke Max Rafferty, former state superintendent of

public instruction in California.
To the dismay of people like Rafferty, a revolution has
begun in American athletics. lt began with the protests of
black athletes against racism at the Mexico City Olympic
Games in 1968. lt spread to college sports in 1969, with
players at a number of colleges organizing demonstrations,
during games with Brigham Young University, against the racism of the Mormon Church. Over the past two years, it has
spread to professional football with several leading players,
including Jets receiver George Sauer, resigning in protest of
the brutality of the sport. Most recently, women athletes
have been organizing to fight discrimination against them in
college athletics and "separate but equal" programs in the
olympics.
The most important thing about the athletic revolution
is that athletes have begun to attack the commercialism that
hai turned sport into a commodity that alienates them from
the intrinsic ioy of spontaneous physical activity.Typical of
this new spirit is the attitude expressed by Will Hetzel, basketball player at the University'of Maryland. Hetzel has said:
Ployground games 0re so much more fun thon col'
lege gomes.The people on the ployground ore ploying

primorily for the enjoyment of the physicol octivity.

ond that's what othletics should be oll about. . . . Ath'
letics can be such o beoutiful thing. lt is o shome to
hove to keep score.
Sam Goldberg, a decathlon star at the University

of

Kansas

and Minister of Sport for the Youth lnternational Party, expressed a similar sentiment:"Our maior goal is

to liberate

the athlete from the status of performer and elevate him to

the status of artistl'
. Jack Scott has been at the center of the athletic revolution since it began.The lnstitute for the Study of Sport and
Society, which he founded, has acted as a sort of clearing

for people connected with new
left athletics. Scott and his institute have a lot to do with
the depth and sensitivity of the suggestions that are being
made from various quarters for a new approach to sport.
The Athtetic Revolution is Scott's second book. Like his
frrst,Athletics for Athletes (reviewed inlZlN in March 1970)
the present volume is a ioy to read. lt brings together some
house and gathering place

of the essays Scott has written over the past few years' Among
the topics considered are the authoritarianism of traditional
coaches, the revolt of the black athlete, and drug abuse in
sports.There is even an essay on the abuse of psychological
testing in sports. At some colleges, it seems, they give psychological tests to candidates for the football team so they can
exclude both the candidates who would be too stupid to follow play diagrams and those who are so bright that they
would be troublemakers.The tests also help coaches handle
athletes by revealing their psychological quirks' As one coach
explained,"These tests give us information so we can know
the right buttons to push in order to get maximum performance from our boysl'
Criticism of sports in America is not new. One of the most
vocal critics of sports has been Robert Hutchins, who as chancellor of the University of Chicago abolished football and deemphasized other sports.Thorstein Veblen devoted some of
the most brutal passages of The Theory of the Leisure Closs
to criticizing the role sports play in American life.
Scott does not feel that people like Hutchins and Veblen
have been particularly constructive critics. lnstead, he feels
that Hutchins's famous comment that whenever he felt the
urge to exercise hewould roll over and go back to sleep illus-

victim of the wrong kind
have any appreciation of the foy

trates that Hutchins was too much

of

physical education

to

a

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ir

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b

h(

sir
Br

ar

and Veblen can be dismissed as eggheads who simply hate

th

sports.

eg

Scott contends that:
ItheJ significont thing about whot

ca

is

hoppening in Amer-

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30

I

:

that can come from sports. ln general, people like Hutchins

ffiHlPMANAGErrae11eNotion3685.Title39'UnitedStates
rironth exieot Januarv, Julv'
r'.!671. 3:?;;;;t;cv 6iisiu!'rwice, tlew
code). 1. Tise or pubrication: wlN Magazine. z. out"-6riiriirilStiofi;
Yotk 12471' Location
ortiie oi 6irolriCitl"ni'po'eo* 6az,-ii?ioi'tuisteicoult-v)Ausuit, when once u montn. i.'Lotaiio-n ot rnown
Vo'.x,-tlV rootz.-6. Names ana addresses or
or the headquarters or sene;ar'bis'iiuiioriices or th.e p,liriiin&i,"!!b'iiiiv&tllir-.,iii r.iei
Niw Yorx, NY 1oo12: editors-David

thatthestatementsmaoeoi.mi.J6oiJjrL'correcta

(

lie

arl

far

flir
sp

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15
lea

thr

tic

at(
du
SO

-l
ican othletics todoy, and it is for this reoson that more
ond more people are beginning to toke cognizonce of
what is loosely colled the othletic revolution, is thot
for the first time in the history of Americon athletics
the most outspoken, vocal critics of sports ore the ath_
letes themselves. . . . IMoreover,J it is not the othletes
who cannot make it who ore dropping out, demonstrot_
ing, and protesting. From the high school level through
the professionol ranks, with an ever-increosing frequincy, it is our finest othletes who ore beginning to join
the ronks of the protestors."

The athletes who are dropping out are doing so because
of the violence, drugs, and manipulation they are subjected
to for the sake of commercialism.Typical of those was George
of the Jets. When Sauer retired he made it clear that he
was dropping out not because he hated football but because
he truly loved the sport and consequently could no longer
tolerate beinga part of professional football as it exists today.
It is dehumanizing, Sauer said, to ,,have a Vince Lombardi
type of coach hollering at you to hate the other guy, who,s
really just like you in a different colored uniforml,
One of the perceptive things about Scott is the extent to
wh ich he is aware that sport is shaped by the society of wh ich
it is a part. He does not feel that we can really have the kind
of sports he'd like to see us have until our whole society
changes. As he put the point recently on NBC,s weekly program Comment'.
Sauer

There can be no reol chonges in sport without fun_
domentol chonge in Americon society on all levels. ln
short, there connot be humanistic othletics while there
are Vietnoms, racism, on economy thot values property

over humon life, ond mony other^problems that ore
teoring our society oport."
Henry Bass
STUDIES IN WAR AND PEACE
Michael Howard

Viking Press, 1970
Michael Howard teaches military history at Oxford. This
book contains a wide range of his essays on the conduct of
war and the attempts to avoid war. Among the topics considered are classical military strategy, the Battle of Waterloo,
Britain's Mediterranean strategy in the Second World War,
arms control, and the invasion of Czechoslovakia.
Many of the esays in this book are fascinating even for
those who are usually bored with military history and strategy. lt is also an enlightening and sobering book for advocates of nonviolence. Howard would obviously like to believe that those advocating nonviolence and unilateral disarmament have an alternative for military defense. He is
familiar with the work of those who have written about conflict resolution and the nonviolent alternatives to war. He

specifically cites Adam Roberts'Civilian Defense: NonViolent Resistance to Aggression (reviewed in WlN, October
15, I968). Although he thinks that some of this work is at
least promisinE,. he reluctantly concludes that so far, at least,
the advocates of nonviolence have failed to provide a realis-

tic alternative to military defense.
Pacifists do not usually have to face the hard

issues Howard raises.This has been especially true of American pacifists
during the Vietnam War. Never in our history has a war been

so wrong. During the Second World War, pacifists had to

worry that perhaps they were not doing their bit to stop
Hitler. During the Vietnam War radical pacifists could, in
contrast, fancy that by trying to curb their country's military efforts they were the silent buddies of the guerrillas
fiehting for a little country's liberty. lt is so easy for pacifists when their own country is clearly on the wrong side.
The true test of nonviolence is not whether one calls for
it as an alternative to his country's aggression, but whether
one has a realistic plan for employinr it to stop aggression
against oneself and one's friends. Most American pacifists
simply do not know what it would be like to be in Greece
facine the military dictatorship, in Czechoslovakia facing
Russian tanks, or in the Bangla Desh facing American and
Chinese bombs. And what is even more revealinE, the world

nonviolent movement continues to show itself to be completely impotent in offering help to victims of aegression in
cases like these.
Howard's most telline criticism of nonviolence is its failure as a defense of countries which are the victims of aggres-

sion. ln recent times one of the most crucial tests for the
possibilities of nonviolent defense was in Czechoslovakia.
lnitially it aopeared that"the Czechs might even mount a
continuing and effective proqram of resistance.'Unfortunately, the Czechs had little experience in nonviolent resistance
and so would have needed a great deal of help and support
from nonviolent resisters around the world. All thev got were
a few token demonstrations. The failure of nonviolehce in
Czechoslovakia is oneof the main reasons that Howard finds
nonviolent defense impractical.
It is hard to say exactly what we could have done about
Czechoslovakia. We have all these books, Iike those of Adam
Roberts and Gene Sharp, about nonviolent defense. However,
when we are really confronted with an actual sitrration, they
seem a little academic and irrelevant. And deep down there
is some question of whether we really believe our rhetoric

when we see the tanks on our TV screens.
By and large the nonviolent movement does not yet seem
equal to a real test. Last sprine we witnessed a whole series

of demonstrations in Washington.

Some were effective.
Others exhibited a frivolous contempt for intelligent planning.
lndeed, in general, the Washington civil disobedience shows
howfar we still have to go to be taken seriously by ordinary
practical people in a tough situation. Dumpine whole sacks
of manure on the Pentagon steps just made work for some
ianitor. Stopoing people on their way to work at the Social
Securitv Administration, the Bureau of Mines, or the National Park Service was both tactically useless and politically

harmful. A movement with this little sophistication would
obviously be helpless in a situation like that faced by the
Czechs. lf those of us in the USA who have had some oppor-

tunitv to develop the techniques of resistance are still so
awkward, it is not at all surprising that the Czechs failed.
Howard's second most telline criticism of the nonviolent
movement is its gradual acceptance of thermonuclear wea.
pons. As he puts it:
Over the last five or six years the urqent concern
for disarmoment which wos so chorocteristic of the lote
fifties ond the eorly sixties has evaporated with remorkoble ropidity. There is little couse for surDrise in the
t'oilure of the inhumeroble studies devoted to the sub-

ject of disarmoment to do much more than reveol its
complexity. Whot is more strlnge is the equanimity

3l

r

with which thot foilure hos been occepted by the groups
which were once most uroent ond onguished in the

pursuit of

Peoce.

Atl but a tiny minority of those who once morched,
demonstroted, and sot down to bon the bomb hqve
leorned to live with it. Their successors toke the bolonce of terror very much for granted. They ore indeed

less concerned now with peace thon they ore with
justice.
Howard's reasons for not having much confidence in the
nonviolent movement are well taken. We were not able to
help Czechoslovakia. We have only a confused and almost
token policv for the Middle East. Thermonuclear disarmament is no longer an active cause. All that we were able to
offer the Biafran independence movement was CARE packages. Most recently we have sat by in dismayed impotence

the Bengali independence movement is crushed with American and Chinese bombs,
ln assessing the failures of nonviolence, it should perhaps
be noted that we have been up aeainst the Vietnam War' The
strugele asainst the Vietnam War has taken so many of our
.n.tgi.t and has so demoralized us that we have failed to act
against a rising tide of violence elsewhere. However, even if
the Vietnarn struggle mav in part excuse us for our other
failures, it will not absolve us from their consequences' We
will have to live with the world our failures have helped create'
The most fundamental criticism I have of Howard is that
though nonviolence has ndt succeeded, military force has
done no better in resolvins international conflict' Howard
seems very aware of the failures of military force in recent

as

years. lndeed, he is sufficiently skeptical

of military inter-

vention that he advises statesmen thinking about emploving
it to rememb er "Mr. Punch's fomous advice to those obout
to get morried: Don't. The informotion on which they hove

almost certoinly incomplete ond unrelioble, ond the
consequences of their octions ore utterly incolculoble"'
ln further support of his feelings about the failures of
military intervention, Howard argues that

toict

is

The Bov of Pigs probobly did more than onvthing
else to estoblish Costro firmlv in the offections of his

SUBSCRIBE

countrymen ond shake the stonding of the United

to the

States throuqhout Latin ATnerico. Suez struck o blow

ASTRAL PROJECTION

ot British influence throuqhout the Arob world from
which it hos not yet recovered and possiblv never will'
As for the Russiqns, they find themselves now in a

from New Mexico

dilemmo so great thot one is olmost sorry for them' ln
the entire world, where can they look for suoport? To
their East German puppets; to the cowed Hunoorians;
to the contemptible Bulgori0ns; to the Poles, to their
losting shome;ond to the Republic of North Vietnom'
It seems to me that the moral Howard's book has for us is
that it is about time that we got more serious in building

A North Americon Orocle
Non-Politicol
Colorful
lnformotive

nonviolent alternatives to war. Military force has outlived

any usefulness

Included

in issue #10 ere articles

on

Earth Changes, Yoga,-Healtlt
"o*ing
Hopi Prophecis, Swedish Scenes'
Foods,
int rri"* *itt Oin Lairmore, Rock Music
Today, Record & Book Beviews, Cooper-

iti"

ative!,

Space Astrology, Ecology,

plu.s^

an important article you should re-$ if
you are planning on coming to New Mexico in the near future.

for issue #10 to
paper plus postage and handling or
,i5.00 for a one year subscription to:

Send $1.00

of

cover price

""nd SubscriPtion DePartment
The Astral Projection
Post Office Box 4383

Albuquerque, New Mexico 87106

32

it

may once have had'.However, we have

a

are
long way to go in building effective alternatives' lf we
selfgoiig to .u.i brild them, we have to put aside the
Iong-ratulatory attitude that has prevented us from facing
-Henry Bass
the tard issues Howard raises.

to
o

0

are planning to
We used to ltir. in a VW camper, and we
on foods that
up
stock
to
learn
to
had
I
so
tiu.'onl Uout,

effort'
aon'i n..a refrigeration, much preparation time or
are
and
ul.gltn'
require
Jon'i tuf." up riuch spice, don't
at first
difficult
very
it
found
I
healihv.
;;, ;;"p,'and
ino-i'. stili learning, but for fellow nomads l'll pass on a

few tips.
1 .Brown rice. I had to practice cooking
and I still don,t
get it right every time, but if you can get
you can sort of
do it with your left hand, it,s the cheapeit, easiest, and
healthiest thing to base a meal on. Cook it often, experiment with different amounts of rice and water and time
and heat until you hit on a formula, put a little Tamari soy

with it, don't peek while its cooking, and let the
bottom burn a little bit rather than stirringl lf you only
have one burner on your stove, cook it and iet it iit nearby
while you cook everything else quickly_it will probably
sauce

still be hot enough when other things are done.

2.Lentils. Dried legumes like lentils are

cheap

(29cents/lb.), rich in iron, and contrary to folk tradition
they don't have to be soaked or cooked for a long time.

Just boil them and keep tasting until they,re tender. Make
soup quickly and easily: 3 cups water,2 bouillion cubes,
tablespoon soy sauce, 314 cup lentils, 1 diced raw potato,
diced onion, 2 diced garlic cloves, 1 Tb. curry powder,
Tb. yeast, 1 Tb. wheat germ. Cook the lentiis'in boiling
water until nearly tender, add everything else (more or lesi
of everything to taste; it,s good if you aJd other vegetables

too, like grated carrot), season the way you like it with

herbs and spices, and eat

it when the potatoes and lentils
are done. Soup is more fun than anything else to cook
because it's so open to suggestion- soup ,.Iip., are never

hard-and-fast rules, they,re more or iess formulas with
plenty of blank spaces to fill in with whatever comes to
mind. Always cook soup-and everything else_with

DM

imagination and love.

ror

.

Another good thing

to

make with lentils is Dal : this

fruit,

makes a meal. Cook about 113 cup of lentils per
person in boiling water. Meanwhile, melt
ab out 2 oz. of
butter Der person (to be autheniic, ghee, or if you,re pooi,
margarine, or if you,re destitute, oil) _mor. if you
can_
slowly, add one chopped onion per person, and cook
until
n.ice and brown)-at which time the lentils
are done. Drain
the lentils, save the water for stock, add them to the
onions, season with plenty of red peppei and a little
salt.

3.SALAD. Salad should be cold and crisp. Unless you
can scavenge for wild greens that grow in a stream,
like
cress, it's pretty hard to make a cold, crisp
salad while
camping. But you can make salad anyway_it,i out
of a can,
but it tastes good. Sliced pickled beets are pretty and they
taste ok as is, but they,re best if you dress them with
some
oil and vinegar and lemon .juice, salt pepper, thinly sliced
onions and chopped garlic, and arrange tiiem nicely
on a
plate. Give the same treatment to a cin of green
aparagus

spears, or of sliced red baby tomatoes, o," .u.n all
three
you're feeding a lot of people.

if

4. Mix a can of

mushroom soup with the liquid you
from a can of something-say, the tomatoes above_,
throw in some pepper , a can of tunafish ,nuyb., heat it
up
saved

and pour it over the rice.

Now eat it all by candlelight, under the stars, with
you love; this is a treatmenl that makes even cans

so-meone

of food taste

good.

_Kathy Hill

^m",ffi

wHERE tTS Ar'rhe row profire
marked,,,He simpry didn,t
Moratorium Day ("Take 5 minutes for bureaucratic structurel,.
. .,AN ORIGI- on,orseen photosorreportsof USbombPeace" was the heading for a Chicago NAL work,,The
United States of Amer_ ing of pathet Lao areas. Write them
or
ad) disoriented me.October2,however, ica ys..Neii-Scott
Fulligaf-will be per, call collect 202-232_Sg4g. . . . EAST
'in
at the Prisoners Solidarity Rally in fronr formed at
9:30 u, e OT
the court- BENGAL:
"nl*iiltf ROOTSOFTHEGENOCIDE
of Cook County jail, listening to move- room . . of the Federil Building
in
.'from Bangla Desh ActionComentex-cons, pre-cons,and not_yet_cons, Gainesville,
Ifta.] t 0115111... . . pllce: uf iiio"rl.qrakerprojecr, 13 E.lTStreet,
I realized who was speaking forthe truly a mythical tingoom.
rim.,'rh. pr.r.nt. NVC, 1J,.

downtrodden and defenseless.

pointing

afingerattheiail andatwardenMoori,
who had again refused to let in a Medical Committee for Human Rights dele-

i;;;;"or;

"),I#I;ilji:ff:iii:tJl:1:;?:j:::l

dr .oo.

Synopsis:
yiung b"r. . refuses to CON,ViNftONS, ETc;October23,First
.R
obey the. lawi of ine [ingoom, or to lnternational
Military Rightsand Antiremove his hat tothekingJi .v"n plu.e
war convention in San Francisco, po
his name on the king,s wirk relielrolls g"^
JilA1, Shtion A (Bay Area Con-he,ll
. . .'l Neil writes that
try to provide
if ltury). . . . Octob er 2324, Secus with some accounr of his trial. . . . "._.a-fll

gation, Jane Kennedy said the one th ing
prison teaches everyone is harred of the
system. . . One of the Cook County DRAFT REFUSER Bob Eat
inmates is writer/anthologisr Biuy Rob- leased rrom

;; N;;;;;.1

winter Soldier

lnvestiga_

nrrenwooJpi;;iiifi-

of the DART work-re- ,.rb::.?q.Hervent in August 27,1g6b. l';;t'?:?il:T ['"Yytt,T;:::l*::,
N"r"rU.r)U2g,SouthwesrConference
lease program for addicts.He had left it
tFyOU LTVEON EtfHE{QOASf,you
."N.rrrf."ce,Albuquerque,NM.Write
because someone warned him that he may want to contact these
clmmunities WRL there at ,l003 Forester NW.
would besent tothe penonafalse charge which.are nonviolent e.ducation
centers: CHEERS!to veteran peace activist and
of "unclean urinel'Recaptured, he faces mankind, 833 Haight Street,
SF; peace wRL;# iember peter Kiger and Bevone to ten years for allegedly escaping Study House,212j N Streei,
NW, DC; .riy Wooa*urd of the WRL Executive
from the penitentiary.Curiously,DARI Emmaus
inson, a victim

a rehabilitation agency, is pressing for

..

is

lnd.ian, filling, good, cheap, and with some curried
rice and

House, 241 E11 6 Street,

Ny.

. PROJECT Air war, 1g31 RStreet,

Committeewhowere married onAugust

23.

_Ruth Deor

J5

Edltlng r.ylslon, rowrltlng, ,rom som.bod}
who loarncd ths HARo way-rt wlN.
Sup€r-rclionablo ratoti my nccds !ru

COMMUNES, U.S. A.:A comPt.hantlvo
lildo to €xlrtlng Amorlcan commun6

(r.ll9lou3, sclentlflc, hlp, psychedcllc,
group m.rrlago). Ext€n5lvo blbllogr.phlca;

small but prasslng. Wlll consldGr any lob
that do€sn't raqulr€ loavlng th. Southw6tWrlt6 to: Paul Johnson, Som€whaaa ln

Llst of-Altarnttlv.e Organlzetlons, $4.O0
pottpald. Altornatlvos Found.tlon, P'o.
Draqar.A, S.n Frtncjsco, calit. 94131,

Bl.ck man servlng tlmo behlnd b'rs
wlshlng corr€spondence wlth lrnyono' Wlll
aniw€r all lett€r'. Ploase Do SlnC6rO' charles
Nalls. P.O. Box 3173, Columbla. 5'C'

New M€xlco, c/o WlN.

HELP WIN

ANARCHIST WEEKLY "FREEDOM''
$6.40 per year (4O issues) from Freedom
Press, 848 Whitechapel High Street, London,
E.1, England. Specimen and publications list

29203.

Sel! WIN on Your ca'mPus or

in your community. Ws'll

cend you a burdb (r largp
or srnall I Yotl can usel and
charge you 15J per goPY.

on request.

69say3 on malo sexTho Mon's Pages
rolo llberatlon! 50
- cents from Bob Shurtl€ft,9O9 Fostsr, Evanston. lL 6020l.

Yog sell 'em for 3oJ. Rettm
unrold oopi6 for crudit
Write WlN, 3il9 LafaYette
St, New York, N.Y. 1fi)12

MAKE LAUGHING GAS. NCW bOOK,
"Making Reality More Real ', gives simple'
one-step, one-chemical (easily obtained)
kitchen type procedure for producing
nitrous oxide at home. Also described are
detailed psychedelic and medical effects
and experiences by scientists (William
James, Humphrey Davy) and poets (Coleridge), Send $2.0O to TOU, Dept. 16'
6311 Yucca, L.A., Ca. 9OO28. Ecstacy or
refuncl. Plain envelope.

Guarrllla theatorra hlt-and-run form of
rrdlcal pollticdl theat6r---ls qirlckty b€'
comlng one of our most of,cctlve
consclouSn€6s-ralslng moolums. Many'
many folks tro turnlng On to lt and 9€tttng tog.ther troupg to do glgF. lf
you're lnt€rcstsd ln startlng a troupe' Ed
Hay.s of the Quaker Proj€ct on Com'
munlty Confllct, 13 East 17th Streot'
N.w Vork Clty. IOOO3, is lnterGtod ln
holplng you. Also avallablo from th6
Quakor Proi€ct are coplc5 of "A Guorrllla
Theater Manual". (For th$e, a small

for further detailr.
THE TURN.ON BOOK: HOW IO
synthoslze LsD, THC, trsllocybln, M65cr'
llno drug extractions, more. t2.OO.
THE ALCHEMIST: CHEMISTRY OF
HALLUCINOGENS: All now. Moit
subgtances

THE SOCIALIST TRIBUNE is for building
a non-sectarian socialist movement'The
only requirement for joining us is belief in

char96 o, 251 qer copy ls chaTg€d tor
postage and handllng.) For further lntor'
nutlon, please wrlte Ed or call hlm at
212-741-O750.

d$ctlbed are legat,

democracy. Send for a free sample copy'
1O12 North 3rd Street, Suite 317, Milwaukee, Wisconsin 53203.

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Amphetamlnes, lndol€5, Lysergamld$'
Cannablnols, Natural Plants' many moro,
$3.OO. Both books 34.OO. Qu.ntity 7.te5
avall.ble. Turn-Ons Unllmated, D.pt. 16'
6311 Yucca St., LA., Ca. 9OO28.
Ecstacy or refund. SGnt ln pllin onvolope.

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l"ln Woman/s Soul"

I

l
I

rHE1912 WAR RESISTERS LEAGUE
PEACE CALENDAR AND DATE BOOK
This year WRL blends art and commentary to produce a
chronicle of women's thoughts on war through the years.

LocaI

Quotes from some fifty women peace and social justice activists are presented, espousing views on peace, power, violence,

WRL
Groups
Albony IURL, Box 1237, Albany, N.y. 12201
llRL Southern Region Office, Atlanta Workshop in
Nonviolence, Box 7477, Atlanta, Ga. 30309
Columbus WRL, 1954 lndianola, Columbus, Ohio
43201

Detroit

WRL

Ooklond Univ. Chopter, Oakland Univ., Rochester,
Mich. 48063

lloyne State Univ. Chopter, Wayne State Univ.,
Detroit, Mich. 48200
Jomestown WRL,12 Partridge St., Jamestown, N.Y.
14101

Lowrence 14RL, Canterbury House, 1 16 Louisiana,
Lawrence, Kansas

Milwoukee WRL,1431 E. Brady St., Milwaukee, Wisc.
53202

Nework

WRL, Box 530, Kearny,

N..f

.

07032

Oklahomo WRL,1335 Jenkins, Norman, Okla. 78069
lloshington WRL, Peoce & Freedom Through Non-

violent Action, American University, Box 231,
Washington, D.C. 20016

ll/RL Southwest Regionol Office, 1003 Forrester
North West, Albuquerque, New Mexico 87104
Austin llRL-Direct Action, P.O. Box 7161, Univer-

and men, and other irnportant social issues of their day.
Among the women quoted are jeanette Rankin, Sojourner
Truth, Emily Greene Balch, Bella Abzug, Rosa Parks. The
main emphasis, though, is on the women whose names are
not generally known, but who contributed heavily to our
continuing peace effort. We've tried to highlight the people
and action that escaped widespread attention, in an attempt
to indicate the scope of women's humanitarianism despite the
lack of historical documentation of it.
Throughout the calendar also are reproductions of drawings, paintings, and woodcuts by women artists. Most of the
forty artists are contemporary and their work definitively
reflects the new feminism that pervades all of present culture.
The pictures complement the accompanying comments on
social values.

The calendar is edited this year by a committee of women
closely associated with WRL. They worked collectively and
democratically to create a calendar that embodies the spirit of
equality in the women's movement in both the content and
the production.

Ihe

*
*

1912 calendar contains:

a page

for every week in the year

a facing page of quotations and artwork by women active
in the social justice and peace movements

*
+

directory of women's books and periodicals
a listing of peace organizations and periodicals, American

a

and foreign

*
*

blank pages for notes and advance appointments in 1973
128 pages, 5/2" x 8/2", wire-bound and flat-opening, the
calendar pages of which can be removed when the year
is over, leaving a bound volume for your permanent
library

\

JpuelrcnrroN

f

The Peace Calendar is a unique and inexpensive gift that will
be remembered the whole year through.

sity Sta., Austin, Texas78712

Ft. llorth WRL, 6157 Calmonr

Ft.

DATE: NovEMBER 1, 1971

$2.25

Worth,

$6. for three

Texas 761 1 6

Socorro IURL, Box 2452,Campus Station, Socorro,
New Mexico

WRL lilestern Regionol Office,833 Haight Sr.,

Gift orders, and a gift card, will be mailed to arrive by the
winter holidays, postpaid in the U.S.

San

WAR RESISTERS LEAGUE

Francisco, Calif . 941 17

ln addition to the above groups, there are about a
dozen. efforts to organize local WRL's going on
around the country. These are what we cbuld call
embryo WRL's and when they reach the stage of
being able to organize and work outside the WRL
membership we will list them as local WRL's. lf you
would like to begin organizing a local WRL or would
like information on the local WRL program please
write to the National Office.

339 Lafayette Street, New York, N.Y. 1fi)l2

I enclose

$-

for

copres

of the 1972 Peace Calendar
($2.25 each, $6.00
Please send

my

name

my

address

for three)

copies lo me:

Zip-

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