Win Magazine Volume 7 Number 13

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They also called for the "shutting

"The government," they said, "will
take our demands seriously only if you
take them seriously. We prisoners can
only hope to raise the issues by

down" of the tiger-cage prison

cells
now under construction on Con Son
lsland, South Vietnam. Congressman
William R. Anderson (D., Tenn.) had
discovered such prison cages, already
in use, on an investigative trip to the

putting ourselves on the line, in the
hope you will respond."
Commenting on the fact that
their strike and fast began on the

Vietnamese island earlier this year.
The five called for changes in U.S.
federal parole procedures that would
allow prisoners to see the contents of

of the atomic bombing
of Hiroshima, they stated, "lndochina
anniversary

is Hiroshima on the installment plan.

their parole files prior to their hearings. ln Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia, war
They asked that prisoners be notified is extended over a decade of plague,
of parole board decisions within two
starvation, torture and death, to the
weeks of the hearing and that the
point where men, women and childreason for negative parole decisions
be officially stated.
The five resisters are John Bach,
Eddie Gersh, Ted Glick, Tom Hosmer
and David Malament. Glick is one of

ren might well long for the instant
mercy of atomic extinction."
"We prisoners," they concluded,
"have chosen our way of resistance.

the eight under indictment in Harrisburg on charges related to draft
resistance and an alleged plot to kidnap White House aide Henry A.
Kissinger and bomb the heating ducts
of federal office buildings in Washington. The other four are in prison for
refusing to cooperate with the Select-

way courage or outrage, or the voice
of God and man, may suggest to you."
-THE DEFENSE COMMITTEE

ive Service System.
ln a statement to inmates, they
stated, "Dan was told Iby the parole
board] to do his whole bit despite
the fact that his health has gotten
worse and there is a chance he could

Silver Springs Three who destroyed
draft files in May of 1969, has
escaped from prison and is seeking
political asylum in Sweden. The Alien
Board, however, has made a negative
recommendation to the lmmigration
Service and it looks likely that
Bransome may be deported to the
United States. The American Deserters Committee considers this an

We ask you

SUPPORT

MICHAEL LEE BRANSOME
Michael Lee Bransome, one of the

die in prison." ln lune, Father Daniel

Berrigan nearly died of massive
allergic shock. More recently, prison
doctors have found the functioning
of his kidneys is impaired.
"The parole board's behavior was,
however," they said, "very typical . .
We

all know that to have the

best

of making parole one

must

chance

WORK STRIKE AND FAST
BEGUN AT DANBURY
FEDERAL PRISON

act like an obedient slave; that we are
not told what information goes info
our files for the parole board to see;
and that often we must wait many

months to hear back. ln short, we, as
were the Berrigans, are treated . . . as
less-than-human and less-than-men."
Five imprisoned war resisters,
"As a result we are beginning a
including one of the Harrisburg
hunger strike and work strike and
"Conspiracy" defendants, began a
will go to the hole until action is
fast and work stoppage in the
taken on the . . . demands. . . We
federal penitentiary at Danbury, Conn., ask you, our fellow inmates, to conon August 6.
sider joining us by refusing to work,
A statement issued by the resisters
refusing to eat, and by joining us in
demanded the release of Father
the hole as free men."
Daniel Berrigan, S.J. and an early
A statement to the public, after a
review of the parole application of
more detailed explanation of the
his brother, Father Philip Berrigan,
demands, addressed itself to "all
S.S.J.
sectors of the anti-war movement."

to ioin us, in whatever

extremely important case that could
.

set a precedent with regard to future
refugees from the U.S. and appeals
for letters of protest to be sent to
Prime Minister Palme. Politicol osylum
should be requested by name as the

only appropriate disposition for
Bransome. Write to:

Olaf Palme
Prime Minister
Riksdag

Stockholm, Sweden

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/
Vets Against War) had a booth at
Aquatore Park. The walls inside and
out were covered with bumPer
stickers, posters and assorted literature with all the anti-war themes.
And there were 12" x 14" Pictures
of dead Vietnamese. lVlaYbe it's
improper to be serlous at a "celebration". Maybe "serious" vibrations
are reiected by fun-secking, festive
crowds. Even the WCCO-TV camera
missed us. (lnadvertently, we hope.)
ln two daYs ProbablY 2 or 3,000
pcople passed thc booth. They would
look for a few seconds without stopping, then turn away as if theY had
seen rrothing. (lnscrutablc orientals)

One in a hundred would smile,
whether in aPProval or derision or
pity we could not tell. Even some
friends and neighbors who stoPPed
to talk were oblivious to the booth
and its message. ln two daYs not
more than 10 to 12 PeoPle stoPPed to
talk. OnlY three or four of them
were oPPosed to our Position, their
main theme being it's better to stop
them over there than here.
We were located across the waY
from two VFW booths where the
ladies were selling patriotic lewelry
and other knick-knacks. A good
number of Veteran's of Foreign
Wars werc about in full uniform'

bruce christianson
donna christianson
diana i davies
ralph digia
jen elodie
leah fritz
margaret haworth
neil haworth

elliot linzer

jackson maclow
david mcreynolds
peter merlin
karen messer

jack horowitz
marty jezer
Peter kiger

jim

mayer vish ner
linda wood
m ike wood

@@@@

On Mass Organizing
Connie Stay Home for

page 14:
page 18:

Coalition CaPers
Abbie Hoffman:

"l Quit"
of Male
Politics
the
On
Liberation

CL'Y'

STAFF
susan cakars

burton levitsky
mary mayo

peace and freedom
through nonviolent action

IN THE PROVINCES
michael brunson (box 12548, seattle'
wash.98111)
ruth dear 15429 s. dorchester, chicago'
ilr.)

seth foldy (2322 elandon dr., cleveland
heiqhts, oh.)
becky and paul (somewhere in new mex'
ico)

(box 7477, atlanta'

ga'

wayne haYashi (1O2O kuqpohqku
e4., honolulu, hi. 96819)

timothy lange (1O45 l4th st.' boulder,
co.)

mark morris (3808 hamilton st., philadelphia, pa.)
paul obluda (544 natoma, san francisco'

ca.94l03)

6:
9:

page 20:

a.

maris cakars

gehres
3O309)

tennial.
Speaking of queens, it was the
occasion for the first annual Miss
Blaine contest. Strange to see your
community having their first queen

Peace

dorothY lane

jim

years?

The "Commodore" was there in
full regalia; big and handsome and with
a Queen of some kind in a long gown.
He apparently was drumming uP
business for the Minneapolis Aqua-

page
page

peck

igal roodenko
wendy schwartz
lorraine shaPiro
bonnie stretch

four

menu

HOME FOLKS
marilyn albert
connie bleakleY

Most *ere in the 35 to 60 age
group. One had a holstered sidearm'
A Boy Scout band arrived and did
their thing; theY were neat and trim
and precision-like. How manY of
them will have long hair in three or

339 lafaYette street
new york, new York 10012
telephone .212l, 228'027 O
WIN ls Published twlcemonthlY

page

22:

MY Own Men's

Liberation
page 27: "The Living" in Brazil
page 28: Food for Thought
page 31: Reviews
page 33: Letters

Eack Cover Photo: Jan V' Tiura

except JulY, August, and Janu-

ary when lt is Published monthlY
by the wlN Publishing Emplre
with the suPport of the War Resisters League. Subscriptlons are
$5.oo Per Year, Second class Poe

tage Pald at New York, N'Y'
1oOOl, lndividual wrlters are re
sponslble for opinlons exPressed
and accuracy of facts glven.

Sorry-manuscrlpts cannot be re'
turned unless accompanled bY a
self-addressed, stamped envelope.
Prlnted ln U.S.A.. wlN is a mem'

September 1, 197 1
Volume Vlll, Number 13

ber of the underground Press Syndicate and Llberation News Ser'
vlce.

3

_T
I

thing when these contests are being
dropped as irrelevant, immaterial,
or false and phony elsewhere.
When a skydiver came floating
down, I overheard a woman say
excitedly, "There he is!" and another
say, "Here he comes!" and I wondered how they knew lT was a HE.
A boy about seven noticed the
pictures of dead Vietnamese and
asked about them. I said they may
have been killed by bombs or artillery or U.S. Marines or the Viet
Cong or who knows? He seemed
quite thoughtful about it and then
I learned he had a brother in the
Marines. I asked what he did and the
boy laughed sort of apologetically and
'said he was just a cook. ln conclusion
we agreed that even marines have to
eat.

As I was leaving the grounds about
9:00 Sunday night, a woman about
40 sitting at a picnic tabled hollored
at what I assume was her husband or
boyfriend (l hope not her lover)

"Get away and leave me aloqe you
son-of-a-bitch". I figured she was
probably high on some kind of dope.
And such is Blaine, Minn., on a
non-revolutionary Fourth of July.

-Tom Dooley

LAND AND WATER PICKETS
AT ARMS SHIPS
FOR PAKISTAN
Two ships loaded with U.S.
armaments for Pakistan were picketed
on land and water )uly 14-1 5 in
Baltimore and July 23 in New york.
When the PADMA arrived at
Pier 8, Port Covi'ngton, Baltimore, it
was surrounded by a small fleet of

and by a fleet of two rowboats and
a canoe. Unlike in Baltimore, the
waterborrre pickets were not
arrested. But also, unlike in Baltimore,
the longshoremen ignored the policy

of their international union president
and proceeded to load the ship.
For about a half hour, those of us
picketing the dock had a fruitful
dialogue with the longshoremen
through a mesh-wire fence.
Our leaflets pointed out: "The
U.S. is port of on I l -nation consortium which hos been supplyino oid

to Pokiston in recent yeors. The
other notions of this group hove
decided to suspend oll oid until the
situation in East Pakiston improves,
but the U.S. is refusing to go olong."
Our dialogue was halted abruptly
when the aperture in the wire fence
was deliberately blocked-off with a
row of three large-sized cargo containers" ln mid-morning a memorial
service for the East Pakistani murder
victims (totaling since March 25
some 200,000) was held at the
entrance to the pier. Both the Baltimore and New York demonstrations
were initiated by Friends of East
Be

ngal.

OPERATION OMEGA

That's the name of a proiect
initiated in England by WRl, Peace
News, Manchester Community Research and Action Group, and Action
Bangla Desh to distribute food and
medical supplies inside Bangla Desh

(formerly known as Easd pakistan)

but without seeking permission from
the Pakistan government. OMEGA
No. 1, a landrover with a relief
worker, a nLtrse, and a mechanic
aboard, along with the supplies, is
reported to be on its way. A second
landrover, OMEGA no. 2, is expected
to leave shortly.

Contribution checks for this
project should be made out to
Operation Omega and addressed to:

WRl, 3 Caledonian Rd., London N 1,
England.
_f .p.

FREE THE QUINCY FIVE
An August trial is scheduled for
three young black men charged with
robbery and the murder of a deputy
sheriff near Tallahassee, Fla. last Sept.
Two others were convicted by an all
white jury in''May.
The group is known as the
Quincy Five-because all come from
the small town of Quincy, 20 miles

from here, the scene of racial
for many years.

David Keaton was sentenced to
death in the electric chair after his
trial last May, and .f ohnny Fredericks
was given life imprisonment. David
Charles Smith, Johnny Burns, and
Alphonso Figgers will be tried in
August. A major defense campaign

growing up around the case.
f n September of 1910, Luke's
Grocery Store was robbed. Two
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canoes and kayaks and seven

of the
paddlers were arrested on charges of
"interfering with naval passage and
disobeying a police officer.,, pickets
also marched in front of the pier.
But the big news was that the dock
workers, members of Local 829,
lnternational Longshoremen,s Association, refused to cross the picket
line, in compliance with prders from
ILA President Thomas Gleason dispatched from Miami. So, after two
days the PADMA departed without
loading the Baltimore portion of its
lethal cargo.

On July 23 when the STTLEJ
arrived at Pier 36, East River (New

York), it was met by land pickets
4

stpuggle

lholo-GLvy ea\v\es

is

on confessions extracted from Keaton
sheriff's deputies who were there as
customers were shot and one of them, and Fredericks, though the two men
retracted those confessions and said
Thomas Revels, died on the waY to
they had been obtained under duress.
the hospital. Revel's bloody shirt was
put on display in the sheriff's office
Keaton was held in jail for three days,
questioned
began.
manhunt
and threatened repeatedly,
and an intensive
and denied the right to make a phone
Witnesses were shown pictures
call until he confessed.
taken at civil-rights demonstrations.
Police intimidation was so great
A lengthy suspect list was drawn uP
a sixth Young man confessed to
that
of
members
several
which included
the murder although he was in New
the Malcolm X United Liberation
Front, a black organization with head- Jersey at the time. The charge
against him was later droPPed.
quarters in this city.
january
This feeble evidence was enough
year,
the
of
this
ln
convince an all-white iury-from
to
and
were
arrested
Five
Quincy
which opponents of capital punishcharged with the robbery and murment had been removed-to send
der, as well as a number of other
Keaton to Death Row.
unsolved crimes in the area. One
Supporters and relatives of the
local official, commenting on the zeal
young
men have formed a QuincY
with which police pursued the case,
Defense Fund. ContriLegal
year
Five
"election
referred to it as an
butions maY be sent to the Fund
special. "
c/o Raleigh Jugger, Box 653 FAMU,
Police never produced the weaPon
Tallahassee, Fla. They hope to obtain
they claim was used in the murder,
frcedom for the two men alreadY
it
link
evidence
to
is
rto
and there
convicted and to Prevent a miswith the defendants. The grocerY
carriage of iustice at the trial in
store was examined closelY for
August.
-SCEF
fingerprints, and hundreds of sets
were lifted for examination. But
none of them matched the Prints of
any of the Five, although theY were
AFTER THE
supposed to have spent 20 minutes
HOW ABOUT
PAPERS,
in the store touching a number of

repeated an earlier May visit to the
Federal Youth Center at Ashland,
Kentucky. The purpose of the
demonstration and vigil was to draw
attention to the approximately 20
draft and war resisters and to show

our support for them. Also, the visit
was part of a campaign to focus
attention on all men in prison, who
may be considered political prisoners
as much so as draft or war resisters.
The 40 persons who took part

in the demonstration came from
several states and included high school

and college students, housewives, a
Quaker farmer, a college administrator, a business executive, and
several small children. Probably the
person for whom the visit to Ashland
meant the most was a man who was
imprisoned for two years at the
Federal Youth Center during World
War ll for refusal to register for. the
draft. ''Larry", now a professor of
American History at a Quaker college,
brought his wife, son, and elderly
mother. This was the first time he had
been back to Ashland since his
release from prison in 1943.
-Robert D. Wisner

PENTAGON WHICH IS VIOLENT:
THE BREAKING YOUR WINDOW
FBI PAPERS?
OR BEATING YOUR SON?

items.

ldentification by witnesses

was

equally inconclusive. One said that
only two men took part in the
robbery, while another placed the
number at four. Most agreed on the
figure of three. No one said there

Now that The Pentagon Papers
book is off the press (and selling
like hotcakes), a major publisher is
interested in publishing The FBI
Papers. Like the Pentagon files, the

Most people would probably consider Webster's definition of violence
as appropriate: "exertion of physical
force so as to iniure or abuse." However, a recent survey by the lnstitute
for Social Research at the University
of Michigan sugSests that many

Media, Pa. material makes great
reading, if the samples thus far
published are at all representative. Americans use the word differently.
lt's a collection that "every home
A sample of 1,374 black and
white men chosen to represent the
claimed they were almost white. some should have'"
Of course the biggest problem is
U.S. male population were asked
said the men were wearing bright
getting the Publisher and the Citizens' whether they thought that certain
clothing, while others swore it was
dark. Several made a point of noticing Commission of lnquiry together, with- acts were violent in themselves, not
out the Commission revealing itself merely violence provoking. 57%
the piercing blue eyes of one of the
robbers. None of the Quincy Five has to the snoops. So if you're readinS thought that shooting looters is not a
this, and you're on the.Commission, violent act. Almost a third considered
blue eyes.
his
and you have the files (or a copy), beating students nonviolent. Acts
at
identified
was
David Keaton
trial by the white grocery store owner- contact WlN, any way you'd like to, which were considered violent included: passive sit-ins (22%), draft-card
and we'll pass'the word along. Any
who is deaf and half blind and was
publisher,
paid
by
the
for
be
pictures
the
will
burning (58%1, and looting (8570).
of
costs
unable to even see
Let
necessary.
cash
if
in
him.
65% of those questioned were
royalties,
and
less
identify
much
defendant,
us know where and how to leave word, worried about the increasing violence
Most witnesses agreed that the
the U.S. However, 68% considered
getaway car was a 1961 two-tone aqua etc.
-Eds. in
civil
disorder and protest as its source;
the
However,
and white Chevrolet.
car owned bv Johnnv
RETuRN
police claimed was user
On July 11, "Friends of Resisters" meant acts against property, not
is a dark green 1965 Comet.
people.
The state's case was based heavily of the Lexington Peace Council
-T.M.
were five robbers.
Some witnesses said the robbers
were very dark-skinned; others

3illilJ'iJi}.,

I

ro AsHLAND :;"l.il?,ifl::,'l;ffiJ: ff;',::

tT-l

During the week of fune 20 about 65 active pacifists from all over the country met at the lnstitute for
the Study of Nonviolence to share experiences and ideas about social change. The result was an unusually
fruitful meeting that ranged over a wide variety of topics and perspectives. What held it together was the
notion of "mass organizing" or "relating to people unlike ourselves." The following talk was delivered by
'
Staughton Lynd at the beginning of the conference and deals with that concept.
-Eds.

Well I find the occasion a little scary because
sitting in a circle this way makes one feel again that
perhaps there is a movement or perhaps there could
be a movement. I understand that what Marty Jezer
said was that this was an alumni reunion of the
class of '68. My thoughts, too, are going back to a
conference-the Second National Resistance Conference in March, 1969, where some of us were last
togdther, and where, among other thirrgs, we talked
about the need to go not only beyond the single
tactic of draft card return but beyond the single
issue of the war and draft and beyond the constituency of middle class students. Soon after that

the Resistance as an organized entity fell apart. But
Ithink that many of us during the past two years
have been attempting as individuals or in small
groups to work within the sense of direction,. the
guidelines, that emerged at that March, 1969, conference. They have been a hard two years it seems
to me, hard for people who were in prison, and
also hard for those of us who were not in prison,
who experienced a movement we had thought of
as a faniily, as a permanent community, falling
6.

I

T-i
apart around us.
It was soon after that March, 1969 conference,
in lune, 1969, that the last SDS converltion occured,
and SDS fcll apart. And whatcver the feelings may
have been between the Resistance and the SDS,
that disintegration of SDS was a heartbrcakirrg
event. lt removed tlre possibility that thc Resistatrce,
whlch, to begin with, had been in many ways an
offshoot from SDS, could transform the larger
organization from which it had scparated itsclf.
But the brcakup of SDS it sccms to me also
creatcd a certait.t space. lnstcad of thc claustrophobic internal politics of those dreadful months
in thc wintcr of 1968, '69, thcre was agaitl room
for a pcrson or group of peoplc to begirl to do
particular work in a particular placc ovcr a period
of timc. While that was lonely, it was, I thirrk, also
creative.

Now orgartizirrg is kind of a potcrlt word in the
'movcment, ki,td of the political cquivalcrlt of sexual

potcrlcy. And cveryonc wonders whcther they
really arc doing organizirtg, whcthcr they are irrdeed
rcally an orgatrizcr. And, thcrcforc, discussiotls of
organizing oftcrr takc on the aspcct of cstablishillg
a pcckirrg orclcr as to who is doltlg the real work
and who is only apprenticing himself or herself.
And I would hope that we could avoid that.
Dispel thc notion that arly of us are organizers

with capital O's or havc a mysterious craft to
impart to our fellows, but just try to crcatc an
atmosphere irt which we take thc time, carefully,
to clcscribc to othcrs, wltcn we fecl ablc to make

this kind of revclation, rlhat it is we lrave beet.t
doing irr detail: what we thought we watlted to
accomplish when we begatl, how that succeeded
or fell short, what we learrled about ourselves itt
the proccss, wherc we thirrk of goirrg from the point
that we'vc come to.
I think mass organization is a phrasc which also
has all the limitatiorrs of the word orgarrizirrg. lt
describes the outside of something. lt describes
what one who is lt.ot a part of somethirrg sees it as'
And I assume that whatlwe really mearl when we
speak of a directiorl toward mass orgatlization and

when we

try to get at what that meatrs

as atl

attitude, as a fceling, from the irrside, is that by

tryirlg to say that we have
rccovcred the confiderrcc that we catr talk to
ordinary Americans. I have the impression that
this has been very much the experierrce of some
of those in prisort as well as some of those outside'
That we otlce agaitr feel that our movement call
poterrtially be a maiority movement, supported by
most of our fcllow citizens, that we ourselves
pcrceive ourselves once morQ as perhaps trot so
very unordinarY.
I think this feelirlg that tlre movemelrt could be
a mass movement, had to be a mass movement if it
were going to change the society, is the one that
existed in the early 1960's. I think that it existed
in the Civil Rights Movement of 1960, '61. I think
it existed at the beginning of the student movement,
the Berkeley Free Speech movement in the fall of
mass organization we are

r

1964. And those who initiated the Resistance can
correct me if l'm mistaken, but l'm under the
impression that it was also the belief of those who
set in motion the organized act of returning draft
cards.

But even if it were only a few people sitting in
at the lunch counters, or riding in front of the bus,
or refusing to be bent, folded, spindled, and mutilated and kicked off parts of thcir own campuses, or
corrscripted in a war which they had not chosen,
even if initially these acts were taken by a few, I
don't think l'm wrong in saying that at that time
we felt that these exemplary actiotrs were intended
to catalyze a maiority movement, a democratic
movement, a movement of the people as a whole.
I havg the impression that, somewhere in the
last two or three or four years, for many that hope,
that vision, that assumption, got lost. lnstead of
thinking of ourselves as part of the American people
who were helping to initiate a transformation of
as a whole, we began to think of ourselves as a separate people, a persecuted minority,
a harrassed band of dissidents, who could not in

that people

their wildest dreams hope that they could transform
this monster, that they could reach their fellow
Americans sufficiently to win them to the possibility

of a new society. lnstead of feeling ourselves

inside

what was happening to the American people, we
began to feel ourselves outside what was happening

to the American people; to spell America with a
"k", and to feel that the homeowning, union-belonging, $10,000-a-year-making American who Iived
next door to us was irredeemably a pig and an
enemy who could be neutralized or sedated but not
converted.

Now why did that happen? I'm not certain.
Certainly part of it, as has been certainly noted,
is that our initial.notions were quite naive. Go back
to the rhetoric of the Port Huron statement or the
early Civil Rights Movement where much of the
peace movement started, and there is a tendency
to see problems in isolation, not to see the depth,
the complexity of the situation with which we

struggle. To imagine that what is wrong is a single
blemish in the area of civil rights or militarism
and that when it is corrected America will again be
well and sound.
There was much of that in the beginning of all
the movements I've mentioned and it's right that
we outgrew that liberal naivete.
I think the second thing which led people to

feel that they were not potentially a part of the
mainstream but a persecuted minority-or, if not
a cause, at least an aspect of that same
happening-was the identification with the
Third World Revolution and the search for a
mechanical reproduction of -the Vietnamese or the
Chicano or the Cuban or the Black American
experience. And that was particularly disturbing
for persons like myself who had been in the south
in the early 1960's, had experienced the shallow-

of that precarious identification with Black
liberation, who had rightly been thrown back on

ness

r

ourselves by SNCC and told to work in the white
lt was particularly confusing and
disorienting to feel that so much of the radical
movement in its.relationship to, for example, the
Black Panthers, recapitulated all the mistakes of the
early 1960's. Once again the tendency not to feel
that within oneself, within one,s own expericnce,
was the possibility of revolution, but that it could
happen only through attaching oneself to some other
group of people whose experience was more
oppressed, more real, and more potentially militant.

community.

For whatever the reasons-l for one feel too close
to it all to really understand it-there slipped away
from us, it seemed to me, in'67,,68,,69 that hope
of transforming the society of which we were a
part, and in its place came a kind of desperate
"We'll take one or two of them with us before we
go" psychology.
I think that the work of the people gathered
here has been in the direction of recovering the
earlier vision, hopefully without its liberal naivete,
its middle class limitations, its single issue orientation. What we are together for is to discover how
we can help one another take a next step. One
element of that next step I am convinced is moving
beyond the small organization to the largeorganization. I think what almost all movement organizations have had in common in the past 2,3, or
4 years, whether they have been Marxist-Leninist
sects on the one hand or rural communes on the
other, ls that they have been small. I think thatwhile recognizing all that we know so well about
the bureaucracy, the unwieldiness of large organizations if we are talking about a democratic
movement of the majority of the American people,
then somehow we have to rediscover or create the
craft of building and working within mass organizations. Any other approach seems to me elitist

and self-defeating.
Maybe I could quickly say a word about my
own work. I've been doing both oral history and a
certain amount of community organizing in lllinois
and Indiana and, for me, this is kind of an experience
of homecoming and trying to come to terms with
who I am and what part of the American sod I can
put my feet down on; my mother from a suburb of
Chicago, my father from lndiana. I myself, as I have
recognized in recent months, have been trying to
live and work in those very square middle American
communities as someone who has a right to be
there, someone who refuses to be red-baited out

of them.

l've come to three tentative conclusions on the
of my own experience trying to do a history
of community organizing in a particular place. The
first is that there has to be a very delicate, and not
definable in a formula combination, reaching out
beyond one's own experience, encounteringlhe
people who are difficult to encounter. Looking for
the person in the room who is most different from
you and going to deal with him. Not staying in the
warm womb of the counter culture-what movement there is. We must find that delicate combinbasis

b

ation of that spirit, of reaching out to people
different from ourselves and yet of remaining oneself. And presenting oneself to other people not as
something that one isn't-in my case, not as a steel
worker, but as a historian-and seeing if communi_
cation can be established on that basis.
The second conslusion is that I think that, at
least in my own experience in the Chicago area, a
key group of people, perhaps the key groups of
people who can help us or help me in trying to
do that communicating with ordinary Americans
which is the inside of trying to build a mass movement, are the young people from those communi_
ties who are not outsiders. Who are the sons and
daughters, in this case, of steel workers and oil
workers, but who are beginning to think of themselves as part of the movement. Until very recently
in that area the steel companies tried to forbid the
wearing of long hair in the mills. Now they,ve
given up, and the long hair under the hard hat is
a way of describing the potentiality for change
which, it seems to me, exists in such a community.
Young people who have often been away to college,
who lrave had their minds blown, becoming part of
the movement in the process, who don,t want to
work, in this case, in steel mills except in so far as
they need to dLring summers or on weekends to
put themselves through college, and for whom the
key existential question is not too different, it

t
I

to me, from the existential question I was
trying to describe as my own-not will I or will I
not work in the steel mills, because they will be
seems

teachers, caseworkers, medical technicians, or
what not, but will I or will I not stay in this
community? Will I have the courage to put down
roots in this place where I have to confront my
parents and my parents' friends. Will I have the
courage to hope that even this community, the
one lcome from, can be changed? ln two years of
working in different ways in a particular place, it is
that group of people who I have come to feel arc

the key to social change.

The third tentative conclusion which I would
like to offer is platitudinous, very obvious. Mainly,
that of all the elements of the vision which we
would like to share with our fellow Americans,
the very notion of sharing with a cooperative
society, the ideal of gentleness of a society not
based on violence, the notion of a society in which
people make decisions for themselves . . . the

of these elements to share, I think, is the
of democracy. Looking back to the early
movement rhetoric, also the early rhetoric of the
draft resistance movement, I think that that notion
of making one's own decisions, is pretty close to
the center of it. I think that there's a tremendous
possibility of appealing to that ideal within the
easiest

idea

itll

stoniest American breast. And, while it is not
enough to talk about democracy, and while one
cannot talk about the right of a neighborhood to
be racist or to blow up the world, still that possibility of talking rbout democracy offers us a place

to

begirr.

_STAUGHTON LYND
i

ll

\

The "Connie" is on qttock oircraft carrier.
Its officiol name is the USS Constellotion
(CVA-64). lts occupation is oggression. On
Aprit I 5th of this year, the Constellotion returned
to its home port of San Diego. ln lote September,
it is scheduled to deploy for a sixth mission in
Southeast Asio. Nonviolent Action (NVA), o
group of politically active Son Diegons, is
focusing its work for peoce on keeping the
Connie home.
NVA has been working to create ties of communication between ourselves, the crew of the Constellation, the people of San Diego, and the nation.
By focusing on the Connie as an inrmediate and
highly visible symbol of the war, we hope to make
everyone aware of their relationship to it. We urge
everyone to see, to think, to make a decision
about this relationship, and to act on it.

COI{ITIE STAY HOfrIE

TOfi

PEATE

q

Our contact with the crew of the Constellation

began before it reachecl San Diego, witen 2,500
first class lel-ters rvere mailed to the men describing NVA's goals. Most of the letters were con-

fiscated and subsequently burned by order of the
ship's captain, Harry Gerhard. The remaining few
were very hot reading on the ship. lncluded in the
letters was some of our research on the function of
attack carriers in the Vietnam.war.
The Connie is one of the largest and most
modern of the carriers. Since 1964 when her
aircraft literally began the bombing of North
Vietnam following the gulf of Tonkin incident,
she has spent approximately two years (692 days)
"on station" off the coast of Vietnam.
The burning of letters (an apparently illegal act
currently under investigation) was only a temporary
setback. We are continuing our actions against the
Constellation's mission. Many of the crew are now
sympathatic with our goals. We are also working
with a local Gl group, the Concerned Officers Movement (which has enlisted men as members as well
as officers.) While neither the crew nor COM members can participate in ways forbidderr by the

Uniform Code of Military justice, they have done
much to lend sLpport. They have staged dernonstrations on shore, and meetings on tlte ship, they
held a press conference, which received national
attention, calling for an investigation of some
actions of the commanding officer of the Con-

tinue to demonstrate to tlre melt of the Connie

that we will not only support them in any way
possible, from legal advice and services to friendship, but that we are also willing to stick our necks
out to help keep the ship from returning to South_

east Asia.

NVA is reaching our to the people of San
Diego, and by e4tension to the nation, trying to
clarify the relatioitship between the war and this
country's problems. San Diegans often feel that
the war has been good for them, that it has created

more jobs and contributed to the growth of their
community and the well-being of tlreir families.
However, at a time when tlrey are contributir.rg
65% of their tax dollars to past and present wars,
the military industrial complex is not providing
people with steady jobs or secure futurcs. Unemployment is rising and the social problenrs of the

area are not receiving proper atterrtion or adequate
solutions.
To get this message out, we are speaking on
street corners, parks, and beaches in living rooms.
churches, supermarkets, and clubs to military,
business, and student groups. Guerilla theatre is

stellation.

uss
COM attcrnptcd to srage thc USSF Sirow, wirh
Don Suthcrland, l.rnc Fonda, Pctcr Boylc, arrci
olircrs,'ctn thc It.rngar b,ry ol tltc Corrr-riu. Tlte cruw
collcctcd ovcr 1,300 signaturcs, r-rrrirc tltarr lr,tlt thc
ntcn on tltc ship, on.r lcttcr rcqr-resti;rg thc appc.rr-

.rncc. I hc pctition was conliscale d, tltc rc(lur:st
dcnicd. lltc show, hcld on slrr.rrc, was (ur ovcrwhr'lrrtirtg \u( L(,\\.

-l'lrcsc.rnd

nt.uty ()titcr snrall cvcnts lt,rvc c.rusccl
a commolior'r in tltc rrav.rl cst.rblisltnte nt. llte
capt.rirr ol thc Constcll.rtion w.rs callcd [rack to
Wasltirtl3ton tor lw() rlays ol ltiglt-lcvcl corrsultatiun.
c1r-riLc

M.rny

ol tltc

mcn wlto work witir NVA and COM
lo lcss pleas.rnt jolts or
surt contplctcly oll tltc slrip. A1 onc p c.rpt.rirr c.rlled tlrc cntirc crcw togclltcr arrd warrrccl
tlrcn.t ol a "clissiclcnt gror-r1t rviriclt Iras bccn occLrl)ying Iilt1, pcrccnl of nt1, timc"
Wc liavc bcerr rvrtrking witlr tlrc crelv ol tltc
Constcll.rtion, constantly trying to ovcrcontc thcir
rvcll-jLrstilicd lcars .rncl to clinrin.rtc tlte lhrcat ol
Itavc cillrcr bccn translcr-rccl

scvcrr' purrisltntc

tt rvltich sul)l)resses

nt()st anti-w.tr

!cntilnenl in thc Nav\,. \Ve lccl tlr.rt we rrusI

c()lt-

prcscrtfcd lrorn a ll.rt-ttucl truuk. 5,ril ltu.rts .tltJ .r
b.rrgc in tltc lr.rrbor c.rrry [t.trrncrs and livc ntusir tu
tltc crcw. Arr,rirltl.rnc tows tltc nlcss.lg(,()ll \Lllny
.rlterrroons. Poster , le,rllcts, ancl buntpr:rstickers are
ttr.rss-ltroduced lrom.r lteoltle's ltrcss irr .r l<_rc.rl
ir.rscrlcrrt. Visiting Iilrn,rn.rkcrs ir,rve prcp.rrccl .rrr
it)loiltl,rI i(,1 | t))(rviu.
flre locus ol .rll titis is .r Constcllation Votc, .r
Scptcntltcr clcction lirnt.ri t,, r,rinriciu witlr tlrr: loc,rl
print,rrics, to [re coldLictcd lty,r r)oulr.rl groult. [3otlt
the civili,rn .rn11 rrrilit.rry corlrrrr_trrities will lt.rvc .rn
ltnlrrcccdcntrtl clr.rrrcc to record tltt,ir cor.tvictirrns
.rbou1 tltc rolc o1 tirc .ttt.tck c.rrrie r, .rnd tltr w,rr
itsc I l.

I ltc USS Constull.rtiort brings t,re rr,.rlity ol w.rr
to our door slul;. NVA .isl..rrd:vcrl,orrc to scc tiiis
rc.tlity, to Ig91y111",rw.rrc tlt.rt ttec.rusc ol suclt

tcchnologie,rl wondcrs.rs tlrc Corrnic, tite w.u nr.r)..

nol etttl wltert tlte grorrrtcl [,I()ol)5 c()nlc irontc. A5
long .rs wc,rllow .rtt.rck .rircr;rll c.rrriers to le.rvc
tltcir ltorts, lre ro or .rrry,wltcrr.,, rvc .rre t-onclonittg
the devast.rtiorr ol tltc we.rk courrlries ol llte. rvor-ltl.
We ,rsk cvet).,()lc l() w()rl\ t
f

Ct

you would like to become a part of NVA's
'bfforts, write or call us at Nonviolent Action, The
Peace House, 2143 Market Street, San Diego, Ca.
ship.

lf

92102, 114-234-501I

.

WHAT ATTACK CARRIERS DO
PR.EFACE:
Since the Gulf of Tonkirr lncident in 1964,
the War in Vietnam has brought Americans seven
years of domestic bittenress and an increasing doubt,
about the justness of tireir nation's foreign policies.
Today our government has apparently realized its

mistake. Ihrough a program of "vietrramization,"

it

promises

to "wind down" the war in Southeast

Asia. Even though the rhetoric lrom Washington
has changed, the facts remain the same. The war,
now a technological war, still continues with
urrbelievable destruction and loss of lifc.
But what if the facts do changc? What if the
war werc to cnd today? Would the foreign policies
tha! cntangled us in Vietnam in the first place
changc? ln 1907 Teddy Roosevelt sent America's
full complement of battleships around the world.
Thc purposc of this display of our Great Whitc

One example of the power of the attack carricr
in fulfilling U.S. foreign policies can bc seen in the
role it played in Greece soon after WW ll. ln the
summer of 1946 the Greeks were preparing for a

to detcrmine whetlrcr to keep the
monarchist regime. Just beforc the election the
U.S. State Department announced that the attack
carrier Franklin Delano Roosevelt, accompanied by
the cruiser Little Rock and three destroyers, would
pay a courtesy visit to the Athenian port of Piraeus
and put on an air show over the Greek Capital.
Despite the protests of anti-monarchist groups,
including the strong Communist Party, the State
Department denied that the visit irad any political
significance. They claimed that the Roosevelt had
been sent to Greece simply because of the Greek's
admiration for the late President. The genuine
purpose of the visit was revealed shortly afterward
when Prcsident Truman announced that the U.S.
would send military aid to the Greek and Turkisir
governments to help them combat communist
plebescitu

groups within their own borders.

ffirELLArloN
Fleet was to make a show of force. lt was our
way of saying that we had tlre gurrs to back. up our
words. ln 60 ycars our tlatiot't's foreign policy
hasn't changed; we are still playing tlre game of
"speak softly but carry a big stick." lnstead of a
Grcat White Fleet, however, today we have a fleet
of I6 attack aircraft carriers cruising tile world. At
any time these carricrs may be alerted alld sent to
the shores of any natiorr. Several of them are irr
use right r.row in Vietttam.
Most people think of the Vietrram War as bc'ing
a ground war fought mostly by the Army' Yet at
least half of the offensive is in the air, and a maior
portion of American air support and bombing raids
stem from the flight decks of attack carriers' The
attack carrier, one of our natiott's biggest and
deadliest weapons, plays a crucial role in the war
against the North Vietnamese. But beyond this it
has been instrumental in America's foreign policy
which has been consistently organized to subiugate
unclerdeveloped natiotrs to the will of our government.

Since the Greek incident, the U.S. government
in numerous mitror irrcidents
activity or slmply
revolutiorrary
in order to stifle
those activities not ill the interests of our own
goverir ment.
Recently the Defense department has drawn up
has used attack carriers

a list of incidents in which the attack carrler lras
participated since WW ll. The list includes some 73
incidents irrvolving such countries as Korea (i950-53),
China (1955-58), Lebanon (1958), Cuba (1961 and
62), Thailand (1962), Dominican Republic (1965),
and the recent incursions against Laos and Cambodia. Nirre of the 73 incidents mentiorred'irrvolve
a major commitment of military force, and in 8 of
these 9 the attack carrier played an active role. ln
addition to these conflicts, carriers were involved
in some 40 other crises tlrat did not lead to direct
U.S. military interverrtion. The show of force arrd
the presence of a weapot.t of overwhelming
destructive power was usually sufficient to obtain
the immediate objectives of the U'S.

MILITARY STRATEGY:
Aside from being one of the most destructive

The State Department is fully aware

weapons we have, the attack carrier is the biggest
vessel

in the Navy, a distinguishing feature which

is one of its major drawbacks. The carrier's size
makes it an easy target for enemy attacks. Like
the massive galleons of the Spanish Armada, the
attack carrier is mobile, but nevertheless highly
vulnerable. Military strategy, of course, has had
to compensate for this weakness. During WW ll,
when aircraft carriers were used on both sides of
the Pacific with great effectiveness, they were
surrounded by a small flotilla of ships which protected their flagship from air, surface, and submarine attacks. Only five hits was enough to
sink a carrier; consequently the Navy based a good
deal of its strategy on guarding these ships.
Today the carrier is thoroughly useless as an
instrument of national defense. Contemporary warfare, with its nuclear weapons and guided missiles,
has made the attack carrier even more vulnerable
than it was before. While an enemy's ICBM could

easily pass over our errtire fleet of carriers without
any problems, the carrier itself is useless in
attacking sophisticated nuclear powers because such
a country could easily sink it with one or two
well aimed missiles. ln short modern technology
has created a new kind of war that excludes the
attack carrier from actior.rs against other nations
with nuclear capability.

But the carrier is far from being obsolete.
Though

it

is useless in nuclear warfate,

it

is still

a

major menace to small, underdeveloped or third
world nations. Their lack of sophisticated weaponry
leaves their coasts highly vulnerable to air invasions
from the decks of our carriers. American naval
strategy then has not changed in form; the attack
carrier is still the basis of our fleet. The only
change is that this weapon is used against small,
relatively defenseless nations instead of major
powers. The attack carrier has become our major
weapon of counterrevolution. Lying some 50 miles
off a foreign coast, the attack carrier can deliver

of pounds of bombs hundreds of miles
inland without fear of reprisals. This is not simply
what the attack carrier is capable of doing, it is in

thousands

fact what the attack carrier

does.

The American government spends over $8

billion a year maintaining these

vessels; this makes

the attack carrier one of the most expensive weapons
known to man. Expenditures for attack car;iers
make up 40% of the Navy's budget and 10% of
national defense spending. lt takes almost $i
million a day to maintain a single carrier in port,
and when one is on combat status and accompanied
by its task force that figure more than doubles to
over $2 million a doy. Our fleet of 16 altack
carriers is nowhere near being placed in "mothballs." Obviously our government considers
these ships to be of vital importance. Congress
has appropriated more funds for the construction
of two more carriers.

of

the

weighty influence of the attack carrier off foreign
shores. ln the name of "national security,, it
sends these big sticks to protect the United States.
ln fact, the State Department uses the attack carrier
to coerce nations into submitting to the will of dur
government. In the case of Vietnam, the attack
carrier is not just a big stick that is being waved
about; it is one used with deadly sureness.

Most people conceive of the aircraft carrier as
a weapon of defense. Most people conceive of our
foreign policy to be geared only toward defending

lt seems, however, that neither of these
beliefs is correct. The aircraft carrier is designed
specifically for attack purposes, and its role in our
foreign policy negates any claims that our policies i
are defensive by nature. We are not, in other words,
building up our armed forces to maintain peace or
even to deter nuclear war. Rather, our military
our nation.

build-up (which includes construction of still more
attack carriers) has been directed at combatting
small nations whose domestic or foreign affairs go
against the will of American foreign policy. The
attack carrier is in fact a vital instrument of our
foreign policy.
WHAT ATTACK CARRIERS DO:
.lets leaving the flight decks of our attack
carriers are equipped for land battles. ln the past
ten years, the Navy has bcen designing and modifying new aircraft for land combat. Aircraft, such as
the 4-6 lntruder, rcst on the flight decks of our
carriers. lt is capable of flying low over mountair.tous
terrain, while its cousir.r, the modified E4-6 lntruder
is armed with a special apparatus which can detect,
locate, classify, and jam enemy radar. The J model
of the F-a Phantom is a modification of an aircraft
formerly used as an interceptor, but now having
full ground attack capability. The newest versions of
the A-7 Corsair now coming on board attack
carriers are capable of dropping some 21,000 lbs. of
bombs and rockets on trucks, tanks, and other land
targets, including, of course, people.

An attack carrier is'supplied with the most
modern bombs known to man. lts arsenal includes
all manner of anti-personnel weapons. The Fireye
is the most familiar to Americans. lt is the Napalm
bomb which burns indescriminately anything that
falls within its range. Perhaps one of the most
destructive kinds of bombs is the cluster bomb.
The Navy has a number of these weapor.rs, the
most deadly of which is the CBU-55 FAE. Upon
explosion, this bomb scatters a number of cannisters
filled with fuel. When these cannisters open, the
entire area being bombed is saturated with fuel.
The final process of this bomb is to ignite the
highly explosive fuel-air mixture. Even if he wanted
to, a bomber pilot could not avoid killing innocent
people with these cluster bombs. The attack
carrier also carries a number of missiles in its holds.

)

/-4=']

E

I

9

ln the fifties and sixties Americans lived in
terror of the gruesome death that the Atom Bomb
could bring. ln the seventies it is time for Americans to learn of the horrible death that the attack
carrier brings upon the people of lndochina every
week. First hand reports from North Vietnam by
American and European correspor.rdents reveal a
gruesome picture. The following account describes
frf

the city of Thanh Hoa as seen in 1967:

.

The city of Thanh Hoo, which is about
one-third of the woy from Hanoi to the
17th porallel, has been bombed as heavily,
if not more, than Nam Dinh. Once the
home of some 50,000 people, by January
5, 1967, it was qlmost completely evacuoted.
Neorly every stone building itt it hqd been
destroyed and the centre of town had
been pulverized. lt was there that ortce
flourished the 500 bed Thonh Hoa Province
Hospital, a sleek, modern complex of eleven
blocks, completed in 1964. Now it was
nothinq but ruins, hovittg been smoshed by
1,000 ond 2,000-pound bombs for one solid
hour on June 1,1966. The hospital director,
Dr. Tran Von Quy, who showed the hospitol
to our teqm, said that he personally had
seen the plones dive very low, not only
bombing but also firing rockets and mqchine
guns 0t the buildings and at people trying to
run owoy from them,

t

,_.r

I

WHAT CAN BE DONE:
Thanh Hoa is only one town in North Vietnam.
ln the past seven years its story of destruction and
virtual decimation has been repeated hundreds of
times. The role of the attack carrier in this war
against the people of lndochina is obvious to them;
Americans must also become aware.
The war in Vietnam must not be allowed to
corrtirrue. Someday, perhaps, the war will stop,
although Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird says
that aircraft will stay on indefirrately. Soorr the
U.S. will have acquired two more attack carriers.
To the people of the world the attack carrier is t'tot
just a symbol of the destructive capabilities of the
U.S., it has become the emblem of our consistant
efforts to enforce our will upon third world
nations. This is not the vision of world peace that
our leaders constantly talk about. lt is rather a
vision of America as Policeman of the world. The
recent publication of the Pentagon papers has
made it clear to the people of this country that
they have been misled and that our foreign
policy has been fundamentally blundering. A
starting point for prevetttittg future blunders might
be the stopping of the USS Constellation and the
elimination of the attack aircraft carrier.
-Michael Troy

Cor,n,

back from the convention of the
ilational Peace Action Coalition (NPAC) in New
York over the July 4 weekend, it was hard to

decide which of the many outrageous aspects of it
offended me the most. The fights between a
typically obnoxious Progressive Labor contingent
and tfre almost equally obnoxious NPAC marshals
which punctuated the first two sessions were cer-

qLtTtoN

tainly prime candidates.
But the truth is that I rather enjoyed them;
they kept the convention from being the crashing
bore it unquestiorrably would otherwise have been,
and there was a ritualistic character to the brawlirrg
which was almost amusing. NPAC and PL are old
enemies, and the scene remirrded one of nothing
so much as a gang rumble between Sharks and. iets
in The West Side Story. Each side tried very hard

to convince us that their differences were of

some

substance, and the PL chants were so consistently
uneuphonious and absurd that they unconsciously
put back an element of satire in what was otherwise a completely humorless script. Besides, I never
got clubbed or dragged out.
The endless hassling among the numerous

Old Left splinters on the convention floor might
also have taken the prize; it was irrelevant and
inelegant enough. But here agairr I was left with
ambiguous responses: it too made for a type of
political theater that was occasionally interesting
in spite of itself. Moreover, it served to bring
out sharply the outlirres of real power irr the
gathering.

The matter of power, I concluded, had to take
it: the shamelessness with which the convention
was controlled by the Socialist Workers PartyYoung Socialist Alliance was completely without
redeeming social importance. And the hypocrisy
of this group's repeated declarations that what
was taking place was "an open, democratic convention" went beyond irony to add considerable

insult to the iniury.
Politically, this domination meant that the
conference in fact had only one task: to rubberstamp and, thus, legitimize a calender of demonstrations for the fall. The calendar had been
settled upon by NPAC's Coordinating Committee
early in .l une, and called for demonstrations to
take place in two stages, a national moratorium

in October and April 24th style rallies in November
to take place in fifteen cities. NPAC thinks it can
duplicate the size of the April 24lh rally in
several of these places, and bring out unprecedented
crowds irr the others.
Procedurally, the packing of the convention
meant that the body completely ignored twentythree of twenty-four major resolutions which were
introduced. Many of these proposals were little
more than dogmatic outbursts from the Workers
League, lnternational Socialists, and other leftist
splinters, designed mainly to embarrass SWP-YSA
or to grind their own ideological axes. But others,
most notably one on Pakistan, were expressions of
t1

honest political and humanitarian cotrcern, which
one would have thought deserved the body's careful attention and which could have been incorporated into its platform without harm.
But no dice. As two straw polls were taken
to reduce the number of resolutions to be debated
fully to four, most of the delegates didn't bother
to raise their hands except when the official program came up. As far as the others were concertted,
they might as well have been deaf. They had their
orders.
I was told that SWP-YSA party disciplirre,
which was hammcred out irr privatc caucuscs,
was monitored on the floor by a sclccted rulirrg
cadre. So in the final plcnary Sunday afternoot.t,
where the decisiorrs were finally made, I cruised

around looking for this "commattd post." lt
didn't take lor.rg to find it. A small group rlear a
middle aisle huddled cotrstarrtly with a dozen or

so

members. Messengers went out from this spot
regularly, and other NPAC heavies like hcad marshal Fred Halstead and Debbie Bustin of SMC
checked in there when necessary. Amorrg the group
were Boston's own Syd Stapletorr arrd Peter
Camejo, whose SWP affiliations are well-known.
The firm grip this group held on the proceedings was revealed scveral times during the
plenary, usually on procedural questions which
were confusing to the chair. (The general plan was

too simple to require any great amourrt of

co-

ordination: vote yes on the coordinator's resolution, no on everything else). lt was amazirrg
how the chairmen, who often ignored the points
of order, clarification, and procedure that were
constantly being shouted from the splirrter strongholds in the back rows, instantly recognized and
then accepted the suggestions made from members
of the command post cadre. Motions from this
circle were adopted with equal alacrity. Their
arrogance appeared impervious, even to the
denunciation by a student named Peter Demby,
maverick chairman of the Hunger College SMC
which was the official convention host. He spoke
seemed to me considerable courage and
blasted the SWP-YSA leadership for their highhanded manipulation of the proceedings. His

with what

statement underlined the reality of what was
happening.

There is, however, another aspect of this
whole uniavory proceeding which bothers me as
much, if not more than the way it was conducted.
This is the fact that the fall calendar was presented
as a "unity" proposal, one which coincided at the

w

d€,Rs
9,#
7/\

key points with a parallel program adopted a week
earlicr by the Peoplcs Coalition for Pcacc and
Justicc in Milwaukee.
I attended the Milwaukee cottfere rtcc, and felt
at tlrc time that.such "unity' was a desirable thing.
But after sitting through NPAC's fiasco and reconsidering it in that light, I am not so sure.
Certainly the kind of mindlcss political infighting that went on betwecn PL and NPAC marshals and later between the SWP-YSA, axis and the
other Old Left splinters is something to be carbfully
avoided. lt is destructive, irrelevant, arrd mairrly
ludicrous. But at the same time, I am almost as
uncomfortable with the likelihood of a takeover of
key cer.rters of movemetrt legitimacy and media
attention by closed cliques. And neither of these
two coalitions is meaningfully representative of or
accountable to any broad movement constituency.
Yet they have presumed to map out detailed plans
for the next six months of antiwar activity, had
this scenario ratified by largely phony conference
proceedir.rgs, and now doubtless expect it to be swallowed whole by the rest of us out in the provinces.
I for one am not irrterested irt havirrg my peace

movement rur.r ir.r such a way. A program worked

out privately and therr rammed through a two-faced
charade Iike thc NPAC conventiorr in my view
deserves to be rejected out of hand for procedural

to have the Peoples Coalition
participate irr and thus legitimize such manioulatiorr
makes it equally suspect. At neither of these
national gatherings did I observe any of the "leaders"
promoting or taklng part ill any serious dialogue
with rank and file activists about such .guestiolls as:
Do we really need another'round of large demonstrations? Are these tactics really where the movement and the people are at? How do national
organizatiorrs relate to the development of strong,
autonomous local movement groups? Yet it seems
to me that dealing with some such questions in a
searching way would of necessity be the starting
point for tlre formulation of a really representative
strategy. l. think it is safe to corrclude that the dominant elites in both groups do not really feel the
need for much input from outside their circle.
This makes them even less qualified to take the
center stage.
reasons alor.re. And

-;
j

't
The Old Left representatives at the gathering
in Milwaukee charged that the PCPJ was a Communist Party front in the same way that NPAC is a
front for SWP-YSA. I don't think this is quite the
case, but it is clear that the CP is very much
present in its inner circle. The problem with this
is not that either of these two tendencies will
coopt the movement into some reVolutionary
plot or other; despite all the red-baiting one may
hear from places like the House lnternal Security
Committee, this seems to be farthest from these
two parties' thinking. The charge made by the
splinter groups, that coalitions are in fact
edging their adherents slowly but surely into the
orbit of the left-liberal wing of the Democratic
Party, just in time for the 1972 election, seems to
me to be much more likely. And much more
undesirable.

Fortunately, despite the organizational arrogance

of this emerging antiwar conglomerate, it is by no
means certain that the ultimate fate of American
radicalism hangs on the outcome of all their
maneuvering and rregotiating. Looked at with a
little detachment, NPAC most closely resembles a
rock group with a good promoter and a big hit
single. All they want to talk about is April 24th,
when they were number one on the charts, they
are not at all interested in discussing last October
31st, their previous Big Date, when their big fall
production didn't even make the toD one hundred,
and could muster only six hundred people on
Boston Common. Who knows what the political
climate will be like in October and November of
this year? And the PCP], if you take away Mayday,
could muster only a few thousand for its Peoples
Lobby the last week in April. The other side of
elitism is a paper-thin commitment on the part
of the masses who occasionally rally round the

coalitions' banners, but who have no role in
running them. People who want to be politically
active but who are not interested in being the
pawns in leftist-liberal power games will have to
look elsewherg for groups to identify with.
Fortunately there are several alternative groups
on the scene or emerging. Among them are:
Mayday, which is perhaps the most exciting
new expression of activism as it attempts to bring
together the lifestyle of the "counterculture"
with the militance of revolutionary politics and a
steadying tactical nonviolence. Mayday, which was
only tenuously connected with PCPJ, was roughly
treated at Milwaukee, and it is doubtful whether
it will stay under the PCPJ umbrella very much
longer; its spokesmen have voiced some of the
same reservations about PCPj-NPAC hegemony
that I have, and seemed determined to act on
them. Dedpite the media-tripping of the Tribe's
founder and star, Rennie Davis, Mayday operated
with an important degree of tribal democracy in

the spring.
Then there are the Vietnam Veterans Against
the War and the Gl organizers. The VVAW stayed

quietly out of the orbit of the two contending
coalitions, and seems to have survived the overexposure of John Kerry better than ite did. Both
of these were largely ignored at the two conventions, except for ritualistic obeisances.
Certain local affiliates of the Peoples Coalition,
particularly the one here in Boston, have shown
considerable independence

of and skepticism about

the machinations of the natlonal group, and thus
retain a significant potential to fulfill tlre promises

of their'name.
And not least, there is emerging out of the
radical circles in the churches a new ecumenical
political activism with a firm religious base which
is struggling to come into self-consciousness,
spurred by the example of the Berrigans and the
Catlrolic Left, and shored up by the genuine
resources for radicalism to be found in the various
trad itions.

There are others. While all of these groups have
their own problems, each is nonetheless very much
alive, its decision-making processes are decentralized
and accessible to its constituency, and each has
thus far been able to maintain and project its own
individual identity and style witirout finding it
imperative to compete with, red-bait or try to
dominate its brotlrer groups witlr different identicies and styles. All of which places them at least
a cut above tlte coalitions.
But can a coordinated national campaign come
out of tl're anarchist variety of these groups'
activities? I believe it could, in fact I think it
already has. Tl.rat is my interpretation of what
happened in the Spring Offensive. While the NPAC
and PCP.I heavies lraggled endlessly through the
winter about who was going to be numero uno on
their turf, a group of seminarians led by the
editors of four major religious journals crept up on
one side and kicked things off by getting arrested
outside the White House the week before Easter.
They were followed more spectacularly by the
Vietnam Vets, who weren't asking anyone's permission for their Dewey Canyon lll. And at the
other end of the Offensive came Mayday, which
insisted on doing its thing over the objections and
attempted sabotages of both the coalitions, and
which managed to give the campaign an exciting,
record-breaking finish. Without trying

to denigrate

the coalitions' accomplishments, particularly
on April 24th, the spring simply wouldn't have
been nearly as important as it was without the
activities of these basically autonomous groups.
Something similar could and should happen
this fall: many of these unaffiliated groups could
come together, rap extensively and sensitively
about where they are at and how they want to
move. Out of this discussion could come action
plans which do in fact express the desires and
consciousness of the various constituencies. The
plans could be coordinated not only among
themselves but even in a nonentangling way
with those of the two coalitions. Then, come

I

the fall we could get into the streets (if that was
where we lrad decided to be) and do what we
[ad decided to do, the way we lrad decided to

do it.,

.With the exception of the Vietnam Vets
and to a lesser extent the Catholic groups like
the Harrisburg defendants, many of these
unafilliated Broups have been largely overlooked

by the press. Yet I think their actual potential
for making serious social change may well be
greater [han that of either of the grand coalitions.'
To borrow and mangle a phrase, the movement
needs two, three, many more May Fifths much
more than it needs Lhe heavy-handed hegemony of
these two erstwhile overlords.

-CHUCK FAGER

,4.
.la,WerL

.D

lrotw)Lfrlon
ln alarm, I would like to inform you of our

crucial situation here and wish you could do something for us the sooner the better.
The election of the Saigon Student Union's
70-7.1 executive board on Sunday, June 20, turned
into chaos right after the seeming victory of the
pro-government ticket led by Ly Buu Lam, an
architecture student. The other ticket was headed
by Huynh Tan Mam. The ballot counting was as
follows: Lam (8 votes), Mam (6), 1 blank vote,
and the last vote remained unopened due to the
panic. The balloting was conducted publicly. To
exert pressure, the police stood guard with their
green jeeps outside the polling hall while plainclothesmen roamed inside.
The truth is that the representatives of the l6
faculties of Saigon University were 'bought' and
intimidated to vote for the pro-government slate
while Mam's slate was threatened (Saigon University
has l7 faculties in all but t has not yet elected its
representative board). All students here know this
but could not do anything to prevent it as everybody knows that a number of Lower House
Deputies were bribed and.threatened to give their
consent to the arrest and imprisonment of their
colleague Tran Ngoc Chau early last year and to
pass the

it was searched, and the
crisis culminated yesterday in the assassination

. arrested. On June 25,

Dear Sir,

Thankfully yours,
Name withheld for security reasons

7th article's lOth clause of the electoral

law recently.
On June 24, the police fired tear gas canisters
and missiles to disperse a crowd gathering in front
of the student headquarters and then chased and
beat the fleeing students and their supporters
and lookers-on. The headquarters is being beseiged
by Vietnamese police and American MPs. Anyone
leaving it is challenged, searched, and may be

of

student, Le Khac Sinh Nhat, Chairman of the Saigon
Faculty of Law's Representative Board and also a
candidate in the pro-government ticket, right in the
faculty building. The assassin escaped. At least i00
students have been apprehended in the last few
days for distributing anti-American and anti-govern'
ment leaflets. Our headquarters is in danger of
being overrun by the police who will try to dislodge
us in order to pave the way for the occupation of
the other ticket. We probably have no other alternative than to shed our blood if necessary.
The Saigon regime's intent is to topple us
legally by means of clandestine bribery and intimidation in order to take over the SSU. I know they
are determined to do it once and for all. The
Liaison Committee of Peace Forces in South Vietnam
has just set up a People's Committee Against Rigged
Elections and, therefore, the government wants to
crush its opposition so as to muffle the clamour for
fair and free elections in the coming Lower House
and Presidential contests. lts plot is to crush us
first before it swoops down on the other anti-war
movements since, if we collapse, the other peace
groups will lose their foothold and will soon break
up for they rely heavily on our potential.

Latest information: Mam was arrested early
this morning and reported missing. Student headquarters overrun and occupied by the pro-government slate. High tension among students all over
the country. Whatever happens, please maintain our
channel

of contact.

S.O.S.!

High!

It

was fun to see your review

I

of Steal This

Book, (WlN,8/71). lobjected to the reference
that the bomb diagrams and instructions do not
work, and I defy anyone to prove that. lf you like
l'll demonstrate each one in the WIN office some
time. You should have pointed out, however,
that the bomb section is very small-three to four
pages of a 322 page book, if you have the second
enlarged edition, or 320 if you got the first. My
head has gotten more mellow in regard to violent
actions than the book (which was completed last
October) would indicate. The next sequel, Steal
This Boofi, Too, will ,be totally on stealing, concentrating on Bank Robbery, which I have been
researching the last few months.
Regarding your arguments about the badness
of shoplifting. . . Well, I never lay-out the sort of
"irrelevant goody-goody martyrdom-go-to-jail-andsuffer" morality that emmanates from the purists
who hang around WlN. ln all these years I really
never made it clear whether I was a pacifist or
violent. Revolution is like a poker game and, well,
it just don't pay to show all your cards until the
day the government shows its. Mystery is the spice
of life-not discovering the concocted "absolutes"
of facist mystical pacifism. Life wiggles and squirms

too much for absolutes.
A word on Alice Bay Laurel's book ILiving
on the Earth], which you seem to favor. ln my
opinion, it's too much of that "la-de-da-everythingcan-be-solved-with-a-goofy-smile" attitude. lt is
very hard to read and, when you get right down

to it, smacks of the hippy version of her parents'
-suburban instincts-'
But, of course, let's get
out of the city."
Steal This Book is a city book written for those
struggling with problems you find hanging around the
Lower East Side. I was forced to publish it myself;
no maior paper will advertise it; it is panned in
Canada; and half the bookstores in this country won't
carry it. Because of the title a virtual conspiracy to
suppress the book exists. Nonetheless, it has
managed to do quite well. People can get a copy
for $2.20 (postage included) by writing to Pirate

Editions, 640 Broadway, New York City 100-l 2.

llll

The book is given away free all over the country
and I just gave the entire profits of the English

edition to a fund for lrish political prisoners
administered by the Friends Magazine people.
All prisoners and soldiers in Vietnam are sent a
complimentary copy if they write us. Every underground paper is free to rip off the entire book and
keep the bread or give it to some good cause.
You know, I gave practically the entire royalties
from Revolution for the Hell of lt to bail out onc
of the Panther 21 -$25,000 which was never
recovered because he (Richard Moore) jumped bail.
Woodstock Nation profits went mostly to the trial
in Chicago, the Movement Speakers Bureau, John
Sinclair, and the old Motherfuckers. I have Iess
than $1,000 now. Anita has $2,000 for her novel,
Trashing. She, america (our little boy), and I livc
in a three-room railroad flat-loft type placc in thc
Lower East Side. We fixed it up real pretty and
planted lots of trees on the roof where they grow
rery beautifully. There is a Buddha in the kitchen
and a shotgun in the bedroom. We pay $150 which
is $25 higher than we payed last year, but the
landlord is trying to bump us out. When we get
stoned real good we look around and know we live
in heaven,its so pretty up here.
During the past ten years l've been in and out
rf jail over 50 times, with some 40 arrests. ln
Mayday, I was lumped on the street and beaten
;everely (about the I5th pig vamping l've
sustained and thg fifth requiring hospitalization.)
I have two permanent iniuries, a broken nose and
a slipped disc. l've already had one operation and
need another. I also received 16 stitches in my
face. Later I was arrested by the FBI (for crossing
state lines to incite a riot and interfering with a
police officer) and face ten years in prison and a
lengthy trial, probably in November. I was irr jail
an extra eight hours because I didn't have $2,000
to bail myself out and it had to be raised by
friends. Unlike the Chicago trial this trial will be
a lonely one. lt will cost about $20,000 and my
chances are not that hot. I had nothing at all to do
with the May action, but go tell that to the
l

govern ment.

ln the last two years I

gave away over $100,000,

/////l

i1$

4
ht

,

transportation system. Most of our tapes were
getting ripped off at Kennedy Airport by the
government. But we still send tapes, and they are
played and some of that equipmenf we needed.
Other stuff we were selling to recoup the $5,000
loss incurred by guess who??? Besid'es, Radio Free
People in lthaca (the vultures directly involved)
were told they could have most of the equipment
after we could unload some . . they probably would

I

II

[l
f\

04r,

/////ta

&
hl
^

have got

according to Jerry Lefcourt, my lawyer. I do not
plan to give away a cent of Steal This Book. l'm
pissed at people in the movement who help lay
out tl-re line that l'm a millionaire superstar or
other shit. The stuff about giving away the $25,000
to the Panthers was not printed in a single underground paper. The only paper that printed the
story, intcrestingly enough, was the New York Daily
News. They went and read the bail papers and
found out. lt was ten times the most money lever
had in my life and it took me three hours to give
it away. You want to know the come-uppance
though! l'm even mad I gave the money to the
Panthers. lt was a total guilt reaction to having all
that bread. I should have given it to the Weather
People for they truly live total revolutionary lives.
At the tinre, however, I didn't know their address.

Well, I don't know why l'm spewing out all
this shit. . . I stay away from "movement" people
these days, partly out of a security problem. lt's
hard to go to meetings when you pick up Newsweek
and read that there is a federal agent wlrose only
iob is to go to meetings and hear references to
Rennie Davis and Abbie Hoffman, or read the
government brief signed by Richard Kleindeinst
himself explaining the government's right to wiretap all my phones since l'm a "national security
hazard". Well, dig, I like being a "national security
hazard"; it's what I was born to do-but the move-

ment fuck it!
The movement now represents to me the petty
of Norman Fruchter's dribble in Liberation (May, 1971) saying how we, Jerry Rubin
and l, "betrayed" the movement. I know some
gruesome Fruchter stories that would turn your
hippy hairs grey, but what's the use. He's caught up
in an elitist bag of non-communication that he
and his boring little radical clic can live in. To
ugliness

answer would only build him up into something
he ain't.
The movement to me now is a little group of

vultures from lthaca that broke into WPAX (we were
making tapes for Radio Hanoi) and stole all the
equipment they needed because "Hoffman's rich
anyway." lt's true that the radio station was
ending because we found it too difficult to
centralize the operation and develop a secure

it all

anyway.

Then there was this terrific Mayday call from
Washington, asking me to solicit money and
objects of art from lohn Lennon and Yoko Ono
for those busted in the demonstrations. I asked if I
was included in the bail fund (again, l'm facing the
heaviest charges of anyone, remember). They
answered, "Oh, you're different, you're not in

Mayday." Zowie!!!
I have a policy now of not answering the
phone and returning calls only from people
whose names I recognize. lt's a huge change in
life for me and it could last a week or a lifetime. I
vacillate between accepting some Hollywood movie
offer and going underground (or figuring out a way
to do both.) I know one thing, I don't use the
phrase ' brothers and sisters' much anymore,
except among real close friends and you'll never
hear me use the word "movement" except in a
sarcastic sense.
I spent ten years in "the movement", I dare
say nine more than most people who sound off
with some preachy rap which inevitably starts
off, "Now, see what you've got to begin to
realize . . ." or "What you people don't understand . . ."-There are certain phrases, certain
inbred vocal patterns, certain "in" ways of running
down the guilt organizing trip that to me spell a
kind of elitism even FAME can't begin to touch.
This is a sort of retirement letter I suppose. Not
that I'm going off to the country or anything. Let's

iust call it a parting of the ways. No more calls
for me to do benefits or come to demonstrations or
do bail fund hustles. Divorce is never an easy
matter. After a few years perhaps we can again
be friends.. . Anything is possible, after all, you
might not recognize me with my new nose '

-ABBIE HOFFMAN

0n the Politics
"Whot seems to me the most significont
common troits in these peaceful societies
ore thqt they monifest enormous gusto
for concrete physicol pleosures*eoting,

drinking, sex, loughter*ond that they all
moke very little distinction between the
ideol chorocter of men ond women,
thlt they have no ideol of
brove aggressive moscu I in ity. "
-Geoffrey Gorer. "Man lras
no killer instinct," in M.F. Ashley
Montague (Ed.), Man and Aggression

porticulorly

The essential political significance of male liberit permits men to experience,
unCerstand, and deal with their own opptession, as
males, and (2) it undermihes values that are
fundamental to the capitalistic system.
Under capitalism, people are oppressed in
many ways. Being female or non-white are two very
obvious ways. Other people may be oppressed by
being young, or old, or less schooled, or a worker,
or in other ways. The restrictions of these roles
clearly deny people the right to participate fully
and equally in society.
It is less obvious that roles that confer relative
privilege, like white American heterosexual male,
may also oppress. The relative privilege acts to
obscure the oppression and to make it more

ation is that (1)

difficult to deal with. The male sex role oppresses
by leading men, simply in order to achieve their
own personal ("masculine") identity, to accept a
competitive system where they learn to value them-

prestige, or fortune in this society, to fulfill the
male role of competitive achievement.
The support that striving to be a man lends to
capitalism is particularly insidious because it is so
difficult to recdgnize. lt is learned very early artd
becomes a part of a male's persor.rality, not something that he usually recognizes as having learned.
It is important to understand how the male sex roleachievement through competition plus stoic reaction
to failure-helps keep men from trarlslating their

obvious dissatisfaction into a recogrrition of social

oppression.
Most men accept that, to be a man, one should
achieve, in some area or other. They also accept
the taboo on emotionality, which is considered

"feminine," not "masculine." "Big boys don't cry,"
and neither do President Nixon, Secretary Laird,
or Lieutenant Calley. How could met.r in touch
with their feelings possibly do these jobs (or any
other jobs that help manage an urrjust society)?
The answer is that, to become leaders, men usually

selves'by their achievement compared with
others, and at the same time to deny their own
emotional life.
Learni.ng the male sex role leads men to strive
to achieve, and to excel others. Males learn to give
orders to those below and take them from those
above, and to accept the legitimacy of an authoritarian, inegalitarian system. The male role does not
require a man to excel in every area to achieve
manhood, but he should excel in some. lf not in
work, then in sports, or with cars, or in telling
iokes, or playing poker; if nowhere else, there is
always the chance to dominate as a husband and a
father. The alternative sources for "success"
through dominance-particularly the home-soften
the failure of most men to achieve it in work, and
help perpetuate the importance of the dominance
eth ic.

Capitalistic practice teaches that dominance (on
the basis of merit, assumedly) is healthy, but this
is not where men first learn, or best learn, that
idea. Males learn what it is to be male long before
they learn capitalistic values. Capitalism validates
and reinforces the sex roles males have already
learned. lt is in fact better, for achieving power,

i;)

tlvJ
!t;1,

.*:x

fi{

of Male tiberation
aid to understanding the oppression of others,
the principles are similar. Men who truly understand how sex roles oppress them have a much
better basis-more than mere irrtellectual recognition-for knowing how women are oppressed.
Men can understand how their chauvinism is not
their fault but what they have learned, and that
divesting themselves of chauvinism loses nothing
essential and gains substantial humanity.
havc to deny arry real feeling in what they doand the higher they are, the more denial is required.
To be a success as a man, one must embrace
achievement and eschew emotion. The imposed
need to achieve such "success" and to deny one's
cmotional life is oppression. It is rrot a personal
problem, though like so much oppressiort in our
society, we are led to look at it that way' But
personal is political, there are tro personal problems
divorced from the society we live in. These particular male problems-inability to be expressive, and
concern about irradequate achicvemellt-are
emminently social. They do not cxist in all
societies. And they are heightened by our
economic systcm, though capitalism did not
create sex roles, it clearly tl.rrives upotr them.
Malc liberation is a way of urlderstarlding in
social terms what might othcrwise be thought of as
merely a personal problem. A matl catr then understarrd that he, too, is opprcssed and fight against
it. Understarrdirrg one's own oppressiotr can be an

Male liberation groups start in different ways,
depending on where the men irl the group are at,
but they can start directly with men's problems in
their work and their personal life. Men in these
groups find a kind of support, openness, and
cooperation that makes "brother" take on a new
meaning. They find that problems are not

individual but common, and of political origin.
They come to understand how conventional sex
roles contribute to men's alienation from each
other and from themselves, and how these roles
promote both men's and women's oppression. Men
can take these insights, worked out through personal experience, to help other men to similar
u

nderstand i ng.

Male liberation is important for the movement
generally, particularly where wlrite, heterosexual
males are prominertt. lt has important implications
for how the movement operates, for orgarrizational
structure and practice, for program, for relations
among men in the movement, for relations betweet-t
men and women, and for such problems as
divisiveness in the movement.
Male liberation is springing up in many places,
and increasing numbers of men are becoming
involved. Some writing is starting to appear and
Brother: A Male Liberation Newspaper is now

published in Berkeley (1721 Grove St.). Like the
women's movement, male liberation is growing
mainly' as an independent movement, rather than in
present organizations. Still, the perspective and
practice of male liberation is important to existing
movement groups, and male liberation caucuses

,iili
t.:
;,.14

seem

likely to develop.

It is important for the movement to understand

iii' tlitti

iii

#

ffi
'?n:
'F..{i
'Etr.a:l

men's oppression and their r.reed for liberation
because this relates to how social change is to be
accomplished. ln as many ways as possible, we
must try to make the movement more humane
than the society whose replacement we seek. Male
liberation is not somethirrg that can wait until later,
or that would automatically come about when
capitalism is gone. Male liberation is already
beginning. How social change is achieved will
affect whot is achieved, and if the society we seek
is not to sanction domination of some men over
other men, then we have to start to change the
ideas and practices that form the bases of the
-Jack Sawyer

Mrgwn
Lrberotlon
I feel a real need to express some of my thoughts

on men's liberation (liberation from male chauvinism and oppressive dehumanizing sex roles).
I have always felt a very strong opposition to
differentiating people along the lines of biological
sex-that is, according to people's having been
born male or female. I suppose this was because I
saw myself as somewhere in between: not identifying with the male stereotype but certainly not
feeling feminine, either. My opposition to sex roles
came in large part from my owrr psychological
make-up, and caused me a lot of pairr and
alienation. Only later did I discover that a lot
of people were uneasy and unfulfilled fitting into
the stereotyped masculine role, and that I am
much better off being outside it.
ln the early patterns of my parents and the
adults around me, I saw men as being cold
disciplinarians and women as being warm, loving,
nurturing people. I knew I wanted to be a loving
person who was liked by others, and not a cruel
disciplinarian on one hand while being a "good
socializer" when drunk on the other hand. This
was how I saw my father.
However, there were some thir.rgs about being a
boy that I liked-especially being given more freedom than girls got, and not having to be constantly
afraid of getting raped by strange men. I also got
to see as time went on that some women were very
domineering and aggressive (like my mother's
mother) whereas some men were kind arrd fairly
gentle.though still "masculine". lt was this latter
type that I hoped I would be like, although it was
a sharp difference from what my father was like.

L/-

Maybe

it

was having both sisters arrd brothcrs

that made me learn to trcat both scxcs cqually.
never related very well to all-boy garncs, but
irrstead was much happicr in sexually mixecl
situations. I was pushed arout.td and oppresscd
both by my older sister and by a cousin who

I

was older.

I

I didn't want to be dominant and pushy because
learned at an early age (probably fronr my mother)

that domineering people may get their way on a
superficial level but they dorr't gct love or acceptance on any deep level. I wantcd to have frierrds
and be well-liked by girls, anci so I l shouldn't lct myscll'be iderrlificd vcry slrong,ly
with "those dirty nasty boys".

"Little girls are made of sugar

and

spice and everything nice.
Little boys are made of snips and
snails and puppy dogs' tails."
Sexual ambivalency never got me in very rnuch
trouble until I was in junior high and began discovering my own awakening sexuality. Now I was
no longer sexually dormant but I was one of those

nasty, aggressive things called a boy (ancl soon to be,
horror of horrors, a man). I had a girlfriend that
I liked a lot and saw very often for over two years
but was afraid to touch in any way. Genital
stimulation was something filthy that I did with

of fricnds or clse did, much to my own
shock and shame, irr dark corners when I was
alone. Having an orgasm certairrly had rrothing to
do with love or arry of the good and warm aspects
of life.
Eventually I found lhat girlfrierrd to be too
simple-irinded and borirrg, and I broke off the
relationship. During my three years of senior high
school, lhad crushes ott several girls, but lcouldn't
picture touching them or having arty sort of sexual
involvcmcnt. After all, sex was filthy. One did it
only with prostitutes and later, magically, felt
like doing with one's wifc.
Many guys I knew did get involvcd in things
like "going steady", rrccking, taking girls to drive-ins,
and so forth, but I always saw the men itl those
situations being in thc superior, aggressive role
whiclr I wantcd no part of. I found a couple of
fricnds who thought as I did, and we privately
ridiculcd all the scx games going on around us.
Sex with women might be wicked, but sex with
mcn was unimaginable atld mystcrious. lf two mor
wantecl to be sexual with cach othcr, obviously
onc would havc to bc morc fcminine, a "fairy"
that's what I picked up from my readirrg sotnehow.

a couple

I kncw I didn't want to imitatc a girl- after all,
of somc sort cvctl though a very

I

was a boy

alicnatcd and unhappy onc.
I was very interestecl and curious about my own
devcloping bocly and those of lny close friends. Any
close malc friords I had were orres I had no sexual
feclings towarcls. Hornoscxuality was dlrty and pervcrtcd, somethittg done by "fairies" arlcl Ididn't
want to bc "pcrvcrtcd" sincc I was so different and
alienated alrcady.
I had always done a fair amount of very lonely
and ashamed ntasturbatirtg. I lovcd the feeling and
was intrigued by my male body. I watltcd to see
if othcr guys fclt similarly to mc, but I was afraid

to ask. Premarital scx with girls wastl't "nice", and
I wanted to be a nicc person,gentle atld friendly
towards women. Fricrrdships come between equals
Y

ro1 between a superior atrd atr irrferior or between
a hunter and his prcy. I wanted to be a friend of
women, not a hunter.
ln the twelfth grade, after some incredible
unhappinoss, loneliness, and switchirrg of high
schools, I began somehow to get out of myself
and make some genuine fricnds, both male and
female. l. felt really close to three friends-Dick,

Holly, and.l ustirre.
With Holly and Justirre this was all right
because they were female, but with Dick it was
very confusirrg because he was male. A further
complicating factor was that I could spend the
night at Dick's house but not at Holly's or
Justine's. By this time I was really getting overwhelmed with the desire to be loving and sexual

with someone. Society seemed to be conspiring
to throw me together with Dick constantly
whereas if I had been with Justine or Holly that
much I woulcl be identified with all those dirty iokes
and unspeakable sex games.

Both Dick and I desperately wanted to have
some sort of physical contact with each other, and
that was completCly impossible for me to imagine.
Since I was not "feminine", I must be "masculine"
and he must bc "feminine". But he wasn't any
more feminine than I was. What gives? I had
always been taught that everyone was either
feminine or masculine, dominant or submissive, a
leader or a follower.
Wanting to be neither a masculine-aggressiveleader nor a feminine-passive-follower with my
friend Dick, and being very confused by the
sexual potential of our relationship, I broke off
this very precious friendship and talked to him

almost none at all for a year and a half. Both of
us remained close friends with Justine, Holly, and
our other mutual friends, so I saw him frequently
although I was afraid to talk to him.
After a fcw months, we all graduated from
high school and went to different colleges, where
we had to begir.r all over again to make new
friendships" At Reed College, I felt constant urges
towards reaching out sexually to both men and
women, which frustrated me tremendously. I did
succeed in havirrg interesting but disappointing
relationships with a few girls. Since I didn't want io
be aggressive or dominant, the sexual relationships
were kirrd of unusual and confusirrg. Luckily none
of them went as far as ir.rtercourse, or I would
have gotten even more cottfused.
I had long-distance relationships with a couple
of girls, seeing them only at holiday vacation
seasons. One, Georgeanne, was very interesting and
free of dominance-submission roles, but she was
engaged to be married. The other, my old friend
Justine, was extremely dissatisfying to me
because I hated that leader role atrd could not
get her to keep relating to me as a human being
once v/e got into the.habit of "makirrg out" with
each other. I hung on to her a long time because I
was becoming very afraid of my "inadequacies" in
the sexual area.
At the end of the year, I dropped out of college
and worked in a couple of different situations itr
Eastern cities. I made several close friends.but was
confused about how to include sex in the friendships. I wis again in touch with my friend Dick, arrd
I had a sort of non-sexual irrfatuation for a guy
named .l ay whose long-distance girlfriend I also
felt close to. After awhile I began havirlg sexual
fantasies about Jay, sirlce he had such all extremely
handsome and graceful body. He was very kind and
warm to me, but warned me that if I ever tried to
be sexual with him our friendship would end.
Needing the friendship so much, I never thought of

touching him, although our emotional closeness was
really wonderful. At one point someolle referred to
me as a "dirty little faggot" for the way lacted
around Jay.

My friend Dick had some sort of or.re-rright
stand homosexual thing once, and really liked it
but wouldn't talk much about it. I really loved
23

him, in a non-sexual way. I wanted to relate
physically with women, but emotionally I treated
all my female friends similarly to the way I
treated Dick and Jay. Many women around me

felt that I was not interested in sex since lwas

so

unaggressive about it.
I got into Quakerism and pacifism and developed
an awareness of how nice gentleness and patience
were. But how did these relate to getting sexual
fulfillment? The society around me was constantly
telling me that the only way to find a sexual
partner was to be aggressive-"masculine"-a
hunter. But I knew that both aggressive and
helpless submissive people were really upsetting to
me and not what I wanted in a friend and a

lover.

never giving-no matter how much I wanted to
please her, it seemed impossible through the
pattern of conventional sexual itrtercourse.
Her resentment and my uneasiness in sexuality
naturally spilled over from the bedroom into the
rest of our life togetl.rer. She was less used to
making decisions for herself than I was, and she

would often hesitate so long that I would get
impatient and finally do something decisive myself.
My ideal was that all decisions should be mutual
agreements arrived at through discussions. I didn't

A girlfriend, Janie, was the first orre I had
intercourse with (l was 20 and she was 22). She
enloyed sex a lot and pursued it rather vigorously
though not too much so for me. We were very
attached to each other for a few months but then
something went wrotrg- I felt she was getting too
dependent and weak. That relationship was very
intense, but it was sorely tested by my going to
prison for draft resistarrce, and it didn't pass the
test.

I got very emotionally involved in the prison
world and could not handle an intense, very
exclusive relationship with someone who wasn't
there with me. I made several close friends, but of
course I never imagined having sex with them, since
the prevailing prison ethic said that all sexuality was
either extremely aggressive or extremely passive.
Many of the other inmates told me I was attractive
to them sexually, but I couldn't imagine getting
involved in sex in prison throughout most of my
year there.
As time went on, I met two guys in prison who
openly said they were homosexual but were neither
very feminine nor very masculine. I became fairly
good friends with one of these just a month before

I was released, and I felt very attracted to him in
some undefinable way. A couple of years after I
was released, I had quite a few dreams about having
sex with him.
After prison, I went to Antioch College,
which I felt was a wonderfully free and open
environment. I wanted very much fo find a heavy
girlfriend, and after a few months I met J' I had
always felt that I was incomplete unless I was
relating sexually to a woman, and now that J and
I were together, I felt really good' I was no
longer expected to relate sexually to womankind
in the abstract, since I had a specific lover to
focus myself on. How can I describe that feeling
of being so much in love? We were really good
for each other, so oPen and candid.
Neither of us was exclusively a leader and
neither was a follower. We sometimes fought like
cats and dogs over who was forcing whom to do
something and who was robbing the other of
spontaneity. She was always resentful of the fact
that during intercourse I seemed to be taking and

,t

//

m

.'t

believe in insisting on my own way, but sbmehow
this seemed to be what was constantly happening.
.l likewise resented the pattern,but was not willing
to be quicker at making decisions. This went on
and on and was a real problcm.
.l arrd I lived together in Ohio and then New

York, and after nirre months of this our sex life
was really a mess. I really cnjoyed intercourse and
was quite upset wlten shc continued not to enloy
it and to accuse me of being only out for my own
gratification. I had this incredibly strong feeling
that I could only be fulfilled if I was having a
sexual relationship with a womatl. When sex
between j and mc began to go bad, (or,when I

began

to become aware of how

messed up

it

was), I felt again unfulfilled, angry, and confused, and I began having more homosexual
fan tasies.

d

I found a very explicit homosexual novel that,
although romantic, unreal, and almost pornographic,
appealed to me a lot. J and I decided to be apart
for a month and I went to visit the Pacific Northwest, where I had several friends. lt happened that
my friend Dick was then living irr Seattle. When I
visited him, we had a week-long sexual affair which
I errioyed very much but which confused me a lot.
We had known each other for almost six years and
agreed that our relationship should have been sexual
long before this.
Losing my "homosexual virginity", I panicked
and went rushing back across the continent to my
messy relationship with .l . Lately she and I had
been having serious hassles about contraception,
with her refusing to take pills which she knew were
causing weird changes in her body chemistry. Very
soon after we got back together-almost before
we knew what was happening-she was pregnant.
Since I had a very strong urge to be a parent and
she didn't want to raise the baby alone, we got
married.

ln getting pregnant and therr married, J was
let my stronger feelings determine how she made up her mind. I didn't fight
agairrst this very strongly except to say intellectually
agairr indecisive and

that she should take responsibility for her own
decisions. On one hand she would find it very hard
to deal with me in any kirrd of equal way, when I
wanted to make strong decisions by mutual agreement. Thus I felt forced to dominate sometimes, for
my own sanity. But then on the other hand she
would resent my leadership and argue and fight
with me about it.
Eventually, as sex continued to be messy, she
decided she wanted no more sexual intercourse for
an indefinite period. She also said slre wasn't sure
she had made the right decision of who to marry,
and had only been pressured due to the pregnancy.
With her now takirrg all these heavy, aggressive
actions, I reacted by becomirrg weak, getting
?>

passively overwhelmed by her and resentful

of

the whole situation. Somehgw we were both
sick and tired of cooperating with each other, and
we just wanted to sort out our own heads without
interference from our supposed marriage partner.
We struggled on unhappily for over a year,
being thought of as married by the worlcl but not.
feeling really "married" in any sense of the word.
The superficial structure of our life was wonderfully free of sex roles: we tried to split up the care
of our daughter half and half, as well as the
earning money, cooking, cleaning house, atrd getting
firewood for winter. She fixed and drove the car

while I didn't know how to drive but was willing
to go shopping and do the laundry.
Our life looked really beautiful, except for the
fact that we had very little real love or understanding for each other. She continued to be
domineering and I continued to be weak and
resentful. As time went on, I was away from home
more and more, and had closer frierrds on my own
than I had near the home where I was supposedly
married to J.

My friend Dick lives several hundred miles away
from me and he lives in the city while lreally
enloy living in the country. We had a very sporadic
sexual relationship for awhile during my hard times
with J, but finally we gave that up since we lived
so far apart. Then I had a relationship right near
home with a guy named .loe, who was physically
very fine but emotionally extremely unsatisfying to
me. Finally through Dick I made contact with a
movement called the Gay Liberation Front which
I really liked.
As my marital relationship continued to break
up, I tried to firrd women to get sexually involved
with, but eventually I decided that was a very
unnatural thing for me to do. The more natural
thing for me to do was to get into homosexual
relationships where I could finally be free of the
sex roles that were so oppressive to me. Eventually
(Spring, 1971\, J and I decided to stop calling ourselves married and to live apart. I decided to b'e
exclusively homosexual and see how I liked it. lt
is a tremendous relief now to be no longer trying
to relate sexually with women.
A drawback to saying I am homosexual is that
I have supposedly said I would not relate sexually
with women. But I am aware that itrtense, loving
friendships can lead to sexual involvements, and I

am certainly not prepared to stop being very close
friends with women. Tlrus it seems that the label
"homosexual" is a very inadequatc onc to describe
me (but it is certainly better than thc label "hetcrosexual"). Although I feel that in the past six weeks
I have been honest about my sexual/emotional
desires for the first time in my lifc, I have felt drawn
to some of the women I have met durir.rg that timc,
too.
The Gay Liberation Front has a saying, "Free
'fhere
is
the sister in ourselves." I really like that.
lras
been repressed and
so much inside me that
bottied up for so long due to my trying to be
"masculinel' lnability to cry or show my emotions
very strongly, feeling that I am somehow better off
if lstay cool and aloof, feeiing inferior if lam rrot
loud and aggressive, and very self-assertive in public.
Being expected not to relate well to children, to be
always "dignified" and never to play or be unin-

hibited. To be cool, uninvolved. in corrtrol of certain
people (with others in control of me); and a firm
believer in the system of leaders and followers,
dominance and submission, male masters and
female slaves.
Free the sister in myself! How to liberate
oll of ryyself? How to fit sexuality into the framework of my whole life, to be proud of myself and
glad for what I am? How to love those around
me, both men and women?
-feff Keith

Ihe
m

Liuing
;il

ln the Spring of 1910 the Living Theatre was
invited to Brazil by Brazilian artists to help raise
cultural and artistic consciousness in an underdeveloped part of the world. We have spent the last
year in Brazil studying the Brazilian Reality and
meeting with the Brazilian peoplc poor people,
workers, artistp, and students--in preparation for
our new work, a vast theatrical spectacle of -l50
plays, The Legacy of Cain. Three public performances have been given: two of tlrese with
students for a village square and performed at the
invitation of the respective cities, and another
created fbr and performed with 80 school children.
Early in the year the Living Theatre was invited
to premier thc Legacy of Cain at the Winter Festival at Ouro Preto, Minas Oerais. Some weeks after
we arrived in Ouro Preto to begin preparation of
the work, the Festival Board unexpectedly and
without explanation retracted the invitation. Because
of the great beauty of the city and the enormous
human resources there, the group decided to remain
in Ouro Preto and to continue thc creation of the
new work. During that time, the children's play was
created and performed in a neighboring town. We
began expcrimenting with new attitudes towards
our community, our town, and our lives. We had
many visitors from Ouro Preto and from the larger
Brazilian cities near the coast. Our door was always
open.

Then, on .l uly 1, fiftecn members of The Living
Theatre were arrested by the Brazilian authorities
(WlN, August, 1911). At this rime they are being
held in the town of Belo Horizonte on charges of
possession of and trafficking in mariluana. Upon
arrest they were also threatened with the charge of
1

,'-o
(7

)l

(

)

4

subversion. We believe the latter charge has been

dropped, but are not absolutely certain. We know
the charges and threatened charges are false because
we are members of the group and worked and
lived with them in Brazil. We were also arrested.
Before being released we spoke with our fellow
Living Theatre prisoners and were told by them
that they all, Americans and foreigners, German,
Austrian, Australian, Portuguese, Canadian, Peruvian and Brazilians, were forced to sign confessions
admitting guilt of possession of and trafficking in
marijuana. The confessions were extorted from
them by beatings and slappings, women as well as
men, and threats of a four month detention without
access to legal counsel. ln addition to these abuses,
the Peruvian member received the abuse of an
electric cattle prong on his body and one Brazilian
member received electric shock on his genitals and
hands before being rebeaten. This was related to us
in prison by them all before we were released.

We were released because we were not in the
house when the arrests occurred. The following day
the Department of Political and Social Order
(DOPS) was looking for Steve lsrael again saying
they had found an additional larger quantity of

mariiuana which they had dug up from under our
house. They said they found this with the aid of a
map pasted on the back of our house in Ouro
Preto. The map, they said, was written in English
and gave directions to the location where the
alleged marijuana was buried. This is all fabrication.
Before being released we were taken into the
office of one of the Delegados, chiefs, in charge of
this case, Renato Aragao de Silveira, who showed us
quite proudly his diplomas from the following
American schools: 1) The National War College,
1) The Special Forces Training Center at Fort
Bragg, 3) The State Police School at Rochester,
New York, and 4) Georgetown University.
Steve lsrael left the country but Julian Beck,
Judith Malina, Mary Krapf and Andrew Nadelson,
originally released, were rearrested. Julian Beck and
Judith Malina, the co-founders of the Living
Theatre, remain in jail. Andy Nadelson and Mary
Krapf were released on a technicality.
At this time there are fifteen members of the
Living Theatre in prison in Belo Horizonte. They
have now been in fail for 27 days and can be
legally held until October 1 of this year without
being formally charged. As you know, in Brazil
the law reads "guilty until proven innocent."
_STEVE BEN ISRAEL
-MARY KRAPF
._ANDREW NADELSON
Send Contributions and requests

for more

information to:
Paradise Defense Fund

800 West End Avenue

N.Y.C.

10025

-

c/o

Beck

Phone: (212) 222-3183

Send Letters to:
Arios Zido Pires, Avenida Joao Pinheiro 16.|
Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais, Brazil
and

Your own Congressman or Congresswoman
Send Cables to:
President Garrustazu Medeci

Via Col. Octavio Costa
Office of the President of Public Relations
Planalto Palace, Brasilia DF, Brazil
and

Ambassador William M. Rountree

c/o American

Embassy

Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

OI

D

-

of the responses thlt we received to o piece thot we published in our
"Meot
ls No Treot", drew more responses than almost onything else that
April lst issue.thot article,
we've.published recently. borothy Brownold, the outhor of this article, writes that she is o professionol
nutriiionist and thot "if there ore ony further questions or cornments, I would be glod to ottswer them.
I have the uSe of 0n excellent riedicot library which would help me to find outhoritotive answers."
The following orticle is one

{ds.

Food provides the raw materials for the synof all living body matter and for the energy
required for the synthesis as well as for other metathesis

bolic changes. Does it matter which foods we
choose to eat? The kind of food consumed and
the amounts consumed have a great influence on

health and well being. Diet effects people's ability
to think, to work, and thus their whole being.
Everyone eats some foods, and everyone
develops preferences for some foods and dislikes
for others. Each culture develops values for foods;
some are called good, others are called bad. Some
foods have religious or philosphical connotations.
Which foods people choose to eat are determined
by these feelings that people have about food.
There are some 300,000 plant species growing

throughout the world. Yet only 3,000 have been
tried for food use. Of those that have been tested
only 300 are widely grown, and 12 of these provicie
us with 90% of our plant food supply. The r-rumber
of possible edible animal foods is also large, and
only a few are commonlY used.
It is not the kind of food that is important to
our bodies. A baby will grow if it is given the
essential nutrients it needs to promote growth.
Protein, carbohydrates, fats, minerals and vitamins

are these essential substances called r.rutrients. lf the
body receives these necessary substances from any

it will thrive. The body can be compared to
a chemistry laboratory. lt has the ability to break

source,

down the complex compounds in foods which are
taken into the'body. The. simpler substances (amino
acids, monosaccharides, fatty acids) are absorbed
and used by the body to keep it functioning.
Vitamins and minerals are released and used for

various metabolic roles' The body cannot and does
,not differentiate between the food sources of these
nutrients. Thus no one food is essential. No one
food is indispensable for the nutrition of the body'
There is a large variety of foods that subply
essential nutrients, as well as possible synthetic
sources of these same nutrients- The adequacy of a
diet is iudged by its ability to promote optimum
growth. Very few people choose foods for the

?o

nutrients they contairr. Foods people cl.ioosc to eat
are chosen for many psychological, cultural and
socio-economic reasons.
However, when an entire group of foods which
are very rich in certain nutrierrts are not eatcn, care
must be taken to choose foods to supply those
nutrients. Vegetarians, who do lrot cat mcat, arc
faced with this problem. Both the vcgctarian diet
and tlre carnivorous diet can adequately feed mankind. Some people may prefer to eat dicts rich in
animal protein, but such a diet is not necessary' A
diet without meat can be adequate if care is takcn
in choosing plant foods to supply a varicty of
proteins, or if dairy foods and eggs are irrcluded in
the diet. From a nutritional poirlt of view, animal
or vegetable proteins should not be differentiated'
It is known that the relative collcentration of the
amino acids, particularly the essential ones, is thc
most important factor determining the biological
value of a protein. By combining diffcrent
proteins in appropriate ways, vegetable proteirrs
cannot be distinguished rrutritionally from those
of animal origin.
No living matter, so far discovtred, is devoid of
protein. Proteirrs play a significant role in all the
activities of living organisms, from viruses to man'
Amino acids (22 are known) are the building
blocks of proteins. They are the simplest form of
proteins, to which food proteins are broken down
by the process of digestion and are absorbed into
the blood stream and used throughout the body'
The body needs amino acids but it cannot tell
their source. lt cannot tell whether the amino acids

it

uses came

I

from soybeans, milk or hamburgers'

The body can tell whether they are the specific
needed amino acids. lf needed ones are not supplied
the body cannot function properly' Growth is
limited, resistance to infection is decreased, the
quality of blood diminishes and other changes
occur.

tta oarGia

rflt Itrji

-r

A variety of foods is desirable since a lack of
an amino acid can be balanced by its presence In
another food. Meat, eggs and milk contain complete
proteins proteins that contain all the essential
amino acids. The body cannot synthesize essential
amino acids; they must come from food. Gelatin
and most vegetable proteins are incomplete. Two
or thrcc ir.rcomplete proteins can supplement each
other, so that the resulting mixture has a higher
nutritivc valuc than the individual proteins, and
is complete in cssential amino acids. The following
table illustratcs the amount of protein irr various
foods.

PROTEIN FOODS
Protein
Per Cent

Animal Foods
Meats & Poultry cooked
lean, medium done
medium fat, medium done
fat, medium done

30
21
22

Organ meats, uncooked
Fish, cooked

15-22
19-24

She llf ish
Cheeses (except cream)
Eggs, whole

r

0-.t8

19-22
13

Milk, whole

3.5
2.5

Gelatirr (Jello)
Vegetable Foods
Legumes, dried
soybeans, peanuts, peas,
beans, lentils

22-35
9-24

NutS

Cereal products, dry

oatmeal, wheat cereals,
macoroni, etc.

10-'l 4

Crackers
Breads
Beans

rfi(

&

peas - fresh dried

8-1

or

cooked

1

6-1 0

6-8

The preceding table gives just quantitative values

tlrriitr ilrrl)

for protein. lt does not differentiate between the
quality of the protein which is based on its content
of essential amino acids. The following chart
illustrates the amino acid content of some food.

AMINO ACID COMPOSITION OF SOME FOODS
to complement a low amino acid food with a food
amino acid at the same meal
that is hieh
" in that
Whole Nuts, Seed Oilst Sesame &

Be sure

Cheese
eggs,milk
meat Corn Cereal

Essential

Amino
Acids

Legumes

Green

Leafy
Grains Vegetables Sunflower
w/Germ Soybeans Seeds Peanuts Veget' Yeast
x

CYstinex*
Methioninex-x-x-lsoleucine x
x
Leucine
Lysinex--xxx
Phenylalanine

Threoninex---x--x
TryptoPhan
x
Valine
i.*
x
--

-

-x

ol

th

Not essential, but added because hard to get irr a vegetarian diet'
Higlr amount of amino acid present in that food'
Low amount of amino acid present in that food'
preserrt with rcspect to otlrcr amit.to
BLANK spaces indicate a generally good balance of amino acids
acids in the food.

hr

n(

le,

M

or
rh

tr(

ln planning a meal, choose foods that have "x"
amount of amino acid to balance the "--" in another
food in the meal. Thus, in the followirlg menu,
methionine, the only amino acid low in soybeans, is balanced by the rich amount irr whole
wheat bread.
SoYbeans Creole

Rice

Broccoli
Whole Wheat Bread & Margarine

A menu for a lacto-ovo vegetarian (vegetarian
diets that include dairy products and eggs) is
easily made adequate by the inclusion of dairy
products and eggs. ln the following menu the
cottage cheese loaf provides all the essential
amino acids.
Cottage Cheese Loaf
Baked Sweet Potatoes-Margarine
Green Peas
Cabbage Slaw with MaYonnaise
RYe Bread & Margarine

The Department of Nutrition, School of Health
at Loma Linda University (Loma Linda, California
92354) has prepared a very helpful set of menus'
ln requesting the menus, state whether the..total
vegetarian diet is desired, or the one including
miik and eggs. The cost is 30( (s\d for both)' An
excellent set of scientific papers on vegetarian
diets and their adequacy is available from them
$1

.25.

it

is possible to
have excellent physical development, vigor, and

/f

the foods are wisely chosen

endurance on a vegetarian

diet' ln order to insure

adequate intake oiother vitamins and minerals,
include large amounts of green leafy vegetables

ni

gi\
m;

ab

eli

ly'
Ne

Sc

Recipe

Watermelon

for

and fruits. Vitamin 812 is the only vitamirr found
or.rly in animal foods. Some studics havc shown
effects of B12 deficiency itl persons wlro followed
d total vegetarian diet for a long period of timc'
Vitamin B1 2 supplcme ntatiotl may be irrdicatcd'
It does matter wlrich foocls are chosctl to
sitisfy people's treeds for food' They must be
chosen with carc so that esscntial amino .acids and
other nutrients are present for body functions'

2
2

for

tablespoons oil
tablespoons choPPed

onion

4
3

tor

SoYbeans Creole

tablesPoons minced
green pepper
tablespoons whole

213

cup dry soYbeans

cat

(2 cuPs cooked

sit.

N,(

or canned)
salt & seasoning to taste

of

(st'

1 cup tomatoes
1 cup vegetable s'tock

19(

,nl

wheat flour
Soak dry soybeans in water overnight' Then cook
several hours until tender' Saute onion and pepper

aba

in the oil. Add flour and

gair

urb

seasoning and blend well'

Add tomatoes and stock and cook 2-3 minutes' Add

Bla

soybeans and simmer l0 minutes' (makes 4
servings, 213 cuP each.)
Recipe

Vie
Wa
spc

for Cottage Cheese Loaf

U.:

3 cups cottage cheese 2 tablespoons yeast
l/rcups uncooked oatmeal 1 large chopped onion
.l cup finely chopped nuts /, cup wheat germ
1 tablesPoon oil
2 teaspoons sage
3-4 eggs
salt
% teaspoon

tici

Bla

or8

acc

col

113 cuP tomato sauce

sin

Combine all ingredients thoroughly' Bake in greased
8" by l2" casserole (do not bake in loaf pan) at

rep

.l

350 degrees F. for 45 minutes to hour' Serve
with cranberry sauce. -DOROTHY EROWNOLD

roI
ref

-.-

l-a-t

.:\

stages are represented in Stokely Speaks, although the
demarcation lines are not always clear and there are often
anticipations in one stage of themes which later become
dominant. ln addition, there are three speeches delivered in
other countries before non-American audiences in 1967 -68,

I

immediately following the reformist period, which have

a

much stronger anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist and inter-

STOKELY SPEAKS: BLACK POWER BACK
TO PAN-AFRICANISM
Stokely Carmichael
Vintage,1971
paperback, $1.95
Stokely Carmichael's search for an ideology and program

of black liberation has taken him over ground as variJd as
the many parts r:f the rvorld in which he has lived and
worked. Like the development of the movement of which

he has been an integral part, Stokely,s political growth has
not been a simple progression but has involved almost dialectical shifts and turns, contradictions and false starts.
Much of this is documented in Stokely Speoks, which is not
only a valuable source for understanding Carmichael,s
thinking but which also reveals much about the ideological
trends in the black liberation movement.
The book is a collection of l5 speeches and articles spanning the years from 1 965 through j 970. The speeches were
given before black, white, and foreign audiences. The
material is arranged in chronological order, and under the
able editing of Ethel Minor, much of the repitition has been
eliminated, making it easier to follow the thread of Stokely's development.
Born in Trinidad, Carmichael moved with his parents to

New York where he attended the Bronx High School of
Science. Later he entered Howard University in Washington, D.C. and seemed firmly on the road to a professional
career and middle class repectability. But the non-violent
sit-in movement begun by black students in Greensboro,
.l
N.C. caught his attention and in 960 he joined an affiliate
of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee
(SNCC). He iourneyed to the Sourh as a Freedom Rider in
1961, and then worked in the South as a SNCC organizer,
until 1966 when he became chairman of the organization.
These were tumultuous times, witnessing widespread
urban revolts and a resurgence of black nationalism. SNCC
abandoned its adherence to nonviolence and Carmichael
gained international notoriety as the foremost advocate of
Black Power. His subsequent travels to Cuba, Africa, North
Vietnam and Europe (to take part in the Bertrand Russell
War Crimes Tribunal) further enhanced his reputation as
spokesman for Third World liberation. On returning to the
U.S. Carmichael tried organizing Black United Fronts, participated in forming a shaky alliance between SNCC and the
Black Panthers, and later found himself ousted from both
organizations because of his "cultural nationalism, . (For an
account of some of these events, see Block Awokening in
Copitolgt Americo.) He now lives with his wife, African

singer Miriam Makeba,

in

Conakry, Guinea, where
reports he is- studying under Kwame Nkrumah.

he

Carmichael's political development may be divided

roughly into four periods: integrationist, Black power

reformist, black nationalist, and Pan-Africanist. All of these

nationalist tone. How much these are representative of Carmichael's personal views is difficult to assess since it is
known that at least one of them-the Cuba speech-was the
result of a collective effort involving several other SNCC
people. Finally, the book also contains a brief but excellent
article analyzing the pitfalls of liberalism.
ln the integrationist period, running through the'early
1960's, Carmichael accppted the goal of racial integration
using non-violent demonstrations as a means for achieving
this. (Howard Zinn's SNCC:The New Abotitionrsfs deals
with this period in more detail than the present book.) For
example in the essay "Who is Qualified?', he criticized
American society for excluding the uneducated black and
poor masses. But ar rhis point (late 1965) he was already
concerned with the questions of power and political
independence. He advocated the establishment of ,,freedom
parties" through which southern blacks could elect candidates and wield effective power.

With the articulation of the black power concept

in

1966, Carmichael moved to a more sophisticated position
seeking basic reforms, rather than mere inclusion. Selfdetermination through independent political parties and
community control became the vehicles for attacking the
evils of poverty and powerlessness. Nonviolence was

dropped

in favor of

self-defense. Carmichael now

denounced integration because it was elitist, operated in
one direction only, and reinforced white supremacist thinking. Ethnic pluralism was offered as the alternative to

integration. The enemy was

no longer simply southern

bigots, but goes beyong all individuals to include all racist

and exploitative institutions. Specifically,

Carmichael

pointed to the destructive economic and cultural impact of
colonialism (both domestic and international), and he urged
black youths to refuse to fight in Vietnam and instead to
think of hooking up with black people around the world (a
hint of Pan Africanism).
ln terms of his economic analysis at this stage, Carmichael questioned capitalism but he presented no analysis
of it, nor was he pro-socialist. lnstead he proposed black
economic cooperatives through which money could be
channeled into the "communal pocket." This is the kind of
reformist thinking which also characterized the book, Block
'Power
which he co-authored with Charles Hamilton.
Carmichael sharply criticized past alliances with whites
based on "morality" or "conscience,, because these have
seldom worked to the advantage of blacks. lnstead he
advised white students to return to their own communities
to work against racism, but he held out the hope of an
eventual alliance between blacks and poor whites based on
specific needs.

Similarly he admonished black college students to

abandon frivilous pursuits and

to take their studies

seriously so that they could return to ghetto communities
with concrete skills. He also stressed the need for organizational and pyschological independence, and black unity
2/

l-

("peoplehood")- themes which become more important

as

thinking becomes more nationalist.

It is here that the line of development

is interrupted.

The two speeches from this period-one given in London
and the other in Cuba-combined with a later speech made
in the U.S. to an audience of Arab students all have an

explicitly anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist approach, and they
go beyond blackness to underscore the need for Third
World unity. ln the speeches the "system of international
wfiite supremacy coupled with international capitalism" are
seen as the chief enemies, and Carmichael calls for a twopronged attack on both racism and capitalism. lt is also
while in Cuba that he began advocating urban guerrilla warfare.

But on returning to the U.S. Carmichael dropped his
flirtation with Marxism and instead started organizing Black
United Fronts around the principle that "Every Negro.is a
potential black man." With urban rebellions rocking major
cities and blacks being murdered in growing numbers, Carmichael believed that only through arming and unifying
blackness could the race hope to survive. More and more
the enemy appeared to be white as a whole, and a race war

refers to a socialsim "which has its roots in (African)
communalism." The lattir is the definition of "African
Socialism," which has been denounced by Nkrumah as a
myth which is used to "deny the class struggle, and to
obscure genuine socialist commitment."
Secondly, Carmichael continues to advocate a vague,
apolitical unity for blacks in the U.S. This at a time when
Nkrumah has iust published a book, Closs Struggle in
Africo which contends that genuine unity can be achieved
only through struggle and must be based on a commitment
to a revolutionary program.
Finally, in his recent American speaking tour there were
noticeable overtones of cultural nationalism in Carmichael's
presentations. Again it is Nkrumah who has written that

Negritude,

the prototype bf cultural

nationalism,

(

is

"irrational, racist and non-revolutionary."
Perhaps Nkrumah's recent writings are indicative of
where Carmichael's thinking is heading?

-Robert L. Allen

N

c

n

The reviewer is author of Elock Awokening in Copitolist

n

Americo (Anchor, 1 970).

tI

seemed imminent. Electoral politics was now dismissed as
ineffective. Any thought of an alliance with poor whites
was discounted because of white racisrh. Similarly, Marxism
and socialism were dismissed because "neither communism

a

ti

al

r(

nor socialism speak to the problem of racism." "Black

al

nationalism must be our ideology," he asserted'
It was at this time (1968) that Carmichael veered toward
cultural nationalism, the idea that race predominates over
class in shaping political ideology. He proposed black unity
that would embrace revolutionaries as well as conservatives.

al

8nonm3
'OI.EAD

al

si

hr

s(

sc

T

"lt is not a question of left or right," he said, "it's a

c,

question of black." The ultimate outcome of this apolitical
strategy was the establishment of black united fronts

around the country

lll

br

in which the militants such as Car-

michael were gradually pushed out to be replaced by better
organized, better financed and more conservative black
groups.

With his later ouster from SNCC and the Panthers, Carmichael settled in Guinea, and has now emerged as an
advocate of Pan Africanism. The book's two selections on
Pan Africansim represent in part a synthesis of themes from
his earlier speeches. For example, he returns to the two-fold
(race and class) analysis of his Cuba speech and adopts an

explicitly anti-capitalist, pro-socialist stance. Marx suddenly
is no longer irrelevant, although Carmichael rightly attacks
socialists who are racist. He now urges blacks in the U.S. to
work for African liberation (which hopefully will provide
an international base for world-wide black liberation), but

not to neglect the domestic fight for full rights and comm u n ity self-determination. He devotes considerable
discussion to guerrilla warfare but prefaces it with thd
remark that picking up the gun is meaningless without
political understanding.
The reader is left with the impression that Carmichael's
political thinking is maturing; that he is beginning to deal
with some of the contradictions and misconceptions of his
past positions. However, those familiar with the writings of
his mentor, Kwame Nkrumah, will realize that he still has a
number of problems to work out. For example, Carmichael
appears confused as to what he means by socialsim' On the
one hand he speaks of scientific socialism, but elsewhere he

str

IIESPERITEIY ilEEII GTTIII

ra
sti

t" rt rt. th"-soledsd B-tt** r.i"f o"fot
wtth th" trt"t ft""ll"
"b""t
total bcnlcuptcy. Tte outome of the uid hggs"
tem is on the verci of

in,

in the balmcc. Th-e Soledad Brotheis have besr under in&ctmcnt sincc
Februarv l9/0 (more then 18 months). The rnessivc pre-trid rssaults by
tlre prosccution'(chenges of vmue, geg ruls, harassment, endli:ss ;rc'

fot

Eial hearings) have elmost completely erhausted every p€nny rriscd by

Mi

the defensc.

Tfu

tr*i b twu: *ludtlcd

to

,brl on

p(

Augus, 9, lYf I '

ot(
tru

Defense attornevs emect it to lest 5 montlu. Consenetivc atlmatGa pnt
the cost of the iefenle (ern€1t witnses, sqSoo! tnvTiiSitors, q!f!.11:
**iifor witness inter*ais from all over-tlre stete' thc buc rdrceccitica
t]reir staff duing the bid, ctc.) rt
for supportinq three attorneys and their
lor
ruthlcss
in-ib
ls rur[r6
this rllunt
emount l[
mrny lm6
times mE
spending many
will be sp€n(tug
The'state
state wltl
tlz5,qxr. the
il25,Ob6.
attemot to railroad the Sobaed Brothere to the 8!s chrmbcr. Your mmey
ccrcibri'
Pieese send
seod pur
i< uro'entlv neded to p*";"t
Drent ;r i"g"t
lead ly"t*,glvnchinc. pleese
wur cqrEibu'
tioo immedirtely tol

SO

int
rci

sol

ffi;;;t[;*dilt"

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nEtouDl!liormu0[ffitn
rSu !re.
Celifmie

Mr
an

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95118

of

I mclce-------Jc thc ceu of iutic in drc Solcd.d C.rc'
pleue rcnd Soloded Butto (75c ninimm contrlhrt on)

r wqld Uto to

wcl fc

nity. Pbaco md

the Solod.d
infomettun.

an
n0

Brotlm h my omu-

ev

19
Mr

cle

lik

'p

Mr

n0
th,

rif

12

--r

I corrected it for him.
He was unabashed.
In vain didrl argue that there was not
a single idea they were coming up with
that night which I couldn't find in one
or more books published fifty years
earlier. The following week, by agreement,
I returned with 25 books but was not
permitted to open even one. Murray
doesn't particularly want to hear anything
he didn't say, nor read anything he didn't
write. (Viz. his puerile tantrum in RAT
a fcw years ago because a Paul Coodman
articlc on anarchism had been published
by the N.Y. Timcs Magazine: "How long
do we have to endure you? How long do
we havc to suffer more of your senile
posturings . . . etc.. ctc.")
Nor is there an anarchist idea in
Murray's entirc articlc which I couldn't
locate in a book published 1900 or earlier.
For example in the sentence immediately
lbllowing thc one calling us all utopian
drcamers, Murray mentions the necessity of
ovcrcomir.rg the contradiction between
town and country,' which is exactly thc
lcitmotif of an 1898 book by our chimsling on backwards.

The fact that Murray Bookchin (WlN,

May

l, l97l) could writc: "Thc anarchist

concopt of a frcc, dcccntralizcd socicty is
no longcr mcrcly a utopian droam; tcchnology has rnadc it possiblc . . ." indicatcs
that basically hc himsoli docsn't bclievc in
anarchism. Our conccpt of a frco, doccntralizcd socioty has rrcvcr becn predicated on
any particular tcchnological lcvel to bc
viablc, but cvcn if it wcrc, that proretluisite tcchrlology would havc bcon
achieved better and soonr:r by an
anarchist approach than by an
authoritarian, centralizcd one. F)vcry
singlc advanco cvcr made by mankind
has becn because sonrcbody broke some
sort of larv, rule, or convt'rrlion
scicntific. religious. artistic, or lcgal.
Today's technology is not becausc of
capitalism, but in spitc of it. Thc protit
rnotive tloesrr't cr)couragr crpcrimcntatiorr,
but inhibits it. The billions invcsted by thc
statc in rcscarch arc not spcnt to crcate but
rathcr to dcstroy. If socicty had gottcn thc
statc ofi its back a contury ago it is
inconccivable how much farther ahcad
wo'd bc by now.
But Murray could ncver acccpt thc
forcgoing becausc hc's ossentially a
Marxist determinist waiting for St. Karl's
predictions to comc true in their prcordained sequcncc. Hc rcally docs not
trust the free socicty to solvc any problems,
so if it ever arrived and began to gct itself
into trouble, hc could only hope to
rcintroduce capitalism in order to invent
some more technology and bail itself out.
The thing that really infuriates me,
howevcr, is the casual manner with vihich
Murray writes off thqentire history of
anarchism with two words: 'no longer."
The first time I met Murray, in December
of 1965 shortly after he had latched on to
anarchism, we argued about this same
notion. I remember trying to tell him that
every anarchist who ever lived prior to
1965 was not crazy. The only thing
Murray and his myrmidons knew about
classical anarchists was that they didn't
like them. Bakunin, for example, was a
'putschist." At one point that evening
Murray aimed his verbal pyrotechnics at
nonviolence. Rather than attempt a
theoretical rejoinder I pointed out his
rifle standing in the corner with its

acric comrade Kropotkin. Its titlc is
self-oxplanatory: Fields, Factories, and
Workshops. Actually Murray doesn't
rcally know vcry much about anarchist
theory: hc certainly doesn't understand
it; nor is it very likely that anyone could
ovcr get him to understand it.
What sort of insufferable arrogance
can pcrmit him to write off an entire
social movement as futile until he
happcncd along? With two words, "no
longer,' he consigns millions of comrades
to an ineffectual oblivion. The Haymatket

martyrs wcnt to thc gallows, Sacco and
Vanzetti werc electrocuted, and untold
thousands died in Russia, Spain, and
clsewhcrc all for a poiutless myth. Nor is
tho futility limited to the anarchists.
Virtually thc entire socialist spectrum has
aimed ultimately at a vision of a stateless
classless society.

The harsh rcality of it is that anarchism
for Murray is more of an ego trip than a
philosophy. It's an opportunity to overwhelm an audience with his scholarship
and eloqucncc-so long as that audience
doesn't know too much. Anyone more
sophisticated can spot the fact that
Murray has all his historic insights as
backrvards as the sling on the rifle, and
has been turning the eloquence on and
off like a faucet for the cause before

this, and the one before that, all the way
back to Stalinism.
Granted he's impressive. I know few
anarchists who speak or write more
effectively even with.the advantage of
believing it thernselves. And anyone who
tries to argue with him will be inundated
forthwith. But I marvel at how little
Murray is affected by his own rhetoric.
Once when I was listening to a fervent

description of the lack of coercion and

liberatory ecstacy which anarchy will
engender, he interrupted his own rhapsody
by jumpin'g up from the sofa screaming,
"Summerhill or no Sumrnerhill . . ." and
proceeded to clobber his young son for
creating too much of a disturbance on the

sidelines. It's a vignette I cherish. But
thcn nobody has ever accused Murray of
being consistent. And I suppose an
authoritarian anarchist isn't much wierder
than a carnivorous ecologist.

Robert S. Calese
New York City
I wasn't going to both er commenting
on an irritating short article that appeared
in the April 1st issue of WIN, "Meat is No
Treat", but have found that it stuck in my
throat (sorry) all this time.
How is it that you ran such an absurd.
and inaccurate short? Surely there are
some self-respecting vegies on your staff, as
there are at this household, who know that
"body odor" does nol disappear (god forbid) when one gives up meat, that eggs
don't "produce constipation" in small or
even large doses, and that cow's milk is
not a "poor quality food." What gives?
Mike Griefin
Craigsville,

ll.

Va.

Readers of WIN should run, not wilk,
to the paperback bookstore and there get
a copy of issue No. 12 of the New American
Revi'ew, to read in it, first. an article by

Michael Rossman about dome building, but
even more important, an article by Emile
Capouya called "Laying Down the Gun."
It is a badly needed, humane, realistic, and
truly revolutionary response to a lot of the
romantic and vicious nonsense that has
recently been said, written and done in
the name of revolution. If we can only
take its message to heart, we may begin to
get somewhere

-John Holt

Boston, Mass.

Received your urgent appeai. Find
lenclosed my month's wages (910).
Actually, it is from the many here who
read my copy of WIN and who will be
supporting my caffeine and nicotine habit
for the next month.
You've helped sustain many of us.
.-Bob Eaton,'No. 36253
Allenwood Prisorr

Got your mag. and am diggin' it. Want

to thank you deeply from myself

because,

although the situation is bad here, I see
the outlook outside is dim..(inflation lack
of bread). I realize papers are having plenty
of trouble getting the truth out. I can only
say your paper and work is much appreci
ated. The oppression in this cesspool
gets us down at times but beautiful
people like you keep us truckin'. We may
be in a physical cage but our minds can be
free.

With the myth of rehabilitation, which
is only destruction of free thought, we
need news that rvill keep us tuned into
what our people are doing on the streets.
Someday we'll be free and able to
contribute and add our voices and actions
to the many thousands. The future depends
upon a united people. Peace and Power!
-Bill Chess, No. 624-912
lilashington S to te Reformatory

33

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1OOO9.

HELP WIN
Sell WIN on your campus or
in your communitY. We'll
send you a bundle (as large
or small as you can use) and
charge you 15d per coPY.
Yoqr sell 'em for 30d. Return
unsold copies for credit.
write wlN, 339 Lafayette
St., New York, N.Y. 10012

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SHIT ASS WORLO.

CONTRIBUTIONS MIGHT BE TAX
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ANYTHING THAT CAN BE SPARED BV
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the

ri,,if

danq

@Jj

o ,"

9O

oo

a

o

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_-r

iterature

Local

REVOLUTION & EQUILIBRIUM by Barbara Deming.
Summarized in WIN's review as "an illumlnating
personal odyssey of an eminently perceptive thinker,
Iucid writer, and humanely, courageously, committed
269 pp. $3.95
human being."

WRL

THE RESISTANCE A history and analysis by Michael Ferpaperback, 293 pp $295
ber and Staughton Lynd
THE ORGANIZER'S MANUAL Practical suggestions for
grass roots organizing by the O.M. Collective. Paperback'

Groups

366 PP $1.25

REVOLUTIONARY NONVIOLENCE

by David Dellinger.

Albony WRL, Box 1237, Albany, N.Y. 12201
llRL Southern Region Office, Atlanta Workshop in
Nonviolence, Box 7477, Atlanta, Ga. 30309
Columbus WRL, 1954 lndianola, Columbus, Ohio

from 1943 to the present, including
first-hand accounts of Cuba, mainland China, North and
His selected

SAL SI PUEDES: CESAR CHAYEZ AND THE NEW
AMERICAN REVOLUTION by Peter Mattiessen.
"At a time when violence seems to have become a fact
of public life, Chavez has maintained the principles of
312 pp. 52.95
nonviolence." ( N.Y. Times)

Farmington,

Mich. 48024

lomestown WRL,12 Partridge St., Jamestown, N.Y.

GANDHI-HIS RELEVANCE FOR OUR TIMES AN
anthology including writings by A. J. Muste, Joan
Bondurant, Mulford Sibley, G. Ramachandran, etc.

14701

Lowrence

llRL,

Canterbury House, 116 Louisiana,

Lawrence, Kansas

pp. 92.95
REBELS AGAINST WAR by Lawrence S. Wittner
The story of the U-S. peace movement from 1941 to
383

Milwoukee Area Draft lnformotion and WRL,1619
West Wells, Milwaukee, Wisc.

Nework

WRL, Box 530,

Kearny, N.j

.

1960.

07032

Oklohoma WRL, 1335 Jenkins, Norman, Okla. 78069
l,lashington WRL, Peace & Freedom Through Non'

violent Action, American University, Box

231

490 pp. $2.50

South Vietnam.

43201

Detroit WRL, 28314 Danvers Court,

essays.

286 pp. $2.95

WE HAVE BEEN INVADED BY THE 21St CENTURY
by David McReynolds. Selected essays from WIN, the
Village Voice and elsewhere, plus new material by one
of our own Home Folk. Introduction by Paul Goodman.
210 pp. $1.25

,

Washington, D.C. 20016

WRL Southwest Regional Office, 1003 Forrester
North West, Albuquerque, New Mexico 87104

WRL BROKEN RIFLE BUTTON $6/100, $1112,101each

Austin WRL*Direct Action, P.O. Box 7161, Univer-

WRL BROKEN RIFLE PIN

sity Sta., Austin,

f

exas-18712

ND BUTTON (Nuclear Disarmament qymbol)
black and white $6/100, $1 I 12, 10d
in assorted colors $7/100, $1/10, lOd each

Ft. Worth WRL, 6157 Calmont St., Ft. Worth,
Texas 76'1 16

Socorro WRL, Box 2452, Campus Station, Socorro,

ND PIN

New Mexico

WRL lilestern Regional Office,833 Haight St.,

on heavy metal. $1

black enamel on steel. $1

ro: WAR RESISTER.S TEAGUE

San

Francisco, Calif . 941 17

339 lefayettc St]cct, New

Yo*,

N.Y. 1lXl12

for items

ln addition to the above groups, there are about a
dozen efforts to organize local WR L's going on
around the country. These are what we could call
embryo WRL's and when they reach the stage of
being able to organize and work outside the WRL
membership we will list them as local WRL's. lf you
would like to begin organizing a local WRL or would
like information on the local WRL program please
write to the National Office.

checked.
t ]Ienclose$
t llenclose$ _contribution to the WRL.
Name
Address
I

l-

zip

I

'$

s

ffi

*,8r :

x-.

X':S'

!$*'