Win Magazine Volume 6 Number 20

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HOME FOLKS

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Maris Cakars
Susan Cakars

Bruce Christianson
Donna Christianson
Diana J. Davies
Ralph DiGia

Karen Durbin
.Ien Elodie
Leah Fritz

Neil Haworth
Hendrick Hertzberg
Marty Jezer
Peter Kiger

Dorothy Lane
Marty Lauritsen
Burton LeVitsky
Jackson MacLow

Mary Mayo
David McReynolds
Peter Merlin

Don Mochon
Jim Peck
Lana Reeves (Photos)
Faul Rilling
lgal Roodenko

Wendy Schwartz
Connie Sohodski
Bonnie Stretch
Mayer Vishner

Linda Wood
Mike Wood

page

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men

Making A People's Army

payi
Coll

The Military Mind and Private
Joe Malarky

page

12;

GI's In Japan

page

16:

If

You Liked Stalin in "Russia",

You'll Love Kim in "Korea"'

page 18:
page 2O:
page 23:
page 25:
page 32'.

Things For Men To Do
Mexican Revolution, 1970

Nonviolent Training in New England
Reviews

Letters

Cover: Craig Weiss
On Back Cover: Reproduction of the
War Resisters League's annual Peace
Award, this year given to the "Men
and Women of Resistance in the Mili-

tary." An original copy-hand set and
printedin three colors on heavy paper
will be sent to anyone who is or had
been resisting within the military.

Others may obtain an original by
sending $1 to the WRL,339 Lafayette
Street, New York, N.Y. 10012.

IN THE PROVINCES
Denis Adelsberger (Box 7 477 , Atlanta, Ga.)
Ruth Dear (5429 S. Dorchester, Chicago, Ill.)
Paul Encimer (c/o Venice Draft Resistance,

73 Market St, No. ll, Venice, Calif.)
Seth Foldy (2232 Elandon Dr., Cleveland Heights. Oh.)
Erika Gottfried (4811 NE l07th, Seattte, Wash. 98125)
Paul & Becky Johnson (Somewhere in Nerv Mexico)
Wayne Hayashi (1035 University Ave., Rm. 203.

Honolulu. Hi.96822)

Rose LaBelle (713 NE Adams, Minneapolis, Mn.)
Timothy Lange (1045 l4th St., Boulder, Co.)
Mark Morris (3808 Hamilton St., philadelphia, pa.)
Paul Obluda (544 Natoma, San Francisco, au.-94103)

Volume VI, Number 20

I

December l97O

the

Changes

Ofelia Alayeto

Marilyn Albert

had
Stre
ants

WY'
2

peace and freedom
through nonviolent action
339 Lafayette Street
New York, New York 10012
Tef ephone (212) 228-027 O
WIN is published twice-monthly (except July, August, and January
when it is published monthly) by the War Resisters League in

cooperation with the New York Workshop in Nonviolence.
Subscriptions are $5.OO per year. Second class postage paid at New
York, N,Y. 10001. lndividual writers are responsible for opinions
expressed and accuracy of facts given. Sorry-manuscripts cannot be
returned unless accompanied by a self-addressed, stamped envetope.

Printed in U.S.A., WIN is a member of the Underground press
Syndicate and Liberation News Service.

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ceilings and walls, broken mailboxes
and windows, etc. etc.

Tenants are keeping their rent money at East Side Tenants Council un-

BATTLE

ant named Randy Korman replied,
OF

THE TENANTS'BANNEB

When the landlord's son and two
workmen came early Monday morning
to take down the banner the tenants

had raised on their 88 East Th ird
Street, New York City tenement, tenants yelled from windows and from

the sidewalk and persuaded the workmen to go away. "How much is she
paying?" they yelled. "That's Rosa

t

Collaso's window. She hasn't had heat

in two years. This is her third winter
without heat." The workmen climbed
down from the fire escape leaving the
banner up. The landlord's son said,

I

"We'll bring a court order against you
to rernove the banner." A young ten-

"lf

your mother's so upset about the banner, why doesn't she make some repairs?"

til repairs

have been made. There, Mrs.

Esther Rand has helped them file com-

plaint forms and rent decrease appli-

cations with NYC Department of Rent
and Housing Maintenance. lndividual
tenants are telephoning 475 0903-

The red, white, and blue, nine by
tr,n,elve foot banner reads: "RENT NYC Emergency Repair Service-for
STRIKE AGAINST SOPHIE DOBBS help.
-Kay Van Deurs
FOR DECENT HOUSING-PEOPLE
and Randy Korman
BEFORE PROFITS." The tenants unfurled it from the roof on Saturday to
cheers from neighbors gathered in the

street below. Raising the banner follows months of futile appeals to the
landlord, Mrs. Dobbs, to repair the hea-

ting system (f ive families have been
without heat for two years, and two
old people have died in the unheated
apartments), the leaking roof, broken
and unlocked building doors, falling

PROTEST CANADA'S CBAC KDOWN

TheWar Resisters lnternational "ap-

to peace movements everywhere
to voice their protest against . . . the
peals

massive suppression

of civil rights

par-

ticularly in Ouebec" following the
kidnapping and murder of Pierre Laporte.

ln a statement issued October 23,
the lnternational says: "WRl expresses
its greatest sympathy and complete
solidarity with those in Canada today
who are working for a non-exploitative
and peaceful society and who are
determined to resist application of the
War Emergencies Act. We urge that
people arrested arbitrarily be immedi-

ately released. The lnternational hopes
that Canada, a country which has an
image of a libertarian society, will act
more wisely than it has done in recent
weeks."

The statenient was issued after WR I
received a report from its contact in

Montreal saying: "Today Ouebec is
under military occupation and under
martial law. Maior civil liberties have
been suspended. including the Canadian Bill of Rights, until April 197 1.
People are being arrested, their homes
raided, their offices searched, printing

machinery and all sorts of other ma-

terial seized."
The report asserted that more than
300 persons of diverse political viewpoints had been arrested to date, with
the number increasing every day. Pacifists like Michel Chartrand and Jean

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Roy are among those imprisoned. Roy,

a sponsor of last year's WRI Triennial
Conference in Haverford, went on a
hunger strike. Persons arrested can be
held in jail without charges for up to
21 days and for 90 days before being
brought to trial, under the War Emergencies Act. Police can arrest anyone
continued on page29

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"Without

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people's army, the people have nothing."
Mao Tse Tung

Military service, is by its nature, a potentially radicalizing
influence. Oppression in all its forrns is magnified and instltutionalized. Class structure is legislated. Initiative and skill
often go unrewarded" 'Ihe treatment of people as chattel is
more overt and more visible than in any other institution.
Each new recruit, unable to reconcile these obvious inconsistencies with the ideais of a true democracy, cannot completely accept, despite the enforced discipline, this new
terrible reality. He realizes the almost total impossibiiity of
democratizing the structure of the military hierarchy and
practices within the present system. It is no surprise, therefore, that the armed forces, especially during a period of

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domestic and foreign upheaval, has become a laboratory for
the development of people,s consciousness.
. Of primary importance in the radicalizing process is the
class basis of government methods for induc-ting men
into
the armed forces. All men in this country are faied with the
possibility of military service. However, Universal Military
Training has built an inequality throughout the induction
process. For example, it is now an established fact
that any
middle ciass, white American can legitimately avoid conscription. Easy access to money and lawyers as well as a
biased draft law insures that result. In addition to the role
which the middle class is insured in the capitalist economy,
it is the automatic assumption of military leaders that the
exposure of the educated and privileged to military life will
enable them to discern too soon why they should not be
fighting. It is the hope of the military that, by excluding
flrese potential malcontents and concentrating on working
class and deprived youth, a more malleable nlrting force
will be constructed. Besides, the lower classes, havlng fewer
opportunities for work in the larger society, will be liept off
the unempioyment roles. In this way, the government main_
tains the illusion of "minimal,, unemployment. The process
thus feeds itself, for the values learned by those whogo

through the mill will be carried out into the body politi",
forming, the system hopes, a forever-silent majority. They
will then reaffirm their faith in the system for the next
generation who will take their places in the ranks.
It is the discriminating nature of the induction process
which exposes the current attempts to democratize the Selec_
tive Service System as a fraud. The aim of this deceptive plan
is to convince those who are tired of being the cannon fodder
in an immoral, illegal and agressive war thit they are no longer the substitutes for a privileged class. It is even more
cynical since democratization of the recruitment process,
through which all men are ostensibly chosen at random is,
according to the Pentagon itself, only the first step toward
eliminating conscrlption altogether, and creating an all_vol_
unteer army. This political device supposedly will insure
"freedom of choice" for the citizenin determining how and

when he serves his country. It need not be stated,-ho*.rrr,
that the rush to the enlistment centers for the volunteer
army will not come from the college campuses, but will come
from those unfortunate areas of society that cannot subsist
witlin the larger society. It will thus provide the general
staff with its ideal soldier, a voluntary, paid, hopJfdly dis_

ciplined trigger finger
. Ey.n should this plan for an all-volunteer army succeed,
there-by maintaining the majority of membershipin the en_
listed ranks to Blacks, Browns and working clasi whites, it
is too late to stop the tide of discontent arid disenchantment
within the military structure. The new awareness of Black
and Brown youth particularly make it evident that they are
already challenging the inequalities inherent in the system,
and that most cooptive strategies will be defeated. ,ihe
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white left has also contributed to military headaches by or_'
ganizing anti-war "coffee houses,, where enlisted men gather
off base to discuss local issues and to read ,,undergrouid,,
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newspapers. These organizing activities have provided wel_
come^relief to the army,s indoctrination proC.sr, exposing
specific examples of stratification by rank, the privileges
inherent in the selection of officers, stockade
6uity.oiOitlonr,
and the repression of voices of reform.

In part because of the natural rigidity of army life, the
undemocratic methods of recruitment, the class nature of
army stratification, and the development of organized forces
of anti-war and anti-military sentiment, working class youth
fully realize the lack of power they have over'their own dest_
inies and the fraud perpretrated on them by a supposed de_
mocratic system. If this constituency can organize itself be_
fore they once again become absorbed into iire system, and
if more soldiers begin to respond actively to theii deprivation
ofpersonal, economic and social options, then in fact an
alliance can be made between the white working class youth,
their Black and Brown brothers, and middle clais radical
white youth. The possibilities for such an alliance have al_

readv, been shown

he
in numerous demonstrations around mili- gent military laws and his client; even more important,
laws
those
see
to
comrades
for
his
client's
mirror
acts as a
i; conjunction with a military trial.

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yer fulfills the litter function better than in any other forum,
of political trials. They are treated in theory as
ior the veneer over the laws applied to the dissident seryiceand politlcal forums for the community. while certain eleman is thin. He has a greater difficulty executing the former
educated
ments of a particular town or city are invariably
because it is the purpose of the military structure to iilstill
involving
those
like
and even radicalized by such tripls,
governance of every
popular anti-war teadeis or Blagk ievolutionaries, the Ixtent fear and blind obedience by legislating
of due process, and
lack
the
systematizing
function,
of involvement by the majority of that .o*-rrity is much human
the conduct of
judicial
in
interference
civilian
preventing
diluted by the exigencies and ieallties of mass communicaof the juris
orphan
the
is
law
military
Since
affairs.
military
racial
comits
and
tion, the class structurr ;iihr.;;munity
scholars and
legal
by
neglected
been
prudential family, it has
position. Not so in the case of the military trial. Military inthe Armed
in
lawyers
including
militarists,
the
governed
by
stallations are like ghettos, no matter what their size and
has been the
base
a
military
on
lawyer
The
civilian
Fotc.s.
togethbound
is
complexity. The general military population

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er with those same ties that UinOini ghetto, absolute de;;i ;;;;; f*.0"", .i r.rr determinati6n. The soldiers understand that a violation of military law is indeed a crime

exception rather than the rule. The radical lawyer thus functioni in the heartland of oppression as house counsel to
those who have been alienated by the social crimes they see
essence,
in
and,
committed with impunity on every military base.
care
not
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but inmany instances
In recent years, the radical lawyer has been asked to redo not think most violations should be crimes. Since all bepresent
thosi soldiers who have questioned the legitimacv of
havior is controlled by an alien and unsympathetic authority,
service itself andmany of its inherently undem<>
military
walthe simplest violation, such as a "disrespeciful" way of
AWOL (Absence Without Leave),.for exatn'
practices..
contempt
and
cratic
king, is subject to punishment. Indifference
an unusual act of disobedience. Its inctease
for law become a natural parl of most soldiers' attitudes. The ple, is no longer
years reflects growing contempt for law and
iew
last
temporary soldier recogrizes his own oppression and natural- over the
The soldier knows that his participaobligation.
military
the
ly focuses his attention upon the person who tries to beat
flows out of a statutory duty to his
forces
armed
the
in
tion
the
News
of
the system or has run ur*t or it in some way.
country. But the treatment he receives and the military purpolitical trial sweeps the camp in a way leasi amenable to
poses for which he is used often make that individual view
censorship and repression, by word of mouth. In essence, as
as above the law. Sometimes he cannot articulate the
irimself
professor Michael Tigar so eloquently puts it, alurisprudence
-occupation
for that feeling. Other times that articulation is in
reasons
of
the
of insurgency develops as the primary
primitive terms of self interest. Yet, it is a feeling almost
people.
the crack in the foundation of the
The nature of the radical lawyer's role as an implacable every GI understands; it is
military.
modern
opponent of the system is to stand interposed between strin-

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treedom is never cheaP."

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The military lawyer who is politically motivated exploits
this weakness in the military system at its rooIs. A classic
example is the case of a sailor who went tJnauthorizedly Absent (the naval equivalent of AWOL) tiom his base. This
sailor had thought out the political motivations for his actions. While in the service, he had ioined the American Ser
vicemens Union, a group dedicated not only to extending
the trade union movement to the military, but to actively
opposing the Viet Nam War, racism, and oppression in and
by the service. He demanded a political construct for his
defense. It was clear to him that the Naly would have no
difficulty proving the technical crime against him, but he
wanted it made apparent to his brothers in uniform why he
had gone UA, why he refused to cooperate with the military,
and how, in continuing to acquiesce, his fellow seryicemen
were aiding, not only his repression, but their own.
Most political clients look upon their trials as a tool for
organizing; the defense against a possible penalty is not a
primary consideration. In fact, they may legitimately prevail upon their attorneys to pay minimal obeisance to acqujttal and to present the issues.
This situation can only occur because of the unique relationship between the radical attorney and his clients, in
which the clients themseives are responsible for most if not
all decisions and do not rely on the professionalist's chant of
"I know what is best for you." It is througtr the trust in this
kind of relationship that the focus of a tr-ial can be turned
around and the burden of guilt be placed upon the accusers.
The young man in this case, who had been brought up in

working class environment, had originally enlisted ln the
Navy "to serve his country," a duty those before him had
a

also accepted. When he recognized the purpose which his
served, he left, after first tr!'ing to influence those who had power over him to change his role in
the service. He did not want to be trained to kill; UA was
his only other alternative. When he returned to the Navy,
he had in hand an application for discharge as a conscientious

military commitment

objector and sought to interpose that application between
himself and the jurisdiction of the court; the application
was denied.

The trial went off with supporting demonstrations. Oppressive security precautions permeated the courtroom where

there had never been any threat ofviolence of disruption.
Counsel was forced first to fight the collateral issue of a
public trial to get the non-service friends and supporters of
the defendant into the room. Finally, the commandant
packed the courtroom with Marines in order to deny seats
to outside "agitators" and supporters.
The trial proceeded on the theory that the defendant had
been defrauded. He had signed a contract, he argued, to defend liberty and had found hims^lf assigned to pursue an
aggressive war. This attack was the foundation for a frontal
assault upon war crimes, the illegal and immoral activities
in Southeast Asia, the role of the officer corps in that war,
and the use of the citizefl soldier as a tool of an imperialist
foreign policy. Each Marine and serviceman who was able to
gain entry into that courtroom, including Viet Nam veterans
with apparent wounds, secretly or openly conveyed to counsel or to the defendant their belief that this courtroom had
been transformed into a proscenium for exposing the truth
and that they were behind hirn
The military had defeated itself, for with every new court

ruling, the stock of this defendant grew and credence was
given to his arguments. The defendant had chosen a path
which would probably lead to a maximum penalty, which in
fact is what happened. But the political defense had achieved
its effect. The final sentence of six months in jail, loss of pay
and allowances and a bad conduct discharge were seen as an
outrage, rather than ajust result, by the entire base. The
boy from Middle-America had helped to educate others to
the nature of their own oppression.
In the case of the Fort Dix 38, a riot, growing out of the
inhuman conditions to which the men were subjected in the
stockade, led to attempts to burn it down. Possible penalties
for the rebellion were far more stringent than most AWOL
violations, in some cases totalling 50 years in jail. Clearly
these cases had to be tried on the facts showing guilt or innocence. The task was made more difficult since the Army singfed out for general court martial, the most serious kind of
trial, those persons who had the heaviest kinds of political
commitments. These persons were kept for months in solitary confinement, euphemistically called "administrative
segegation," until their trials were over. Confessions were
extracted not only from the principal defendants, but also
from others suspected ofparticipating; the "suspects" were
given promises of leniency and clemency in other cases if
they would sign statements inculpating the politically involved defendants.
Throughout the trials the methods of the Criminal Inves
tigations Division in extracting these confessions were challenged. One government witness took the stand for the defense and recanted his prior confessions with the statement
that it was a business deal;he would trade his incriminating
statement for a reduction in the time he was already serving
on another case. The reason that he was recanting and "telling the truth", he stated, was that the CID were "not gentlemen" and had not honored their word. Witness after witness
recanted. One stated that he had read his statement before
signing it, but it was shown that he was, for all purposes,
illiterate. A seventeen-year-old defendant told how he had
asked for a lawyer time and time again, but that at the end
of three days of intermittent questioning and uncertainty,
he had confessed.

In spite of all this evidence damning the government's
but one of the live soldiers referred for general

case, all

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anecdote.
Every evening at five o'clock on military posts the flag is
lowered. Those people outside a building must stand and salute during the ceremony. After one particularly unjust conviction, a group of about fourteen soldiers were standing outside the courtroom. As the first notes of retreat sounded,
they'rushed to go inside to avoid the salute. The doors happened to be locked. Just then an officer passed by and looked
their way, so they stood at attention and saluted. After it was
over, a veteran of Viet Nam who had won a silver star plus
other decorations and was expecting yet another silver star
said, "I feel as if my hand has committed a crime." Shortly
thereafter he informed his commanding officer that he
would refuse to accept the second silver star.
It is not the realistic hope of the movement that the U.S.
Army, as it now stands, will turn against its generzrls and
commence to serve the people today, tomorrow or next
year. The hope and the goal of those invoived in movement
organizing among GI's and those serving that movement,
such as lawyers, is that the politicalization process will carry
over, not only out of the army and into the factories, but to
the next generation who will be called upon to pick up the
gun and defend this country from its so-called enemies, both
foreigr and domestic. If this movement is a success, that
generation will know who the enemy really is, and act accor-

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dingly.

All armies are not evil. Given the proper function, the
form inevitably adjusts to fit it. Ajust purpose gives birth
to the proper tools to achieve it. An army that functions for
a free people, under a political system that will stand scrutiny, is a people's army. Under that kind of system, rank,
awarded for merit and expertise, is not a dividing line between
humanity and animalism. It is recognizedin a people's army,
such as those in Cuba or China, that a military tactician is
not necessarily the last word on political thought and it is
the political implications of military actions which much
priority in consideration. Criticism and
self-criticism among the troops and officer corps is an essential. What should motivate an army is not unreasoning discipline and fear of reprisal, but a common cause, openly
achieve the highest

court martial were convicted. The single acquittal was the
result of a case so barren of facts that an unbiased civilian
judge would probably not have sent it to the jury. Yet these
cases, currently on dppeal, brought to light the misery and
squalor in which the inhabitants of the Fort Dix stockade
lived. It was shown who went to the stockade: the persons
from poor and working class backgrounds. AWOL's made up
the bulk of the inmates. No officer was sent to the stockade
when accused of a crime. During the period of the trials, in
fact, a lieutenant was charged with stealing from military
ri ,,.:'

mail, and he was merely restricted to post.
None of this escaped the attention of the population of
the camp. People floited to the Fort Dix Coife; House to
do work for the underground post newspaper, "Shakedown,"
which was the only written material the GI's could get reporting the case fully. The political attitude created among formerly apolitical people is best illustrated by the following

arrived at.
When this is achieved, the army is'truly the servant of the
people.
-Fred Cohn
The above srticle is excerpted from a forthcoming book,
Law Against the People, to be published in March by Random House, Bob Lefcourt, ed.
Photo: LNS
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The GI Movement is now moving into a dramatic, new
stage of development. While this new stage is the product
of history's traditional revolutionary theorists, its feasibility
in relation to the United States military is no longer theoretical, but is now within the grasp of trembling reality.
"Anti-war GIs" are now becoming "revolutionary GIs".
The ability of the U.S. military to function as a force of
imperialism is now seriously impaired. But, hidden somewhere in the history of the GI Movement, a grave inconsistency developed. Perhaps it began as a rationalization; nevertheless, this inconsistency has sufficiently obscured the
goal of the GI Movement as to co-opt its highest objective.
That objective, I maintain, is neither the reform of the present military structure nor the subversion of that military

in order to create a revolutionary military fbrce. There is
nothing revolutionary or radical about either solution. The
THIRD alternative, and it would seem, the objective of a//
humanity is the ABOLITION of militarism and military
forces. This has always been the undercurrent, the represseh
of the revolt within the ranks. To analyze it more
thoroughly, we must examine the history of the GI Move-

ideal

ment.

Discontent among U.S..servicemen (other than pay revolts by mercenaries) is popularly thought to have begun in
earnest with the advent of the Vietnam War. In fact, organized disruptions within the ranks centering around the
need to reform the military structure and national foreign
policy can be traced back to the "Bring Us Home', move-

/
ment which began in 1945. V-J Day was a reality and the
GIs were eager to come home. But the "police of the world"
policy of the U.S. was taking shape.
In early 1946, American GIs staged massive demonstra'tions in Paris and other European cities demanding that
they be returned to the U.S. They protested the fact that
the U.S. Navy was supplying ships to transport French
troops to Vietnam instead of transporting U.S. GIs home.
They accused the U.S. policy makers of imperialism!
The troops were weary after the devastation of WWII.
No sooner had the Allies declared peace on V-J Day than
the U.S. was playing police force and watchdog in Indochina, Indonesia and China.
On January 13, 1946,500 GIs met in Paris to draft the
Enlisted Man's Magna Charta. Their demands were (1)
Abolition of officers' messes, with all rations to be served
in'a common mess on a first-come, first-served basis. (2)
Opening of all officers' clubs, at all posts, camps and stations to officers and enlisted men alike. (3) Abolition of all
special officers' quarters and requirement that all officers
serve one year as enlisted men except in time of war. (4)
Reform of army courts-martial boards to include enlisted
men. These demands compensated for the real politics of
peace that were unfashionable and undeveloped in that day
of the emotional strains of war and intense nationalism.
Years later, the politics came easier and nationalism was
on the decline in the technological society of the "post-coldwar hysteria", a time of instant communications, peace and
prosperity. But the politics arose from the insanity of the
pseudo-peace. Domestic tranquillity .and prosperity were
exploited by the U.S. power structure to mask the devastation of Vietnam. The Armed Forces were strengthened to
meet the manpower requirements of war. It was a war for
everyone. The Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marines flaunted
the technological achievements of a modern military before
the entire world. But certainly the technology of the modern military brought militarism into perspective and caused
mankind to examine the temporary and devastating military solution tointernational problems as it has never before
been analyzed.

The GI Movement was born anew with a decidedly antimilitaristic orientation. Scattered individual protests by GIs
captured the imagination of civilians and GIs. On November
6, 1965, Lt. Henry H. Howe was arrested for participating

in a civilian anti-war demonstration,

eyen though he was

off

duty and out of uniform. On June 30, 1966, three GIs from
Fort Hood, Texas announced in New York City that they
would refuse orders to ship to Vietnam, and in 1967 Cap
tain (Doctor) Howard Levy refused fo train Green Beret
medics bound for Vietnam. Each of these cases resulted in
infamous military courts-martial that began to test even the
most moderate views of "Military justice"
Suddenly the GI Movement blossomed. On Christmas
Day, 1967, Pvt. Andy Stapp (then stationed at Fort Sill,
Oklahoma) and a few other GIs from several U.S. bases
founded the American Servicemens Union. The ASU drew
up a list of eight demands for the reform of the U.S. military. (The demands, oddly, sound like an extension of the
Enlisted Man's Magna Charta of 1946.\
On January 4, 1968, Freddie Gardner (a Reservist) and a
few friends opened the UFO, the first GI anti-war coffeehouse, in Columbia, South Carolina (home of Fort Jackson).

to

GIs began to ORGANIZE their resistance to the U.S. military and the Vietnam War. Gl underground newspapers
sprung up at military bases across the country (and around
the world). GI coffeehouses were opened at many U.S.
bases. GIs United Against the War, GIs For Peace, Movement for a Democratic Military, as well as the American
Seryicemens Union were efforts to unite American GIs in

organized resistance to the war and the military. Each
group and newspaper began with a reformist-then antimilitary-platform. Canada and Sweden became sanctuaries
for tens of thousands of U.S. deserters. Hundreds of GIs
refused to ship to Vietnam. GIs led anti-war marches. The
"Fort Jackson Eight" were busted for having an anti-war
meeting outside their barracks. Joe Miles, of Ft. Bragg GIs
United, was busted for handing out the Bill of Rights on
base. Thousands of GIs applied for discharge as conscientious objectors.
But government repression caused the same panic in the
GI Movement as had fostered the reactionary terrorism
irmons the civilian movement. The necessity of revolutionary
social change was made more than obvious by the imperialist exploits of the U.S. in Latin America, Vietnam (cirtain_

ly all of Indochina)

and throughout the world. But the
a few left elements and subsequent

reactionary panic of
romantic glorification of a "people's army" has become a
rationalization of the solution to the problem of militarism.
Once again, American GIs are being lured by the call of the
"war to end all wars."
The Holy War, the Crusades, the War of Liberation all
promise everlasting harmony and peace. But what violence,
what war can sanely purport to be anything more than a
temporary solution to the problem? As long as the defeated
remnants of reaction to that war or revolution, repressed by
their victors, possess the need for their own liberation from
armed suppression, they will inevitably create the turmoil
that will once again dupe the working class into fighting
that "final war" for peace. Indeed, the madness of history
repeats itself in revolutionary militarism !
What analysis, then, can bring into perspective the existing history of the GI Movement as an alternative to complacency with the U.S. military and the militarism of the
left? To begin, I think, it is necessary to identify servicemen
in their social context and then to investigate their role in
the liberation movement.
Most GIs are from working class backgrounds. It is false
to think that they are sucked in by the draft (after the
middle class youths are deferred because of college or some
other "out"). While it is true that many of them ire caught

this way, many others are attracted by the promise of
skills, education, and financial security. Others enlist with
the gung-ho equation that patriotism=militarism. But the
working class has never possessed authority and, therefore,
it has always stood in contempt of the authoritarian bourgeoisie. For this reason, many working class men become
instant "lifers." They are able to have authority by beco
ming sergeants and instructors. But most men rebel from
the beginning against the authoritarian personality. In many
this internal rebellion fails to find direction and the
result is that the personality suffers, the ego is diminished,
and the individual fails to come to grips with the source of
his exploitation. But much of the rebellion is also derived
from a revolt against the instability which is berived from

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the violence of the working class, a violence perpetuated by
the materialism of the bourgeoisie. Perpetuited, because in

its struggle to maintain both authority and superiority over
the working class, the bourgeoisie maliciously and deliberately flaunts its materialism before the working class in
order to give that materialism value. In the ultimate selfdegradation, war, the working class is either forced orled to
enact the fantasies of the bourgeoisie.

Left militarism, is, at best, another temporary solution
for the individual; for in the search for individuality, the
self will often seize the quickest and easiest solution for the
sake of security. In the end, he/she is left unfulfilled. Here
is where the intellectual, the bourgeois, the "professional"
revolutionary has failed to fathom the emotions, the heart
of the working class. In violent revolutionary fervor, he has
delivered the people an empty solution, short-sighted hope,
and certain vigilance against the violent forces of counterrevolution. In the quest for peace, security and LIBERATION from the authoritarian personality, the working class
is perpetually diverted from its objectives by the bourgeois
assurance that "one more war" will be the final sacrifice.
In the loving struggle against militarism, the GI finds
himself in the vanguard. For without an army, the forces of
militarism have no rneans of exploiting the people. The
final success, the ultimate victory of the GI Movement, will
be its power to RESIST MILITARISM. The power of the
PEOPLE will not be in their ability to conquer, but in their
steadfast determination to control their own destiny, their

own spirit through the revolutionary process of NONVIO-

LENCE.

r

-Jerry llmgate

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come back from a tip to Japan where I visited, among other places, at lwa Kuni with Beheiren (a Japanese peace organization) and GI's from the ,4,merican Army

I have just

base there.

at a small Kyodan church about two
blocks from the far''ous Kintoi Bridge in lwo Kuni- Mr. Iwai
and Mr. Kensaku, the ministers,of the church, often provide
We held a meeting

t2

lega1

some

longe
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up w.
note;

ttvol

for events of this sort. Others presettt, besides obout
each, Beheiren members and GI's, were a girl Jiom the

space

l0

Committee of Retumed Volunteers, temporaily wonking
in Japon with Beheiren (till her visa runs out), and the Canadian-national, J ap anese- bo rn minister of ano ther church,
Bob.
We rapped for a couple of hours, then I turned on the
tape recorder, and asked people to say what they most wanted people in North Ameica to know about: either what
was happening there, or what kind of help they neecled.

Judy Merril
Q. llhat do you need most?
GI: Military lawyers. Competent civilian legai assistance . . .
Aimost everybody that's being courtmartialed has something
to do with the peace movement. . .
Gl: You see, most cases, once they have a civilian lawyer in the miiitary courtroom, they sweat a little bit more . . .
I think it's a lot easier for a civilian lawyer to beat a case
than a military lawyer. Most of the stuff is real petty. There's
a guy in the brig now for wearing a peace symbol.
Q. What did they charge him with?
GI: Eccentric clothing. We have a standing order on the
base, the civilian ciothing order . . .the interpretation is left
up to whatever individual wants to interpret it . . .and
there are severai people in the brig right now for, quote,
eccentric clothing.
CRV: He was wearing a peace symbol and had his shirt
tai.ls out. "Psychedelic clothing." . . .Another thing that's
going on here is the enormous collusion between military
authorities and the Japanese police. One of our largest, most
significant busts . . .occured at the end ofJuly (ed note:
there was a brig riot at lwa Kuni on July 4), when the base
tipped off the Japanese police that two individuals would
be on a certain train leaving Iwa Kuni on leave, and eight
minutes after they were on the train they were being searched
by Japanese police who did not have a search warrant, and
could find no marijuana on them. Found some in the microphone at the base of the conductor's (2 unintelligible on
tape), and arrested them. They were in jail for three days
before they were finally released-and not charged . . .
The other thing is that the base here at Iwa Kuni has its
own excellent internal intelligence system . . . and
just this past week 15 more ONI flew in from Hawaii. ONI
is the Office of Naval Intelligence. They have three intelligence units here. One is ONI. Another is ClT-Counter Intelligence Team, which is mostly involved with anything having
to do with the paper (Semper FiO and myself. And CriminaL
Investigation Division, which is dope and crime and theft and
things of this nature. ONI and CIT have ail "subversive"
people under heavy surveillance on and off base-where they
go, who they associate with, what their activities areQ. (to new speaker) Is there anything you want to say?
GI: Help usl
Q. What do you need?
GI: Like we were saying before, the basic need in Japan is
_
lega1 assistance. But like the Reverend was saying, we need
someone over here, workers that can stay over here for prolonged periods and keep the thing moving, rather than changing workers all the time. It's hard to keep one system set
up witli new people taking over from old people . . .(Ed.
note: He is referring to the constant transferring out of GI's
tnvoh,ed with the paper, Semper Fi.). . .someone that can do

the stuff the GI's can't do, because it'sillegal . . .iike, the
paper . . .actually on base if they find out you're writing
for it they'Il bust you, if you use your name, if you're fool-

ishenough...

Q. How widely read is Semper Fi on base?

llhat is the

receplion of it?

GI: Distribution on the base actually is illegal. You can't
if you just say, 'Here, you
wanna read my copy?' they've got you. But my own experience is, in our unit, everybody reads it, right from the lowest
private right on up through the commanding officer. In our
unit the general consensus of all the people, excluding the
C.O., is affirmative. They believe in what we're trying to do,
not necessarily the way we're going about jt . . .Everyone is
reading it, not out of curiousity, but out of sympathy and
out of wantin g to do scimething, and not being able to.
give a copy to anybody, even

Q. llho does the writing for it?
CRV: Letters are sent in.
Q. How does it actually get produced and distributed?

CRV: (Asks a Beheiren member to answer).
Beh: Weil, I can't speak English very well.
Q.

I

can understand you now,

I will understqnd

you on

the tape.
Beh'. Semper Fi generally-semper Fi No. 1 was published,
and now No. 14 is going to be published. We must print Semper Fi in (name of town), and we bring them. At Four Corners we pass out, in front of base. (Ed note: on intersection
between.base and town, not actually in sight of base.)

Q. Who passes them out?
Beh: Beheiren members.
Q. How many go at one time to hand out papers?
Beh: 7 or i0 people.
Q. Do most GI's take them?
Beh: Yes.

CRV: Very few refuse.
Beh: They give contribution.
Q. How long does it take to pint Semper Fi?
Beh: A week. One issue. (Ed note: all local Beheiren members are students, publishing an English-languoge paper in

addition to schoolwork and other anti-war activities.)
Q. (to another Beheiren member, with more English): l,lhat
do you think is the most useful thing people in North America can do to help?
Beh: From North America? I think perhaps many Japachildren, and many Japanese activists, and GI'i want
some information from States or Canada, or fiom their own
town, because we have much shortage of information. We
nese

don't know nruch about what's happening in the Uf.A., so
flrst of all we just want much information about the movement.

CRV: ' . . what we have now are

a smali

group of individ-

uals being picked off by the brass, and several of them are
now under tremendous harrassment. Getting UD,s-undesi.
rable discharges-and being under surveillance . . .About two
weeks ago, we showed'some films here in Iwa Kuni, and we
had an excellent reception . . .films are very effective.
Another GI: We need some sort of information from the
states-exactly what is happening with the laws, or what we
can do in the military servibe even if you can,t get lawyers
to us . . .(at least) . . .some kind of booklet with informationon
on what our rights are. Because most of us-we come in and
we live this life as though we're going to get our in four
years, and we pay no attention to what rights we have or
don't have, until we get into trouble . . .Just something
along thelines of, say just a readout, a monthly readout, a
legal brief of what new laws, what precedent cases have taken place, just what is happening in the legal aspect ofeverything-back there.
Bob: The thing I feel is we really need somebody on a
fulltime basis in a place like this-see, Iwa Kuni here is the
largest base in Japan, and we need somebody who can actually give the. men the information they need and have the
answers. (Ed note. There is one
fulltime military counsellor
llJopon, at the Tokyo Pactfic Counselling Siiice Office.)
(He)'s terrific! But (he) isn't here. And somebody simitarly
dedicated and similarly interested in the show, to give a fulltime thing here, it seems to me is very necessary. (More
note: Tokyo is about t hours by the fastest trains from lwa

Kuni.)
Q. llhot do you want from back home?
GI: Well, I believe like everyone else here that we need
more people here to work . . .
Q^You say people have been applying for C.O. status at
Iwa_Kuni. llhat happens to them when they apply?
GI: There's a friend of mind applying for it right now,
going through the red tape-

Another GI: They really got on him because he hasn,t
never made mention of the fact that

he-uh, it's not religious

training or anything for his beliefs, you know,'against the
wdr . . .They said, because he never voiced his opinion
toward the military, it's never been entered anyplace, that he
doesn't have any basis to apply for a C.O.
Q. What is the whole procedure? If someone decides to
apply for C.O. status, what does he do, and what happens to
him?
GI: Here on this base? Okay, first-you have to get them
to give you an application form . . .Then they give you ail
this other rigmarole, and then they have you go see a chaplain of your religious-whatever the stamp on your dogtag
shows what religion you are. Then you go and see the heidshrinker, and supposedly everyone gives a recommendation
on whether you should be a C.O. or not, and then they forward this to the Command, along with your application.
Q. After the interuiews, what happens next?
GI: At this base here, they usually just give you an over_
night transfer.
Q. I thought they weren't allowed to ship you out otxce

you-

GI: They're not.
Q.

But they do?

GI: You come in in the morning, they hand you some
orders, and you have to be gone the next day. (Ed note:
Apparentiy, mostly, to Camp Pendleton.)

l4

Q. llhot happens to people who desert in Japan?

GI: What happens to 'em? Usually*well, the people I
know, they usually end up right back here.
Another GI: It's pretty hard to leave.
Bob: There's nclwhere to go in Japan. They,re not in
Canada. They're in Japan. They cannot get a job . . .Japan
does not have an immigration . . .The person tries to hide,
he has every Japanese policeman and every Mp looking for
hirn . . .The only thing he can do is be a burden to people.
they did get some people out to Sweden, but-they sent
three guys up the line to put them on a ship heading for
Sweden. The only trouble was when they got to the ship,

the whole dock was surrounded by police, because one of
the three was CIT . . .and that closes that rou-te, period . . .
And it's not that there are that many routes.*
GI: Especially when you have, like the turnover-turnover's
so great-you can't-if somebody was over here for a long
period of time, you could set down certain channels, certain
highways, whatever you lvant to call itBOB: But you can't, because there are so few portsGI: I'm not talking about that part so much, about routes
out, I'm just talking about the whole thing.
Q. IUhat's the averoge length of stay of a serviceman at
Iwa Kuni?
GI: It all depends on how politically active you are.
(Note: about one year for pectple who don't get involved in
organizing.

)

Q. Are people sent out usually sent back to the States?

GI: Or Okinawa. Okinawa's like a big train station. But
generally they they don't like them in Okinawa for some
reason. You know they sent one guy down that had been
active on some paper,Semper Fi or some such thing? And
they sent him down to Oklnawa, and uh-in 10 days a
paper came out there" Some of these guys don't accept chastisement easily. They get nasty. And-uh they don,t like
that kind of people down in Vietnam either.
* Bob's information on deserters
was less than complete, I
think. I was told by several reliable Beheiren spokesmen,
and people working with JATEC (not sure what the initials
stand for, but it is the official group working with ,,Ameican
refugees") that there are literally hundreds of deserters in
Japan, mostly people who deserted on leave from Vietnam.
(Tokyo is off the Vietnam R&R list as of October l They
)
are hidden (almost impossible, when you think about it, in
Japan) ond cared for by Japanese people; working underground because although it is not illegol for Japonese people
fo help deserters (nothing illegal under Japanese law for ihe
deserters either-as long as they hne military ID they don,t
even need passports-but of course can't work, and besides- ); it's just that the Japanese police are given lists of
deserters and will arrest them on behalf of the Mp's. The extent of this operation and the involvement of otherwise nonpolitical 'just people' is fantastic-down to school children
in some districts giving their 20-30 yen lunch money one day
a week to help the American refugees.
All this is eqsentially Beheiren-organized. Other Beheiren
activity ittcludes the broadcasts into bases mentioned in WIN
(Sept. l5); help with meetings ancl publications at other
bases, like the lwa Kuni situation (there are more than 100
U.S. rnilitar bases in Japan); help with the Paciftc Counselling Service; publications in Japanese; sttulent movement

wc

tht
tht

Be,

nal

Be,

oPl

the

re8
mu

I

work; and most recently, work with Japanese soldiers inside
the "self-defense" forces. (The first trial for organizing inside
the Japanese National Defense Force is now being conducted.
Beheiren hopes to see it become a test of the constitutionality of the Force, under the "Peace Constitution". )
Beheiren has more than 300 active units throughout lapan,
operating on a hoizontal-local-sutonomy basis, (much like
the-very-early SDS) with no official membership, dues,
regulations, officers, etc. The central Tokyo office is a communications depot, which keeps groups tn touch, publishes

a magazine and newspaper, etc. Most of the vislble Beheiren
members are students; there are also o scatteing of professors;
journalists, etc., who oct as spokesmen
for the movement,
and are popularly thought of as "Chairman", "Secretary Generale" "Foreign Minister", etc.

Further on deserters: Bob's story of the closing of the
route out was substantiated elsewhere. The deserters now in
Japan have no wdy to leave the country. About l6 people
were shipped out before the channel to Sweden was closed.

-J.M.

eI's

seize the time

!

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ters

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North Korea has recently attracted the attention of radiPan'
cals in this country and elsewhere- Palestinians, Black
.thers, the Guardian-all have found their way into this brave
little nation and had the chance to meet its modest leader'
Kim tt Sung. The War Resisters League also has been in a
particularly good position to monitor developments in Korea
because we regularly receive bundles of English-language
publications from North Korea,
For the benefit of WIN readers I have taken at random
some of the weekly issues of The Pyongyang Times and
have simply quoted the headlines from the front page of each
issue.

July 2& (one photo of Kim ll Sung on front page, one more
inside)

COMRADE KtM lL SUNG Arranges Luncheon in Honour of Military Delegation of Socialist Republic of Romania
COMRADE KIM lL SUNG Receives Romanian Ambas
sador

to Korea
to Her Excel-

PREMTER KIM lL
lency Sirima R.D. Bandaranaike, Prime Minister of Ceylon
There follows a listing in a special box of thirteen telegrams Premier-and/or Comrade-Kim ll Sung has sent or
SUNG Sends Telegram

l6

received)

gra

col
Nir

ln I I

ser

on

A

JOINT COMMUNIOUE on Establishment of Diplomatic

Relations at Ambassadorial Level between DPRK and Ceylon

Se

lssue

int

August 17; (one photo of Kim ll Sung on front

page' six in'

side)

AT INVITATION OF PREMIER KIM IL SUNG, MAJOR

GENERAL GAAFAR MOHAMED NIMERI, PRESIDENT
OF THE REVOLUTION COMMAND COUNCIL AND
PRIME MINISTEB OF THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF
THE SUDAN, PAYS A STATE VISIT TO OUR COUNTBY
IN PRESENCE OF THE RESPECTED AND BELOVED
LEADER COMRADE KtM IL SUNG
DPRK Cabinet Gives Banquet ln Honour of 25th Anniversary of August 15 Liberation
(telegrams were in short supply this week-only five are
listed as being sent/received by Premier Kim ll Sing)

August 31; (one pboto of Kim ll Sung on front page, none
inste-rs Kim sick? ls his political position in ieopardy?)
COMRADE KIM lL SUNG Receives Del. of Japan Socialist Party

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COMRADE KIM lL SUNG Gives Luncheon in Honour of
Del. of Japan Socialist Party

COMRADE KIM ll- SUNG RECEIVES Letters from
many countries lin case anyone doubts the charisma of Kim
ll Sung, or thinks this is a satirical article, we warmly quote
with deep approval the highlights of this story about the letters Kim

llsung received: "Comrade Kim llsung, the great

Leader of the 40 million Korean people and an outstanding
Marxist-Leninist, received letters from many countries , . .
on the occasion of the sixth anniversary of the publication
his immortal, brilliant work 'Theses on the Socialist Rural
Ouestion in Our Count(y' " . . ,and, quoting from one of the
letters, Your Excellency's brilliant work is a beacon, a torchlight and an immortal banner for us. We, therefore, will
steadfastly march ahead along the bright road illumined by
Your Excellency. We sincerely wish good health and a long
life to Your Excellency Premier Kim ll Sung, the respected
and beloved Leader, peerless patriot, national hero and evervictorious iron-willed brilliant commander and one of the

outstanding leaders Of the international communist and
working-class movements, for the victorious onward march
of the world revolution and for the independent unification
and eternal prosperity of Korea".)
KIM lL SUNG sent or received six telegrams in the preceding week.

August 24: (two photos of Kim ll Sung on front page, eight
inside)

PBEMIER KIM lL SUNG ReceivesTelegram from Major
General Gaafar Mohamed Nimeri, President of the Revolution
Command Council and Prime Minister of the Democratic Be
public of the Sudan (this seems to have been the only telegram corning in or going out during the week and it is a bit
confusing to find that while Major General Gaafar Mohamed
Nimeri, P. of the R.C.C" and P.M. of the D.R. of the S., was
sending the telegram he was also subject of a special article
on the front page under the headline. . .
PRESIDENT GAAFAR MOHAMED NIMEBI WHO PAID
A STATE VISIT TO OUR COUNITRY LEAVES PYONG.
YANG AFTER WINDING UP HIS ITINERARY
September 7: (One photo of Kim
inside).

ll Sung on front

page, two

For this issue we thought it might be better to skip the
front page, the headlines of which hold nothing new, and

,l

simply note for skeptics of the DPRK some of the genuinely
exciting stories that appear inside this twelve page tabloid.
On page two there are two stories-both about Contrade
KIM lL SUNG-and a full column listing the seven telegrams
sent or received by Comrade KIM lL SUNG. Page three is
devoted to part l7 in a continuing Brief History of the R+
volutionary Activities of Comrade KIM lL SUNG. Page four
has a story on Mangyongdae, birthplace of the family of
Comrade Kim ll Sung, under the headline "Cradle of Revolution Permeated With Lofty Patriotism" . There is also a short
news story attacking the U.S. lmperialist Aggression Army.
Page five has a joint communique of the Workers' Party of
Korean and Japan Socialist Party and a long editorial discussing the rise of living standards, closing with the following
deeply moving passage: " As deeper solicitude is shown by the
great Leader for our working people. they are resolved to
arm themselves more f irmly with the unitary ideology of the

Party, revolutionize and working-classize themselves, defend

the Leader politically and ideologically and with their lives
and more thoroughly push through the lines and policies of
the Party put forth by him and thereby live up to the deep
trust and great expectation of the Leader with loyalty. lnvincible is the cause of the revolution of our people who are
advancing, upholding the wise leadership of the great Leader
Comrade Kim llSung and a brighter future is promised them."
Page 6 and 7 feature a stirring photograph of Marshal Kim
ll Sung and a *rious discussion of how the People's Education
Developing under the Great Leader's Guidance. Also two
short news items on the role of Kim ll Sung in extending the
life span of his people and bringing them better health and a
discussion of the "sad Plight of Education and Public
Health in S. Korea Under U.S. lmperialist Occupation."
Page eight is devoted to a long article headlined "The Fatherly Leader's Wise Guidance in Production of Chemical
Fertilizers", page nine dlscusses how "ln accordance with
the far-reaching plan of the respected and beloved Leader
Comrade Kim ll Sung and thanks to his warm solicitude, the
city of Sariwon, the gateway to Pyongyang, the capital of
revolution. has been built into a beautiful and cultural city
good to live in". There is also a short story about how the
chemical workers "effect continuous innovations" because
"knowing fully well that there are always victory and glory
for them if they worf just as Comrade Kim ll Sung, the great
Leader of the revolution, teaches them, the chemical workers
have striven heart and soul to implement his on-the-spot instructions". Page ten has a stinging attack on the basic strategy of the U.S. lmperialists, brief comments on the broad
public circles of Japan supporting struggle of Korean citizens
in Japan, and a headlined story "Marshall KIM I L SUNG is
the Really Great Leader of the People" , observing shrewdly
the "Ever-Rising Ardent Reverence of the South Korean
People for Marshall KIM lL SUNG". Page 1l has a forceful
statement issued by the DPR'K Foreign Ministry regarding
the Japanese militarists and the frenzy of their criminal
moves. The statement is disappointing, however, since
Marshall/Comrade/Premier KIM lL SU//G's name appears in
it only once in a document covering more than a half a page.
(What is wrong with the DPR K Foreign Ministry? One senses
a need for socialist self-criticism and a need for great solicitude by Marshall KIM lL SUNG in regard to this ministry.)
The final page discusses "Warmaniac's tour of Asia"-/ thought

at first that Warmaniac was a popular Tasmanian leader, but
it was, of course, Agnew, the famous Warmaniac, a skunk
who encourages the foul-smelling moribund Chaing Kai-shek
clique, the Lon Nol-Sirik Matak clique, the Thai reactionary
clique, and the Pak Jung Hi puppet clique. Clique, clique.
The balance of the final page is devoted fo "WARMLY
HAIL THE 1ST ANNIVERSARY OF LIBYAN REVOLU.
TION" and a pledge that the Korean People will make every
effort to consolidate and develop friendship and solidarity

with fraternal Vietnamese People.

All in all, one closes any

issue

of Pyongyang Times with

heart, for we have only an English-language weekly
version, and one knows that surely there must be a daily
Pyongyang Times, written in the language of the Korean
people, and that it must contain treasures untold regarding
Marshal KIM lL SUNG, treasures of his thought, of his teaching forever hidden from our eyes by the merciless barrier
of language.
-David McReynolds
a heavy

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tempt to disrupt the 1968 Olympic Games,

as

reported by

the press.
The utter bestiality of the Government forces reached a
climax on October Z, 19OA. Between twenty-five and thirty
thousand people had gathered in the Plaza of the Three Cultures (Tlatelolco) to attend a peaceful mass meeting called
by the National Strike Council. At six p.m., without provG
cation, the granaderos and the army attacked the unarmed
crowd. They indiscriminately shot and bayoneted to death
an estimated 500 people. Bodies were carried off unidentified. Many of the wounded were killed rather than taken to
a hospital. Doctors in nearby hospitals helplessly watched
many bayonet victims bleed to death while authorities refused to accept blood donations from waiting friends.

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B,

exican
r"rtion is still alive and dorng wellln
1970. Despite the heavy losses it has suffered at the hands

of the ruling party (PRl. the Institutional Revolutionary
Party), it still struggles courageously. Complete recovery is
expected. From its beginning on July 23, 1968, the Movement was chaotic. The specilic act which triggered it-a
scuffle among high school students-was insignificant in itself. The "granaderos", an unconstitutional riot and repression squad, were called in and responded to the students
brutally. Students from all over Mexico City held a protest
on July 26.The grenaderos responiled with more brutality,
and the Student Movement was under way. Protest and repression snowballed as the police moved to tactics of open warfare. Political repression was the issue. It was never an at20

Most of the student leaders who were not killed at.Tlateloco were arrested. They joined numerous other students
who had been arrested and tortured during the Student
Movement. Of these, 163 are still held as prisoners in Mexico
City at Lecumberri (the "Preventive Jail") and the Women's
Prison. After two years of imprisonment their trials are just
being held this fall.
The Public Prosecutor, apparently unable to decide upon
the charges, has accused them ofl variety of crimes, including: theft, sedition, inciting to rebellion, looting, criminal
association, damage to private propefty, attack upon the
public means of communication, assault and battery, disturbance of the peace, and homicide.
Legally, all of the prisoners are charged as a part of the
same proceedings, and by law they should have a joint trial.
The judge, however, has arbitrarily divided them into several
groups and is holding the trials weeks or months apart to reduce publicity. The charges presented by the public prosecutor require trial by jury, but that detail has been ignored
over protests by the defense. Judge Ferre MacGregor is presiding at the trials and handing down all of the verdicts and

V

sentences.

II

Two political prisoners were tried last spring and sentenced
to 30 years for a murder that was committed in Mexico City
on the day they were in the Mexican Embassy in Guatemala
City requesting political asylum. Another group was tried in
mid-August, and another in mid-September. The September
group included the one U.S. citizen, Bernard Philip Ames.
No more decisions have been handed down and the lawyers
expect the judge to withhold sentencing until all the political
prisoners have I :en tried. The next trial is expected toward
the end of November, 1970.
The trials ("vista de sentencia") are public. Thus I was

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able to attend the one in September, 1970.
The trial was scheduled to begin at ten a.m., September
17, 1970. I arrived at about 8:30 a.m., and was greeted by
busloads of granaderos and a park bench full of secret agents
dressed for a spy thriller on the late late show. They were
posed so nicely in front of the jail that a girl tried to photograph them. She was promptly surrounded and threatened
with arrest. After confiscating her roll of film, taking her
name and address, insisting that she go to headquarters with
them, and threatening deportation when she refused, they
explained to her that she had nothing to fear since Mexico
is the most democratic country in the world. Only after about
45 minutes of interrogation of her and two friends did they
finally release her-by then a bit shaken by the encounter

with Mexico's official terrorists.
About 9:30 a.m., the great green gate of Lecumberri
opened and slowly let us enter. We were carefully searched
and frisked before being allowed into the open patio where
the court was held. The patio was nearly full when I finally
entered. Apparently, they had let in the numerous plainclothes policemen first. Prisoners and friends waved to each
other. The trial scene had the air of a summer camp skit
night.

By 10: 15 a.m., Judge Ferre MacGregor officially opened
court (you could not really say he called it to order). Roll
was called and predictably, all 17 defendants were present.
They included two women and 15 men: Ana Ignacia Rodriguez ("La Nacha"), Roberta Avendano Martinez (La Tita"),
Bernard Philip Ames (U.S. citizen), Miguel Eduardo del
Valla Espinosa, Joel Arriaga Navarro, Raul Alvarez Garin,
Marco Antonio Avila Cadena, Arturo Martinez Nateras, Jose
Revueltas Sanchez, Moises Gonzalez Pacheco, Jose Tayde

Aburto, Antonio Perez Sanchez, Salvador Ruiz Villegas, Rodonfo Echeverria Martinez, Jose Trajo Puentez, Jose Natividad Francisco Colnameres, and Jesus Gorzal.ez.
Jose Revueltas announced that he would carry on his own
defense. The five lawyers of the defense counsel were : Carlos
Fernandez del Real, Valenta Medina Lopez, Felix O. Valencia Vallodolid. Juan Manuel Gomez Gutierrez, and Guillermo
Andrade. Although he was not present for most of the trial,
the U.S. Embassy-assigned lawyer, lJlrico Isaguirre was sup
posed to represent Philip Ames.
The prosecution presented the judge with stacks of official documents (mostly police reports) as evidence that the
prisoners were guilty as charged. The only way for the entire
court to hear these reports was if the defense requested that
they be read. Therefore the defense had selected parts of the
documents to be read aloud. This reading lasted 26 hours. In
these reports the prosecution established that (1) there
was indeed a Student Movement of 1968, during which time
many political meetings were held and many polifical speeches made; (2) police agents were present at those meetings
and they did the public the service of taking good notes;
(3) the prosecution has no first-hand evidence that the accused individuals are guilty as charged. At one point the
judge objected to a passage because it was irrelevant to the
case. Gomez Gutierrez reminded him that the relevance of
the passages is beside the point since the prosecution had
presented them as evidence against the defendants.
About two p.m., the judge finally called a lunch break
and the entire cast took time off for a picnic. The prison
guards passed out sandwiches and soft drinks. The public

tossed special goodies over the heads of the guards to the
prisoners. The secret police wandered over to talk to their

uniformed friends. Only the police informers looked left
out. They did not know any ofus, nor any of the prisoners,
nor, indeed, each other. Finally the judge came back, the
picnic ended, and the reading of the documents continued.
The reading continued through the night until ten a.m.
Friday. The lawyers' summations followed.
The prosecution, obviously, claimed that their "evidence"
proved the defendants to be guilty as charged. The prosecutor claimed that their membership in various leftist gioups
proved them to be guilty of participating in the "international conspiracy" which he alleged.
The defense recognized the utter futility of presenting a
legal defense to this court. The lawyers for the defendants
pointed out, however, a few of the legal technicalities-such
as the fialure of the prosecution to present any evidence that
the defendants were guilty of the crimes attributed to thembut primarily they expounded upon their contempt for the
proceedings, and the government behind such proceedings.
Gomez Gutierrez put it succinctly:
"If we were to pay any attention to the Law, the accused
would have gone free long ago and the ones guilty ofso
much repression and violence would take their places in jail."
They labeled the whole plan of the prosecution subversive because it completely violated the Mexican Constitution.
The defense lawyers charged that the only international conspiracy involved was the ongoing conspiracy between the Mexican Government and the CIA.
The judge listened in stony silence. At least Mexican
courts recognize lhe right of defendants to express their contempt. Indeed, contempt was the only reasonable sentiment
to express in a court which had so blatantly violated its own
laws. The lawyers were in contempt. The prisoners were in
contempt. We were in contempt.
It starts to rain. The lovely orange circus canvas, which
has so successfully shut out the sun and provided the surrealistic lighting effect, is comically ineffective against the rain.
At first, the canvas leaks only in spots and the trial continues
with a reasonable air of "normality". But not for long. As it
rains harder, the water collects in pools on the ominously
sagging canvas. One leak at a time, it begins to rain in the
courtroom itself. People cover themselves with anything handy. The court blossoms out in newspapers, plastic bags, coats,
and a lone umbrella.
A leak has started right above the judge. Secretaries scurry
around, and remove police records to dry ground. The soggr
circus canvas sags lower and lower. For a few minutes, it
looks as though the rain might accomplistr what sleep could
not. The judge is either going to have to get an umbrella or
else call the game on account of rain.
But the judge is not to be daunted. Amid the confusion,

he announces that court will move to another room-which
turns out to be one fourth the size of the patio. Several of
us suggest he kick out the police agents to make room for
the people. He does not take kindly to the idea.
Since there is absolutely no way to move the court into
the closet, the judge announces that court will be adjourned
briefly until the rain can be made to stop and the canvas
drained of the puddle. The audience contentedly goes out

for coffee.
With charming luck, the rain finally stops, and the canvas

2l

ffi

i,ffi

of coffee' and
is-emptied somehow. After welcome cups
jail'
Upon re-entry'
to
back
iripr io the bathroom, we drift
This makes
agents'
secret
the
to
search
,ilJv i"rg., to preteni
who
ones
the.same
are
They
are.
they
who
;;;ry-;; detect
We
will not know when to clap at the prisoners' speeches'
get back as it is time for the prisoners to speak')
The Verdict

the U'S'
Phi,lip Ames, 2l year old American, AWOL from
in
prisoner
Marines since August 5, 1968 and a political
He
court'
the
fuf.>rr.o since Seplember 2,7968, addressed
leader:
revolutionary
Mexican
quoted Flores lvfagon,
' "It would be senseless to respond with the Law before
absurd to
those who do not respect the Law; it would.be
aggresslon
the
trom
ourselves
delend
to
ooen the codices
oi the dagger or the fleeing law'"
In a low i6ic. ura halting Spanish, the young American
him
told how the United States Embassy had tried to stop
him
i-- ,p.ut lng at his own trial. They tried to convince
able to
be
would
they
,ra f-rit friend"s that if he did not speak
case
which
(in
year
sentence
five
a
with less than
g.ini*
to
"ff
States
United
the
to
deported
and
out
bailed
iie can be

fu.. -tfi,ury 'Justice")' Thiy told him that if he did speak

they could assure him a harsh sentence'
pf,lip did speak, and for the first time-in two days' the
judge listened attentively. Ames told.the lVlexican public that
'he
docuJonsidered the Mexiian Constitution an admirable
ment,

ho
But the Mexican politicians who apply it with strict
and not exactlv
;;td;; to ue founo in the nation's jails,
men rvho
in iii. .o"ntrv's public offices which are held by
ReMexican
the
of
il; b;tt^y;d tn. r.,,1au*enta1 ideals
volution."

Ames made three main points in his defense:
the National Strike
1i; Non. of the ideals discussed in
since they
seditious
considered
Co,]n.it could possibly be
are contained in the Mexican Constitution'
*^-fiJ

,q,rin"rglr he, Phllip Ames, is qlilt{ :l having left the
or'be killed in
U.S'. illarine C"orps becauie he refused to kill
he is guilty of
although
and
it-,. ttooAy name of imperialism,
it to be
escape-believing
an
seeking
Mexict
huulng tuined to
of men
ideals
revolutionary^
the
to
up
lived
which
. a"rrt.V
s*1, u. Magon and Zapita-he is not guilty of committing
the parties
any crime.'The parties who committed the crime'
international
an
in
participating
of
guilty
*tr" .i. indeed
which
conspiracy, *.r. tt-t. forces of political repres-sion
parties
The
culminatea in the blood bath at Tlatelolco'
go'
guilty of a subversive internationalconspiracy are the
Mexico'
and
States
United
of
the
iernments
-(3)
His participation in the Mexican Student Movement
polib.g.ri ;; septemuer 2, 1968-the day he .was taken a
respontherefore
is
Government
Mexican
iiJJ p,it*.r. The
sible for his role in the movement'
--Clenched
in. court responded with thunderous appluase'
"Bravo!"
with
patio
resounded
fists shot into the air. The
gavel'
unJ':V.n..r.mos!" The judge furiously banged his
faced
he
speak'
to
forward
prisoner
came
next
When the
The
the audience. This was no longer the judge's court'
.orilU.fong.d to the poeple' The people now called Judge
Government
Ferra MacGiegor, his tribunal, and the Mexican
charges
the
presented
prisoners
the
one
by
One
to trial.
against the Mexican power elite and the audience echoed
the obvious verdict:
22

Guilty!
to serve the
C,rilty of subverting the Mexican Revolution
ends
-- of corrupt government officials'
Cuilty of t.aiiiort violation of the Mexican Constitution'
CIA
Guilty of conspiring with U.S' imperialism and the
to exploit the Mexican Peoole'
.l
tthe 968 StuCuitty of first O.g,tt tlotnitide throughout
Movement'
dent
---Cuilty

of inciting the Mexican arny to riot on October

2,
1968 in the Tiatelolco
-' ^drltt

massacre'

of inciting the common prisoners to beat and rob
1910'
tne potiiicat prisonJrs in Lecumberri on January l'
opponents'
political
of
battery
and
assault
armed
iuilty of
Guilty of kidnapping over 1 50 persons and holding them
years'
in illegal confinement in Lecumberri for over two
people
l\'lexican
the
upon
fraud
a
perpetrating
of
Cultty
Mexican Revolution'
by
-' claiming to represent thedenial
that there are political priJf f,ura in their

Cuitty

soners in Mexico.
--

Cuitty of criminal association with the internationalI
rightiJ conspiracy to deny human beings the dght to Life'

Liberty, and the fruits of their iabor'
The last prisoner to speak called for one minute of silence
to commemorate the dead of Tlatelolco' The judge objected'
wrong'
insisting that this was not a politicai meeting' He was
a
to
observe
rose
people
the
and
The priioners, the defense,
moment of silence.
We understood that legal rights were never the issue in
judge represents
this absurd drama. Power is the issue' The
if.gatty constituted" power. He will, therefore, convict the
priJon.r, and eventuaily he will hand down sentences' But
ihe prisoners represent life power' They represent people
a verdict: "Esta Vida
fo*.t. They tof have handed downchange!
Thev have voiced
must
life
;;;;;r;;;-biarl" This
Revolutionl
the sentence:
And the revolution is rising. Slowly, painfuily, it is rising
in Latin America. The revolution is coming together in Chile
and Uruguay, in Bolivia and even in tortured Brazil' The
revoluti.J,n ii gathering forces throughout Latin America'

And the revoiution of Zapata is reviving in Mexico' The new
rebellion which knows that "the land must belong to those
who *ork it" is still smouldering in Mexico' No granadero'
nor
nor any military camp torture, not Lecumberri prison'
smother
to
judge
going
is
corrupt
any
i!:- - ^-The
revolution is rising in Mexico: VENCEREMOS!
-Xena Hiscox

!$,,

'tr'i

t':.d;'.

"'

non viclent trr:ining in new englcnd
Since May, the Cambridge-based Nonviolent Direct Action'
Group (NDAG) has been engaged in a campaign to keep pub-

protest to the Vietnam War and public support of human
rights visible. At the irlitial NDAG action in May some 400
students and oornmuttity people blocked the entrance to the
Boston Army base, aud were able to block incoming buses
of draftees for a brief titne. Even in the midst of'hundreds
of protests of the itrvasion of Calnbodia, the purposeful nonviolence t-rf the Bostort Arrtty Bose action had a marked impact in the Greater Boston area.
Witl'r a coie group of approximately 50, NDAG continued
to be engaged in nonviolent struggle throughout the summer,
ancl was onc of the very few student based peace groups in
'fhe
the New F,ngland region which did not wither away.
sllmmer actions included draft-board sit-ins and a sustained

Lic

campaign at Fort Devens in support of GI rigl-rts.
A factor ir.r the strength of NDAG has been the involvement of comn.runity people from outside the universities itr
all of the actions. For example, a Newton community NDAG
has supported all of the Harvard-Radcliffe-Brandeis NDAG
actions, and was responsibile for the Newton draft board
protest in which 170 demonstrators were arrested.
Perhaps the key factor in NDAG strength and continuity
is that participatits from tlie beginning wanted to comtnunicatc . . .to communicate protest and alternatives . . .and not
to be sidetracked by denronstrator-police hassles or violence.
The NDAG nonviolent training workshops which preceded
eacli action were intensive and liad a sense of commitment

in them rarely to be found in theoretical workshops. Role
playing workshops which preceded the Boston Army Base
sit-in had a reality and high energy charge because people
knew they were going to be in the frontline of nonviolent
protest in a few days, and they faced the unknowns of public confrontation and possible prison.
At this point (October) NDAG is trying to find more
effective ways to generate a strategic campaign to help en,d
the Vietnam War. NDAG has established its presence in the
Boston area, and now representatives are going to nearby
campuses to assist in the development of new NDAG type
groups. The establishment of nonviolent action groups. in
iommunities and campuses, which visibly work for specific
social change is an important ingredient in creative peace
work in this country.
At the same time that NDAG was out front there were
several other New England groups which ran nonviolent training sessions which were not intended to be related to specific actions or campaigns. Afterwards those sessions were
said to be "boring" by the participants. That they were bo-

ring came from a sense of

unielatedness on the part of the participants and was not the
fault of whoever was giving the training. At this point in
history, talking about nonviolence in the abstract is rrot productive. It is a distortion of priorities to train people for
nonviolence who then train peopie for nonviolence who
then train . . .and who do nothing.

In training, certainly, an introductory session which

al-

23

lows people to have a senslslthe underlying spirit of nonviolence is essential. After that introductory session, training
only has validity in terms of specific action for peace and
social change, with action and training being in dynamic interplay. The best training occurs in the heat of struggle-the
grape strike picket lines were the best nonviolent workshops
of the last years. NDAG training before, during, and after
the initial Boston Army Base action was very good; at the
same time abstract training to "be prepared" fell through in

LITERATURE FROM REP

Rodicol Educotion Proiect hos lots of lit obout ond for
ports of the growing movement for liberotion which
is rising within the belly of the U.S. monsfer. We moke
o few cenfs obove cost on eoch piece of lit, which we
use fo get more informotion into the honds of the
so oll orders should be prepoid. Pleose order ot leost
one dollor of lit.

oll

ALL

POWER

TO THE PEOPLE I

Boston.

Riot Contol
NDAG and other groups interested in nonviolent training
are not in the business of riot control. It is a disastrous error
to become the nonviolent wing of local police forces. We
who are in the nonviolent movement are working for social
change and are hopefully not the protectors of the status
quo. Our priority concern is the incredibly savage slaughter
in Southeast Asia and not the protection ot'plate glass windows. This understanding of priority does not in any way
mean support of trashing. It does mean that the first job of
nonviolent advocates is to be challenging social injustice and
presenting alternatives for people who are legitimately outraged, rather than showing up at the last minute at someone
else's uprising and trying to quiet things down' Sometimes
fine people end up as pawns of police, who, in a sense, are
saying, "keep these people quiet and ifyou don't succeed
we'll come in with our clubs."
Marshal Training
There are occasions when the training of marshals has
validity. For example, the training of marshals for a group's
own demonstration, or if the organizers of another demonstration request assistance in the training of their own marshals. It is not valid in the present American context to train
marshals to keep the peace at other peoples' demonstrations
when not invited to do so.
In addition, it is time for us to realize that marshal training has very little to do with training for nonviolent action
for social change. I have often wondered why so much "non'
violent training" ends up being marshal training for isolated
single-event demonstrations. I think that part of the answer
lies in our refusal to come to grips with the problems of
sustained nonviolent campaigns.'What does a group do after
nonviolent teach-ins, sit-ins, mill-ins, civil disobedience, etc.,
when the draft board is still there and the Vietnam War is
still proceeding? The answer is not and will not be easy; the
focus of nonviolent campaigns may be elusive for months
and even years. It is necessary, though, during periods of
searching for direction, as at present, to remain engaged in
"traditional" actions which continue to involve new people.
It is not the answer to turn in frustration to violence or to
run seminars on the beauty of nonviolence.
Perseverance is necessary in order to find new creative
actions wtr-ich engage people in a focused struggle which continues until victory. Cesar Chavez and the farmworkers stuck
with nonviolence, persevered, enabled outside people to
demonstrate support, and {inally achieved a clear victory in
a continuing campaign. We no longer need to look to other
countries for nonviolent examples of social change. The
Chavez model is home-grown, and so for that matter is the
NDAG model.
-Edword Lazar

24

All Power to the People, Block Ponther introd.
(20S) Block Workers in Revolt
(l5g) Fight On To Victory! Leogue of Revolutionory
(75C)

Block Workers

(359) Bosto Yo! The Story of

(l5q) Tierro O

Los

Siete de lo Rozo

Muerte -The Lond Belongs to the People

(20C) We moy not hove much, but there's o lot of us!
On working women ond women's liberotion
(259) Protective Lows - for women, for everyone, or
none ot oll?
(l0C) Mon's World ond Welcome io lt! introduction

- on Goy

(l5C) The Goy Monifesto

Liberotion

(35C) Rodicol Defense Hondbook
(50q) Fireorms ond Self-Defense
(2OC) Birth Control Hondbook (NOT TO BE RESOLD)

(l5C) Hoving A Risht-On

Boby

(75C) The Eorth Belongs to the People, Ecology & Power
Pleose odd l0p/o postoge ond hondling costs

_

_

Toiol Enclosed

Mcil

to:

REP, P.O.Box

56r'A, Detroit,

Ml

48232

-r--.

RADICAL
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TCVICWS
The Painter Gabriel
Don Newlove
(McCall)

Who, me, reviewing Don Newlove's

first book in print? R idiculous, the
sort of thing that only WIN would
print. l'm sure I could be much more
objective, reviewing a volume l'd written myself.
The temptation, instead, is to tell
you a Don Newlove story; I mean, one
of my stories about the Don Newlove
I used to know. That was before he
discovered monogamy and joined the
AA. Talk about your fabulous charac-

ters. . .

I

terature was

deservedly dead, that
whatever was happening now that mat-

tered was out in the streets, on the
march, or in rock music, or in communes, or wherever. Certainly. it was
not in clacking away at a goddamned
typewriter day after day and year after
year, trying to be a Great Author.

didn't listen to me.
I went my way, l'm very glad for
that,. and he, god 'elp 'im, went his.
l'm !tad, now, for that, too. I guess I
He

secretly was. even then.

When

I first met him, he had a

whole trunkful of rejection slips. That
was 15 years ago, and he's been prolific since. lmagine how many he must
have had by now, if this is his first
book in print.
ln a way, WIN and I gave him the
Big Break. (Of course, he was always
Famous in Manuscript.) He wanted to
interview Pablo Neruda for us, when
that great Chilean came to New York.
I said sure, go ahead-half a page, the
absolute limit. He came back with a

used the past-perfect tense back
there for a reason; he and I don't really know each other anymore, haven't
for years. lt's not only that he lives in
the Bronx now and I live somewhere
in New Mexico; in fact, that's not it at
all. You see, I used to be a Serious hilarious monster that would have
Writer-so did Don Newlove, and we sryallowed half an issue, I refused it
were each other's best friends and har- since he couldn't cut. and he bounced
shest critics, reading our fresh prose otf to Evergreen, who accepted. Next
aloud and arguing while getting plas- we knew, he showed up in Esquire.
tered and listening to Mahler or Motzart And now, between hard covers,
til dawn. Then, somewhere in the early
After all this, l'm sure nobody's
Sixties, I started messing around with going to give much credence to whatwhat for lack of meaningful expres- ever I have to say about The Painter
sions we'll have to call politics. Many, Gabriel. Which is just as well because

many mind-blows later, here I am, in to further complicate my job, it's
an adobe house of my own recon- kinda-but-not-really about another
struction. scribbling by kerosene light, friend of mine, the Serious Painter
and actually much more deeply into Gabriel Seidler. And it's not my
dish

materials like stone and mud and old
wood and raising or making or hunting
or gathering ourselves as much as we
possibly can of what we use, than I
ever was into words-on-paper.
And there's Don Newlove, somewhere in the Bronx. He's still a Serious
Writer. He always was, and he always

will

be.

There was a time, when we-this
time I mean the New York Workshop
in Nonviolence-were ending wars forever by starting WIN and getting busted, that I used to walk over to East
Seventh Street and

still lived on the Lower

East Side then,

l'll never really believe Don Newlove lives anywhere else.) So l'd bop in
between meetings or paste-ups or demonstrations. and tell him that he was
aa

cbmplishments, is mere doodling and

a

waste. My early work was based on

word-addiction and pressing green
wine out of language. Now my objective is to achieve a Vermeer-like clarity."
That's from the jacket blurb.

l'm sorry, Donald, it's truly beautiful for long stretches, it's certainly
Serious, and the people in it, despite

up five odorous what

flights to try to talk him out of it. (He
and

of tea, or brand of booze:
"l believe that great art strives for
rebirth of the spirit and that all other
art, including the finest technical ac-

I think are their silly preoccu-

for most part, really live on
the page; but my god, it's long and
preachy. Maybe l'll do it more justice
pations

thiswinter, during long evenings beside
my fireplace.

That last paragraph was a private

communication, meant to save me a
six-cent stamp. Now, for everyone else

who'll

read this review:

Nobody ever worked harder for
longer at being a Serious, Famous Au-

i

thor, and nobody deserves the position
more. or has anywhere near the capacity for enjoying it. So let's all get out
there, gang, and buy or steal Don New-

(

love's book!

I

-Paul Johnson

THE AUTHOR REPLIES:
I am paying to have John Leonard's

I

I

I

a

(

review of The Painter Gabriel (The New

York Timeg Oct. 6) reprinted in full
in an early issue of WlN. Let readers of
Paul's memoir-review withhold judgment until the Times review appears
here.

There is slander in Paul's review
which is dispiriting, his mocking "another antediluvian friend of mine, the
Serious Parnter Gabriel Seidler." These
capitals, and the quaintness of iantediluvian," so belittle Gabriel's spirit
that I feel these capitals are not capital
enough. Would that Johnson had illuminated them with vine leaves and gold
filigree! But enough. I am hurt by
Paul's tone.

I

dt

b

ls

br

F

fi

tl

b'

tl

ft

al

lit

le

c(

hear Johnsonian acerbity in my
joining A.,4., and being married. My
wife hears it. A.A. is my movement. lt

reclaimed me. ln it I work with one
man at a time and see results-the first
man being myself. I don't try to influence masses of people, I try to influence myself. I face hypocrisy by the

ton-from myself. A.A. is an anonymous movement that is particularly
effective. ln it I learn to inspire myself.
As for monogamy, it keeps my spirit
like brook water.
Paul dismisses his own early intentions as a writer. Wrestling with politics for as many years as he has dulls
language. He surrendered to the Movement. I like all his WIN pieces. But
Paul never wrote a word for WtN that
matched the intense physical presence
of his pre-New Mexico novels. He is a
born writer who traded his spirit in for
politics. Politics drains the spirit of its
special ability to breathe life in and
out and sulbstitutes a glucose of similes
and spent metaphor. Posturing lan-

guage. Richard Wright elegizing his
father's lost years in a cotton field
means so much more to me than all
the rant of the Black Panthers. I wish
Paul had written a WIN article about
his own father's years in Jamestown's

di

p,

ol

at

t6

ci

st

t€

al

K

pr

st
pl

al

hi
di
ol
di

s€

ct

so

m

mills (our mutuar home), fighting

arth-

The psychoanaryticar Meaning

of His- eral knowledge of Afro-American
his_
-so t.d bop in between
tory, the book falls far short of any
meetings or
new historical insights as such; how_
paste-ups or demonstrations,
ani te, oi' *,"i, rofty reappriisar of western ever,
Kovel admits that all his sources
him that he was not where it was
at society. Kover has drawn a great dear are from
anymore, that Literature was
secondary materials. He has
deser- from the phirosoph icar positions in selected
vedly dead, that whatever
some
of the best known ma_
was happe- each book with a particurar
bent to- terials; e.g. Elkins on Slavery, Win_
ning now that mattered was
out in'the ward Brown. Brown states in his
inthrop Jordon's White Over Black, Han_
streets, on the march, o.r in
rock music, troduction, ,,Freud. with
his genius dlin and John Hope Franklin. So there
or in communes, or wherever.
C"r;;;'_ .no r,i, humanity, tried to keep in the appears only a
ly, it was not in clacking
citing of what most
u, , fi.io
psychoanalytical conscious_ readers in
goddamned tvpewriter aiy "*"y
Afro-American studies al"r onry the probrems
artir-iri'a ,.r, no,
of the ready know such as: The American
';r1r{";:r;:::: year, tryins to be neurotic patient, nrt ,rro ir," probtems brand of slavery wasl.unique.
2. The
blacks that did suwive the horrid paswhat eaui rearry totd me was
that ;:,I.?:::: ?i,il*r1"","";,.r:"11.i:Ti

,

he wanted to write

l'd like to

movies.

answey-..his

comment

about what matters. wn"t ."tt"ri
i
birth of the spirit. Man by **,
u ,iiri,
is born. Not by the mass. This
ii

tllr","?lr,^rl:"1:.ffi,r:fr:H

ti"or.tlcut

consequences

of

[i:[:

sage must have been hardy people. 3.
The founding fathers etched the slaverace complex into our national charac-

taking

*fr"at t caf f the general neurosis of man;;;
,,, (Brown p. t3). It is evident
io'forul and many others that Ameri_
c. .rrr.r, a national neurosis called

ter. 4. That there is an actual

and

symbolic castration of the black man,

my
and a guilt that accompanies such acts.
belief. I must be some heretic
r, Wtit IJ.i., .no the decaying effects have 5.
That there exists a relationship be_
For me, true freedom is strict sub..i""
,"
the bottom of the body poritween
sexuality and racism. 6. That
yissi?n to tansuage. tmpnasis Wiits ;:"
one
must
the deeds of the poor..Deprivarl,
understand the sadistic
i
Kovel opens with, ,,racism far from
moralism of rural Calvinistic Christibest set forth in simole i"rai. or"i
neing the simple delusion of a bigoted
anity.
the potitical

writer tries to influence IIO',nnor.n,
minority, is a set of behe fails. We sho-uld t"r"n, i""i
il"i, *hor. structure arises from the
and speak bY examole',-ltv^oe1c.e is.1tv
;;;;"" revers of our rives-from the
light and God is the fire- As John
wes- t.ori. of assumptions we make about
ley ays, I set myself on fire and people
itl"*orro. ourselves and others, and
come to watch me burn.
from the patterns of our fundamental
Donald Newlove social activities..,
To ,.. if,. popular

Perhaps the most useful. but again
not extremely innovative aspect of the

readers,

material, outside the psychoanalytical,

but related to it, are Kovel,s definitions and distinctions of the types of

,,put
Jargon, Kovel has
it all together.,,

white Racism: A

psychohistory

Joel Kovel
Pantheon Books
"Racism is a disease, a historical
ill.

disorder

p.

232
It

of the

historicar serf

a
. . ."

I
!

Litn#ffi"H:*j:il.lfJl?:l:

iile stages of existence, about currents
in Western culture, religious customs,

t

o

national character and the entire meta_

historicar "geist" that constitutes mod_

ern man. He has resorted to

#\&

using

is not new to mix the disciprine famiriar hypotheses rrom Freud,s
civi_

of history and psychoanalysis. ln an lization and its Disconients- and Max
ancient tradition, established by Haea- weber's sociology of the protestant
taeus. heconceived of a union of medi- Reformation. No
doubt many schol-

cal research and history for an under- arly readers of the book will
criticize
standing of man. Freud, centuries ra- him for his sometimes flippant
use of
ter, followed by combining medicine these major ideas, but it i, al*.y,
.nand historical-cultural studies. Dr. Joel gaging to watch how Kovel
departs
Kovel, director of medical education from the formulations to fix
the ideas
progranis in psychiatry at Albert Ein- into his particular psyctroanatyticat
stein college of Medicine, has em- position. For readers'who are ;;i
i;_
ployed history, and psychoanarysis in miriar with Freudian
psychoanaryticar

study of racism. Kovel, a young man. terminology, the Ooot
may be
has taken on a task that even Freud confusing.-'and for trrose
wno rrave
did not attempt until later years: that littleorno interestin Freud or psycholof psychoanalyzing the cultural foun- ogy it
be downright annoying.
-wilr
dations of Western civilization.
But the Freudian
paradigirs that Kovel
By now, two books are at least uses are more cultural-historical than
serniclassics in this_genre, Herbert Mar- medical-analytical and
thus it is possi-

.*.
15r

]

a

cuse s Eros and Civilization: A phito- ble to gain many new
insights from
sophical lnquiry into Freud and Nor- the study.
man o. Brown's Life Against Death: speaking as a historian, with gena

Doncld f,ewlove
hos written

one hell of o novel
obout o demonic
Eost Villoge poinrer.
trHT PAINIER GABRIII,
$6.95, now or your booksrore

reIr
27

lr

racism: dominative, aversive and meta-

Kovel includes some literary criti-

Dominative racism is related to the
phallic and oedipal aspects of our ego
structure, or that infantile stage when

the individual is openly

possessive

about what is his. Dominative racism
gave way in the evolution of our history to aversive racism.
Kovel compares aversive racism to
that stage in human development
when the all important personal matters are forced aside for the demands
and options of the larger society. lt is

at this

stage that the black man is
with filth and untouchable
anal defecation. Kovel is struck, as I
equated

am, by the practice of using

anal

words and symbols to identify people:

smelly hippies,

dirty

Reds, boogies

with mucus) and a host of
such anal terminology are familiar
examples in the culture.. This aversion
to "dirt" and the actions which accompany it are a form of anal sadism and
(associated

comprise the nexus of aversive racism.
Kovel and Norman O. Brown follow
this thesis into an entire cultural patter n.

I think it

is important

to mention

another study of recent importance
that d.iscusses this same matter in differeirt and somewhat more understandable terms. The book is The Pursuit
of Loneliness: American Culture at the
Breaking Point by Philip Slater. He
contends that America has an interesting practice that he labels the "Toilet
Assumption" and explains it as folThe Toilet Assumption-the notion
that unwanted matter, unwanted
difficulties, unwanted complexities
and obstacles will disappear if they
are removed from our immediate
field of vision . . .Our approach to
social problems is to decrease their
visibility: out of sight, out of mind.

This is the real foundation of racial
segregation, especially

its most

ex-

treme case, the lndian 'reservation.'
The results of our social efforts has
been to remove the underlYing Problems of our society farther and far-

cism and interpretation by examining
such novels as Light in America, the
Heart of Darkness and Moby Dick.
This really adds nothing to his thesis,
except to confirm some of the cul-

tural bias.
Finally there is Kovel's metaracism.
"Metaracism is, then, the pursuit of
consciously non-racist behavior in the

of furthering the destructive
work of culture." One must know
interest

something about Freud's Civilization
and its Discontents and Herbert Marcuse's One Dimensional Man in order

to follow

K.ovel's position on inetaracism. Freud was convinced that man
would (must) repress more and more

for the sake of the development of
Western-technological culture and
that repression includes the sense for
life (Eros) itself. Marcuse is concerned
with the mob,ilization of "everybody"
into the corporate-capitalistic state and
the state's ability to stabilize all dis-

Let me take two examples.
My Prez

of whom
else can

I

say

that
when he does
something good
there is
a bad reason for

I

I

it

a

(

t

Letter to the Editor: Revised

f

Dear Sir: do you remembe{
those happy oldtime riots
when they burned
and stoned
and stayed

a

a

u

o

mainly in
the faraway
part of
town

U

?

It would

be unfair to take parts out

sent into its control. ln short, Freud,
Mar0use and Kovel feel that the "system" has become more important
than the individual and metaracism is

the longer poems, for these are compact constructions, not to be tampered

another white cultural imperative.

ciais. Some sound almost like official
statements until one is caught up with
the final line. Through tl-re book runs
despair as well as atrger, as in
I\towadays: I wake in the morning/
with a stone in my head/ a stone in my
heart/ stones for legs/ and I/ walk.
The book is dedicated to the constitution of the United States, a doc-

This should help blacks and white get
a fix on rhe black cultural movement
and to understand the government's

reaction to it. What it all means is a
well organized, planned society. ln
science fiction jargon it relates to robots and in the cultural conditioning

of

Western society

it

means punctual.

orderly, clean, white, reliant, abstractions cal led "citizens".

lf Kovel is correct, the implications
are clear: namely a cultural and political revolution. But this is not

the

point of the book. Kovel has constructed a rational explanation that ought
to put an end to the historical nit-picking about what began when, and
what part of the South or North did
this or that. lt is a bold book and cannot be taken liqhtly.

-Terry Ripmaster

ther from daily experience and daily consciousness and hence to decrease .the knowledge, skill, resources and motivation necessary to

lllustrated hy John Gerbino

deal with them.
Perhaps these labels

100 pages, paperback, $2.95

for racism and
behavior are too schematic for many
and too deterministic for others, but
one has only to turn to the realities
of black-white relationships in Ameri2A

book" on pornography in high places.

ca to find working examPles.

racism.

The Nixon Poems
Eve Merriam

Atheneum Press

Eve Merriam continues the good
fight with the brilliant help of her illustrator, John Gerbino, who really merits
equal billing in this attractive "attack

with. Some are "found" poems, made

of pfficial news releases or

commer-

ument presentlY more menaced bY
Nixon/Agnew/Mitchell than by fire
bombs in the outer districts. The po
ems are not just on Nixon, but on us
all, on the culture that in its perhaps
closing days gave us a choice between

Humphrey and Nixon (and may the
badder man win). .Eve Merriam has

b

p

tl

b

o
c

b

s1

d

tl
b
n

zl

H

always used poetry as a weapon, the
book is Brechtian in that sensc, and

t(

contemporary. Archeologists may one
day find her writing heipful in piecing

sl

together what went wrong.
--David McReynolds

o

ui

ar

fe

fa

cl
y(

-Ti
'

systems such as M I RV and ABM.

and search anywhere without a warrant.
Quebec-Presse, the mass circulation
tradeunionist weekly, on October l7
printed a list of Ouebec citizens who

have called for massive civil resistance
against the War Emergencies Act. The

only public protests reported to date
have taken place in Vancouver, in the
f

ar-west.

ln view of the above situation, lJ.S.
draft resisters who have chosen Cana-

chairman, Siddiq Moidin Koya, upheld
the delegates'right to protest under the

Edvard Hambro, president of the
UN General Assembly, who along with
Secretary General U Thant, received
the declaration, characterized the laur_
eates' initiative as unique. The presen_
tation marked the start of what the

that its' purpose is to "advance

Assembly has designated, hopefully,
the Disarmament Decade,

They acted after the Conference,s
organization's charter which declares

economic and social welfare
non-self-govern ing territories,

"

of

the
the

as

The five signers are Rene Cassin.
Phillip Noel-Baker, Lord Boyd Orr,

As they left the hall, lolu Abbil of
the New Hebrides was expressing his
sympathy with delegates from other
islands who oppose the A-tests. Ro_

Linus Pauling, and Lester pearson. All

but Lord Boyd Orr were present for
the ceremony.

postpone their journey
until the present hysteria on the part
of the Canadian government subsides.

mauld Allain. a member of the Territo_

Although this was the first such

rial Assembly of French Polynesia, told
how France had ignored totally the As_
sembly's opposition to the tests.

tion at the UN it was not the first time
that Nobel Prize winners had joined in

J.P.

-J.P.

da, are urged to

WAH SONGS NO LONGEB POPULAR
IN ISRAEL
Though the Middle East is on the
brink of war, war songs no longer are
popular in lsrael, reports Dalia Heller,

who edits the "Hit parade" for the
State Radio. Of the 20 top tunes on
the Hit Parade for the week of September 20-27, none were war songs. Eight

of them dealt with soldiers, but they

were about individuals, love and places-not about the "glories" of battle.
"War songs were popular a year ago
but people are now fed up with them,"

said

M

iss Heller. "Composers

have

stopped writing them and singers don't

want to perform them any more."
lnterest in war books also has dwindled, reports Moshe Brilliant. Last year
the best sellerswere picture albums and
books about the 6-day war. They are
now outsold by Hebrew translations of

"Portnoy's Complaint" and the Solzhenityn novels. This year's original
Hebrew books are memoirs, political
volumes and novels which have nothing

to do with the war.
He adds that most cu rrent stage
shows also are remote from the war situation.

Henry Nettre, the French

delegate,

and his assistant, Jean Louis Esmond,
walked out of the South Pacific Con-

in Fiji

on September 21 al"ter

failing to prohibit protests over the nu_
clear tests in French Polynesia this
year.

an anti-war declaration. Linus pauling
recalled that in 1966 eight Nobel laure_
ates had joined in a declaration urging

President Johnson to initiate a cease"The Pentagon said today that it fire and a negotiated settlement of the
would start using computers and cash "tragic conflict" in Vietnam. -J.P.
rewards in dealing with deserters and
servicemen who go AWOL." said a
FREAK OUT FORT KNOX
UPI dispatch from Washington SepAbout a month ago some fellow
tember 19.
freaks and I gathered ourselves and
"New regulations, signed August headed down to Fort Knox, Kentucky.
24 bV the Deputy Secretary of De- We were visiting a few of our friends
fense, David Packard. for the first time who are imprisoned within the walls

of fear that rule the atmosphere there.
When we arrived we were sort of
hanging our heads out of the car window trying to f igure out just what was
going on. Well. l've seen people give
peace and power signs before, but Fort
Knox was like the land of the continuous replay. When we got deep within the Fort we were rather lost, so
helpful M.P. drew us a map to our

brought all branches of the armed forc-

a unified system for handling deserters and those absent with-

es under

out official leave," a Pentagon spokesman said.

"The regulations set up a $15

cash

for the apprehension and detention of absentees, deserters or esreward

caped prisoners, They also set a reward

of $25 for

anyone capturing and re-

friend's barracks. John (who's applying

turning to the military an absentee or for conscientious objector
'

deserter.

"Mr. Packard said a computer link
would be established between each
branch of the service and the FBI's
national crime record system."
_J.P.

J.P.

FRENCH EXIT OVEB FAILUHE
TO BAR A.TEST PROTESTS

ference

AND NOW COMPUTERS
TO HUNT DESEBTEHS

ac-

FIVE NOBEL PRIZE WINNEBS
UHGE END OF ABMS BACE
Five Nobel Peace Prize recipients in
a public joint declaration on Septem.
ber 21 called upon the U.S. and the

Soviet Union to halt and reverse the
armaments race and, as a f irst step, to
declare a moratorium on'development
and deployment of nuclear weapons

status)accep-

ted us with a smile that showed us his
conscience was strong. He was not allowed to leave for about five hours so

we toured the base on foot.

I didn't
know this before, but freaks just don't
go and walk around Fort Knox too often. As we walked across the green
lawns among the buildings that were
barren of souls, we met a crowd of soldiers. They all started whistling, screaming. waving, and digging. Sure, we got
hassled a little, but there are more brothers than not. We walked up to them
and a man immediately told us to get

off the grass and state our intentions.
Who was this man? We thought he was
sort of wierd, so we told him that we
were here to see what our tax dollars

were up to. He told us to go back to
John's barracks. We found a place to
sit and scrawled peace symbols on
some rocks, rapped with numerous
soldiers and brothers, and had a good
time answering all the lifers' witty
callsof baby and sweety pie while they
drove by. One thing I noticed was the
spontaneity of togetherness that came
about just with the appearance of a few
freaks. Man, if people start to visit
military posts (a taxpayers privilege)
we can get our brothers together for
the better of all mankind.
-Edward Skurti

ALASKAN IND!ANS
ln 1867

and dramatize (guerrilla theater) them.
We need people who are willing to
make a commitment to the project,
and who are willing to take the risk in-

volved

in forming a family in

ways

that may not have been tried before.

Anyone who would like to talk
more about the project can call us at
212-228-0450, or come by the WRL
office-ask for Mike of Norm. lf you
can't join the bus, but are interested in
seeing what we put together write us a
letter and we'll try to get to see you.
NEW MEXICO OBGANIZER JAILED
Sieg Martinez, one of two coordina-

tors

of

WRL-Southwest was arrested

DEMAND LAND

Friday October 16 by military police.

Russia sold us Seward's fol-

Last spring Sieg resigned f rom the New

ly tor 7.2 million dollars.

Mexico National Guard and

began

The Aleuts,
working full time with WR L-Southwest.
lndians and Eskimos received nothing.
Soon after his resignation Sieg was orAfter years of struggle, the Senate has dered by the Selective Service to report
finally offered Alaska's original inhabi- for induction which he refused. Betants a billion dollars cash and ten mil- cause of the induction order, it was
lion acres of land.
believed that the New Mexico NatioThe lndians want land, not moneY. nal Guard had dropped him from the
The Alaskan Federation is demanding Guard's roles. Apparently this isn't so.
'
The arrest by MilitarY Police oc'
a settlement of 40 million acres, ten
curred while other WRL-Southwest
percent of the land.
Ramsey Clark, principal lawyer for people were in Denver for a meeting
the lndians through the usual senile with Danilo Dolci. While this may have
been coincidental some people associamachination of government lndian regwith WRL-Southwest think that
ted
ulation, views the offer as generous
the arrest was ordered when Sieg was
and encourages them to accept it. One
alone in order to avoid a confrontation
lndian responded, "The native people with people sympathetic to his cause.
have never had money. But they have To date friends of Sieg and members
always had land and have gotten by of WRL-Southwest have been prevenwith little money .lf we lose the ted from visiting and books they've
lan"d we will lose our people. Our cul- left have been returned. Sieg's civilian
ture is tied to the land. lf the land is lawyer has also had difficulty in gettaken from us our culture will be killed ting to see him.
By using the trial as a platform Sieg
and we will be forced to live like all
may be able to inform other Clricano
others, dependent on a cash economy,"
youth about the nature of the military.
-Good Times News Service, UPS This of course means that money is
needed to undertake a vigorous politiEXPERIMENTAL COMMUNITY
defense. Sieg's arrest has been a
cal
PBOJECT SEEKS PEOPLE
great blow to WRL-Southwest. TheY
Four people are needed to abandon need your encouragement and money
past ties (if such exist and develop a to continue.
moving-experimental community. We
Send money and letters of suPPort
will travel to many of the less popular to the Sieg Martinez Defense Fund,
places in this country to talk with peo- c/o WRL Southwest, 116-8 Hermosa
ple about issues (draft-tax-war resis- S.E., Albequerque, N.M. 87 108.

tance, women's liberation, repression
of dissidents, education) and develop
a cr'eative, nonviolent direct response
intended to alter the conditions that
created the problems. We need people
who are conversant with many issues,
and who are ready to
.research ,expose,

30

"Law n' Order" Smith, the Senator
who talks like a Sheriff. He spoke to
2,500 people dripping with money at
a $250 a plate banquet in the Conrad
(Remember the Convention!) Hilton.

Up North, on the edge of Old Town,

Adlai Stevenson ll l, tlre "radic-lib"
candidate, had a 99d dinner with 4,000.
Meanwhile, across from the Hilton in

Grant Park (best known for its tulips

and tear gas) the United Tell-lt-ToAgnew Committee held a rally at
which about 1,000 turned out to hear
Sid Lens who read a People's lndictment of Spiro the Spewer of Spurious
Spluttering, Father Bill Hogan frcm
the Nonviolent Training and Action
Center, Ginger Mack of Welfare Rights,

Ortez Alderson of Gay Liberation

(al-

so one of the Pontiac Four), plus
spokesnren from Student Mobe, Vets
for Peace, and Rank and File Commit*Richard Chinn
ee.

WOMAN WHO BLOCKED

INDUCTION CENTER BUS
IS FINED $2

Mrs. Robert Vernon. a Dubuque
physician's wife, who on September
22 parked her car behind a bus bound
for the Des Moines induction center,
and then stood in front of it, herself,
has been

fined $2. Judqe Frank Gilloon

attributed the minimal fine

Checks should be made payable to

to

"the

courage she displayed" and to the fact

that she has been "a law abiding citizen in the past."

Though the fine was onlY $2, Mrs.
Vernon said she would appeal the conviction to the Dubuque District Court.
ln the mun.icipal court trial, slre argued
her own case on the basis that the
Vietnam war is illegal. After being carried away by police from irr frrlnt of
the bus, she had beer r charged witi'r refusing to obey an officer and interfering with an of ficer's duties.
Mrs. Vernon has been a ParticiPant
in Dubuque's S-year-old weekly peace

vigil, featured in a story about

long-

time WR Ler, Lou ise Halliburton, in the

July-August WRL

NEWS.

--J.P.

BERRIGAN SERMON SNUFFED

SOUTHWEST.
-J.C.
A civit suit was fited this week in
,
the Federal District Court of Cor-rnectiCHICAGO "GBEETS" AGNEW cut on behalf of Fathers Daniel and
spiro T. was in the windy city Philip Berrigan atrd for all of the
"share

WRL

october 19 to raise money for

Ralph

21,000 federal prisotrers who

with them a common desire for

hu_

mane constitutional treatment within
prisons.

war tax

"

The suit developed out of requests

for

sermons, live

or taped, by

the

Berrigans to be delivered to congregations around the time of Yom Kippur and the feast of St. Francis of

Asisi, who is dedicated

o

resistance

to works of

peace. The requests, many by promin-

ent Rabbis and theologians, were denied by the Danbury authorities.
Plaintiffs in the suit were charging
that the Federal Bureau of prisons as
a matter of policy violates first amend-

ment rights of prisoners, and specifically the rights to "speak, write and
disseminate ideas" and "to practice
their religion in a full and meaningful
way."

ln their sermon the

Berrigans de-

scribed themselves as "prisoners of

peace

or

hostages

of war

men

without a country for the duration of
our sentences." "We dare to speak for
prisoners everywhere, political or
otherwise. Like ourselves, they are
voiceless, silenced, oppressed, treated
as men who have no human stature

dr dignity."

Fathers Daniel and philip Berrigan
are serving sentences of 3 and 6 years
respectively for destruction of draft

files. Both participated in the napalm
burning of draft records in Catonsville,
Maryland, in May, 1968. Father philip
Berrigan also participated in the earlier
of files in Baltimore, by

destruction

pouring blood on them. Other

par_

ticipants in these acts of protest against
the Vietnam war were also convicted.
David Eberhardt, George Mische, Father Thomas Melville, Marjorie Melville,
John Hogan, Thomas Lewis are serving
sentences. Mary Moylan is
sought by the FBl.

still

being

Attorneys representi ng the Berrigans

are: Marjorie Gelb of West Hartford;

and Wm. C. Cunnrngham, S.J., Wm. J.
Bender, Morton Stavis, and Wm. M.
Kunstler of the Center for Constitutional Rights in New york.
-Paul Mayer

G.I. COUNSELING
SERVICES
FOR LEBAL HAsSLES
ANo RESISTANtrE INFo

339 LAFAYETTE STREET
NEW YORK, N. Y. 1 Otr1 2
212,533-Etg2rl
FREE TO SERVICEMEN

Sally Buckley, from the War Tax
Resistance Center in Minneapolis, was
arrested September 23, 1g7O for "will_
fully supplying a false and fraudulent
statement of withholding exemptions.,,
Her trial date is November 3.

Sally claimed "other members of

the Human Family (Asians, Servicemen
and so on)" as dependents on her W_4
Form. She sent a letter to her employ_
er and IRS that said her "responsibility
tothe lawsof God and human morality
are guides of conduct which supercede
the man-made rules and regulations of
' the lnternal Revenue
Service."
Sally will plead Not Guilty. She did

not commit a fradulent act. She told
them what she was doing. Her lawyer
has been in contact with Jim Shea,s
lawyer (Jim Shea was sentenced to a
year in jail on September 24 for filing
a false claim of 20 income tax exemp-

tions. He is appealing.)

During the last week in October,
I RS posted a sign at David and Janet

Hartsough's home in Washington, D.C.
which read "WARNING-United States
Government Seizure-This property
seized for nonpayment of internal re_
venue taxes, by virtue of levy issued

had their phones shut off in Lewisburg,
Pa. They are presently trying to get
them back. lt is a small independent
phone company that feels the tax must
be paid. The ACLU in Harrisburg, pa.
have been contacted. They said they

wou ld investigate.

One phone tax resister has had her
off in Etna, California.
Again, it is a small independent phone

phone shut

company.

There have been other actions
against war tax resisters which means
that, however small, the war tax resis_

tance movement has begun to affect
the government. We must not let them
scare us. Now is the time to organize.
During November demonstrations

at phone companies will take place in
Ann Arbor (November 1Oth) phila_
delphia (November 16th; the equivalent of the war tax will be given to the"
Black Economic Development Conferfor a draft counseling center they
operate in N. Phila.); New york City
(Tuesday, November 17th, 195 Broadway-corner Broadway and Fulton),
the equivalent of the war taxes will be
given to the United Farm Workers Orence

ganizing Committee-UFWOC

(l 1:30
by the Director of lnternal Revenue. AM to 1:30 PM).I
All persons are warned not to remove
The Roxbury War Tax Scholarship
or tamper with in any manner under Fund, a fund
started by a group of
severe penalty of law." The IRS stated
Roxbory, Mass. citizens as an alterna_
That the Hartsough's owed them tive to paying taxes
that would be
$38.22.
x
used to support the Vietnam War now
The Hartsoughs do not pay their has 125 members.
They have over
phone tax. They have also arranged
$25,000 in refused telephone and inwith the FCNL (Dave is program Sec_ come taxes on
deposit in an escrow
retary for the Friends Committee on account
at Black owned Unity Bank
National Legislation) nor to withhold where
the principal helps to build black
51 .6% of his income tax. He explained
economic power. The interest pays for
to IRS that while FCNL had not with_ scholarships
goes

held that amount. they had paid them
from its own budget. FCNL paid IRS
in full, which means that 4g.g% has
been paid twice and IRS owes them
about $250.
IRS returned the house. They are
still pressing the Hartsoughs to pay
$15 in phone tax.
Two more phone tax resisters have

and

projects.

to

worthwhile

There are 158 War Tax Resistance
Centers across the country. Write for
the one nearest you. RESIST.

-Bob Calvert

War Tax Resistance
339 Lafayette St.
New york, N.y. 10012

(212) 477-2970 or 777-5560
3I

America in a form that is very interesting.
The conjunction of sketches of America with
dense compacted intellectual speculation is
very exciting and to our minds when it
doesn't succeed it is because it is a new form,
not yet mature and full. But to characterize
it as fragments of potential works is a sad
myopia we would do well to overcome. We
would be anxious to read Fred's thoughts on
Marxism, anarchism and social change whenever he feels them full enough. But our expectation is that there may not be time for
all to wait until the maturity of their vision

It

is especially hard to begin a corresponwith brothers and sisters in a letter of
disappointment. We have not slowed down
dence

enough before to write you our good feelings about WIN. More than any other movement magazine it extends the sense of community combined with careful and perceptive articles We use it and urge others on the
West coast to subscribe. The unfortunate occasion for this letter are the reviews of
Goliath and Carry It On-SepL 15.
Given the state of the movement generally, looking more and more like the culture
from which it came, there is now, as ever, a
deep need for penetrating and complex understanding of what we are struggling with.
Goliath is one attempt. We certainly don't
feel it is the major work of the year. But it
does grapple with a new way of seeing, and
it seems to us to be a fresh and porverful way
of doing so. A tough radical critique of
Goliath would do great service to David and
many others who have been moved by the
book. And of all places we might have expected to see such a critique WIN seemed
most likely. But Fred Rosen's dismissal of
the book because it does not fill terms set
up by Fred (ignoring David's own terms) and
the flippant dismissal of David's "yeoman's"
service to the movement serves nothing but
fragmentation and confusioru
Some of the points raised and questions
asked in the review are important. We would
be interested to explore personally with Fred
the particulars of our likes and dislikes of
Goliath if he is interested. In general, however,
one of the most exciting things about Goft'ath wLs its beginning attempts at a new language to deal with the complex problems we
are all engaged with. Nonviolence, anarchism,
imperialism, socialism, capitalism are encrusted with historical use; they mean many
things to many people and in particular they
bring fear and blank minds to millions of
people who must be part of the revolution.
To use these words necessitates, it seems to
us, very carefully building a reality to which
the words, in American ways, correspond
(the culture(s) of America as opposed to the
American state).
Goliath is a joumal of thoughts about

broad battery of issues. Isn't there a tendency
to dissipate energy over a hundred issues
rather than to channel it one direction (at a
time) and possibly solve one problem &
point the way for change in the connected
directions?
Also, SWP's play seems to throw askew
the movement's vaunted 'solidarity'. I know
the American Society of Anarchists, for
instance, has been asking some hard quev
tions of itseif regarding support of other
movement groups whose tactics & aims seem
at variance with ours. The question boils
down to: can an anarchist support individuals
whose aim is to seize power, when his/her
to put forth their ideas. And that even
aim is the dissipation of that power? Another
though our thoughts may be tentative and
item which bothers me considerably, since I
incomplete, in collective with other tentative have a working class background,
is the comand incomplete thoughts they may become
plete lack of emphasis on working-class proba living comprehensive theory of a nonviolent lems & a complete disdain for 'hard-hatanarchistic, socialistic, brotherhood/ sistertype'persons, in so many movement groups.
One of the biggest offenders (attested to by
hood of all living beings.
The review of Carry It On is much harder female members of the Society) seems to be
women's liberation, whose meetings resemto deal with than that of Goliath-becatse
ble Socialist teas where middle-class women
there is so little substance to it. It is hard to
whine about their privileges and do nothing
understand why energy was spent in writing,
to translate those privileges into fulfitlment
typing or laying out a review which comment: of their "demands"-day care centets, etc.
"I wonder what Miss Baez ever saw in him." My information is limited to local groups, and
Even if the film were atrocious there is such
perhaps some groups of women are doing
a frightening lack of pacifist films on the
their thing rather than demanding other people, usually the government, of a1l things, do
theatrical circuit (not to mention any other
it. I'd be interested in learning about these
media), and those which claim to be pacifis
groups.
tic appeal to the pornography of violence
We in the Society do our best but are findPaul Goodman wrote so well of, that, even
ing it increasingly difficult to clench our
were it bad, Carry It Ott would be exciting to
fists in support of hot air. Perhaps, SWP's
have around. And it is, despite its flaws, quite action
should be welcomed as a salvo which
a good film. David and Joan speak directly
will, in the long run, prove healthful to it,
and forcefully; the film does not exploit
separate those in love with revolution for its
them as it would have been so easy to do. It
own sake regardless of how the revolution
relates to the real needs of America and the
is carefully with them in their weaknesses
world, from those who are striving to pre
and strengths and as they deal with their
failures and successes at living the revolution. vide a significantly more wholesome envhonment for individuals to realize their potential
As with Fred we would be glad to share with
without exploitation of others. A society, an
Martin the specifics of our thoughts on the
alternative society isn't constructed in a day,
film, either in WIN or privately. But whatever even if that day is one of bloody destruction
we do it should be to build real things and
of the old. It is a slow process, which we all
real possibilities for change.
know to be filled with frustration and despair.
Carry It On and other films WIN folks
But we cannot allow this to push us into
impetuous rage for if we do, what we conand others might choose to be part of have
struct will devour us and poison our ,;::#;O
the potential of speaking to millions of
people usually ignored or feared or hated by
the movement, And if we don't get on speaking to those millions, and if we don't help
others to speak gently and urgently to them
there will be no revolution; there will be no
thing but more frustration and terror and
oppression. In the face of that task there is
much more to do than exchange snide personal remarks under the banner of brotherhood or love.
Will Swenson, Jgnis Labao, Ellyn Bader,
Elmont Honea, Lee Swenson,
Carol Swenson, Jane Schulman
Dave McReynolds' lengthy musings on
the SWP & Trotskyists in general (Oct.1)
brings to mind a number of things the movement should be concerned with. It also raises
questions we seem to constantly evade answering. Dave says SWP'guts'the movement by
concentrating on a single issue. I tend to agree,
save I wonder how far we're getting with a

Arlington,

Va.

Here inside tne Oregon State Penitentiary
about 5 of us are active, within the limits
imposed upon us, in the ecology thing. We're
limited as to what we can do, but we've contacted and met some real beautiful people.
What we are lacking in is literature and
material on the whole ecology picture; over-

crowding, abortion, environment pollution,
Indians, socio/political action etc. We are
primarily education oriented and would appreciate any and all responses to our request.
We need material, books, articles, hlms, publications, especially from the UPS. We would
also like to explore the possibilities of meeting with outside groups with similar
interests.
Peace, love, ecology and other natural things
c

I o D w w a h t s tr o m,, o !riil';ril,{"ii!,
"
2605 State St. (Oregon
State Penn)
Salem, Oregon 97310

we see as hypocrisy the extravasant cerebration of Christmas when there is no peace
on earth. So our group feels it is time for a
Christman boycott. We are not going to buy
presents this year, nor ate we going to re.

;'j:;:Lt.:fi'rrilr: ii

t*i,

YH.i1'l'Ii,"

attitude that came icross in the article, as
typified by the kind of rhetorical revolutionism in the statement "It (the rally)
served to point out the absence of true
ceive them. We will do without decorations, revolutionary love for the people, as they
and may be fasting on Christmas day instead claimed by their action." Further, the
.,political immaturity", ,'elitism",
of feasting.
charges of
.'parochialism", and ..organize, don,t burInstead of spending, we will work for

for them not to do so rvhen some in the
movement are unable to criticize other
actions of other branches of the move- .
ment constructively. to rteognize the good
points with the bad. Further, when some
people cannot understand the necessity

for

secrecy

in order for draft

fi1es

to

be

destroyed and for people to claim responsibility at a time and place of their own
choosing, I believe those people are too
peace on earth by giving our money to help
hung up on "openness", and not enough
glarize,, are all too unclear (but unfortumake amends for the suffering we have caused nn1g1y all too familiar), and do litile to
hung up on trying to save lives.
such as giving our time to stop the war. We are fling about a serious discussion of these
What I am trying to say, as clearly as
calling for people to put peace back in Christ- actions. Most important, and I mean this
possible, is that (1) criticism of all move
mas-what better way to observe the birth of sincerely, the use bf such rhetoric makes
ment activities is important-it should lead
Christ than to bring an end to the war this
it that much more difficult to realize the to a healthier, more alive movement; (2)
year'l
that criticism should not degenerate into
valid criticisms for what they are.
We are counting on college groups to do
I am sure that the Delaware action and rhetorical mud-slinging: and t3t all of us
most of the local work. Here are some posslrould continually re-examine our own
rally, as with all such actions, probably
sible approaches for organizing the boycott:
lives and decide whether or not they are
offended some people. It is very difficult
l. Contact local clergy-many should be rebeing lived in a manner which reflects the
ceptive to taking commercialism out of
rror of our times.
-Ted Glick
Christmas and putting peace back in.
2. Organize picket lines at department stores
and shopping centers.
3. Db guerilla theater on the sidewalk in front
of large stores. Dramatize the horrors of war
or the contradictions in the thinking of the

military.
4. Leaflet at high schools, train stations, churches and shopping centers.
5. Urge fellow students not to go home for
vacation unless their pafents agree to participate in the boycott.
We welcome any criticism and suggestions
readers might have of this proposal.
Westport Citizens for Peacc
P.P. Box 207 Saugotuck Station
Westport, Conn. 06880

I would like to respond to the article
in the October I issue of WIN in which
the draft file action and the surfacing rally in Delaware were, to put it mildly,
criticized. I must first of all say that it is
very difficult to respond in a rational way
to the points .made because of the large
amount of half-truths, distortions, open
lies, and vituperative rhetoric employed by
the author. But because I do feel very
strongly that what the movement needs is
more tolerance for different viewpoints
coupled with a constant discussion of the
pros and cons of various activities, I will

attempt to make this article that way.
It is extremely difficult to know where
to begin. Should I talk about the politics
of draft board actions our "political immaturity", our "elitism", our "superstar"
nature, our "burglarize" tactics-or should
I take the distortions and errors and omissions of the article one by one? For example should I refute the statement that
there were only 25 Delaware people at the
rally-there were more businessmen and
workers listening (or aren't they people)
than there were out-ot--towners. Or should
I mention the fact that, according to confidential sources close to the action, 2,000
letters were mailed to all the registrants
whose files were liberated, telling them of
draft counselors in their area (who were
contacted before the mailings) and explaining the reasons for the action (organizing?). Or should I bring up the fact that

the state Delaware did not meet its draft
quotas for the months of (at least) July,
August, and September?
These are corrections

of the factual

Fake Maiijuana
What do you do with a

2I

inch

high lifelike reproduction of
a real marijuana plant that

costs you 2 bucks? Well, let
us tell you what the American
Civil Liberties Union is doing

with the profits from

each

sale.

Every penny of profits helps
fund the Marijuana Civil

Liberties Project, a coordi.
nated national effort which is
now working

test

to

legally con.

unconstitutional mari.

luana laws, legally

defend

people facing prison and yail
terms under such laws, and
appeal cases to higher courts.
For just $2.00 (and that includes postage) you'll not
only be getting a good-looking
plastic grass plant, in natural

shades of green, but you'll
also be helping to protect
your brothers, your sisters
and maybe even yourself from

repressive laws and unlust
imprisonment.

With A Real Purpose
Send $2.00 to

:

WINSTON SMITH SOCIETY lNC.
P. O. BOX 13050
PHILA., PA. I9IOl

Here's my bread:

$-for--plants.

We must have your ZIP to send your stuff.

Hllitrttji{.:'ffi
:i-i**;
OF
at 92.
W,
pEACE,
Dept.
Kitchener, Ontaiio, Canada.
We must all hang together, or assuredly

we

shall

all

hang

separately.

The Trumpet
a quiet political iournal

I year - 51

P.O. Box 232, Goleta, Catif

ot

niit

93O17

INVESTMENT CAPITAL NEEDEO
expansion of operating printing
shop sewing pacifist and other groups.

for

6% interest, repayment in 5

years.

2OO Duke St. E.,

you a bundle (as hrge or stnall

HOME NEEDED: WILL SHARE APT.
lam a bi9 black male, feline species,
sadly altered, and l'll get along well with
little people especially. No charge. My

you cqn use) od &arye
151 Wr (opy. You sell
'em for 30(. Reurn unsoL
opies for crdit. Write WIN,

as

you

exploiter: Jerry Coffin 224-o45O.
Liberated children's play group meets
Monday, 9:30-5:OO at 339 Lafayette St.
For 339 staff and volunteers. Equipment
needed (toys, blackboards, paper plates &
cups). For information call JerrV Coffin
at WRL 224-O45O.

339 Lafayette St.,

N*t

York,

N.Y. 10012 for furtlur details,

1

For information: PEACE PRESS, INC

339 Lafayette St., N.Y., N.Y.

HELP WIN
Sell WIN on your campus or in
Ww comrrutnity. We'll send

WIN classified adsreach more than 8,000
lovely, turned-on people! Advertise your
thing in WIN! Rates per ad, per insertion:
first 15 words $2; each 10 words thereafter $1. Make check or money order
payable to WIN MAGAZINE. Payment
must accompany order.

10012

REVOLUTIONARY LITERATURE
LOWEST PRICES ANYWHERE!
Mao l-setung SELECTED WORKS, 4
volumes, $5 total; Mao's QUOTATIONS
(Red Book), $.4o" Revotutionary titerature
from U.S.A., China, Albania, Vietnam and
elsewhere. ABSOLUTE LOWEST PRICES:
WE UNOERSELL EVERYBODY! PTompt
delivery. Free price list. Good (revolutionary) gift ideas. Send your name and address alonq with cash, check, or money
order to: lnternational Books, Box 622,
Bellflower, California, 9O7O6,

DIRECTORY
Directory of Communes - $i.
Directory of Free Schools -$I.
Directory of Social Change -$1.
Directory of Nudist/Sex - $1.
Directory of Personal Growth-$I.

All 5 for $4.00 ptus newspaper:
ALTERNATIYES-E6 ,1526

Gravdnstein, No. , Sebastopol, Calif.

AMAZING BUT TBUE FACTS!!

WIN Magazine is produced with very
little help from the money economy.
For instance, instead of paying a
prof.essional mailing house to mail out
magazine, the dedicated WIN staff

fie

,and friends do it right here at 339
Lafayette St. lt's a lot of work, but it's

worth it.

Besides, there's always beer.

You too can get in on the act. Just call
228-O27

O,t

or details (Beer??

!!)

-Eds.

Xl.c,
oii lwe {rrnv

ii(ie

A,liey
a

bieck. Kits

nid,
l,on(
Soon.
Call Ru,rt ax

\tN

278-aq}

i,,.H#M

f hit.{.,*t*
s@,Fux Art
?t,gl^^t,kl[,

hi\lfu,u$l'tr HttAl

5u,ll-,\tu.,l^^^n''1offi)

fi-*ffi,ift}

ffi,,
ffi

ffffI,.il*r*"t*,

I

l

l

LocaI

,,WHEN THE MODE OF THE MUSIC CHANGES'
THE 1971 WAR RES]STERS LEAGUE
PEACE CALENDAR

WRL

"Pop music ain't what it used to be, and I say hooray' . ' '

ln thole days, Woody Cuthrie mimeographed copies of

Groups
WRL-West (Western Region Offices, 833 Haight Street'

San Francisco, California 94111. (415) 626-6976
Atlanta l,lorkshop in Nonviolertce (Southern Region
Office), P.O. Box 'l4ll , Atlanta, Georgia 30309
(404) 87s-O646
WRl-Southwesl (Southwest Region office), 1 16-8 Hermosa S.E., Albuquerque, N.M. 87108. (505) 268-8811

Canton WRL, P.O. Box 8163, Canton, Ohio 44109
Akron WRL, 153 Brown Street, Akron, Ohio 443 11
(216) s3s-6783.
Albany IURL, Box 1237 , Albany, N.Y. 12201.
Boston WRL, cf o Olmsted, 28 Lawrence Street, Boston,
(611) 62t49s2
Southampton WRL,

cf

o Semkus, Box 536, Sag Harbor,

N.Y. 11963.
Manhattan Beach llRL,1014 Duncan Place, Manhattan
Beach, California 90266. (213) 31 9-031 5.
Detroit WRL, 28314 Danvers Court, Farmington, Michigan 48O24. (313) 335-0362.
Columbus WRL, 30 West Woodruff, Columbus, Ohio
43210.

Milwaukee Area Draft Information Center and WRL,
1618 West Wells, Milwaukee, Wisconsin.

li

t

AND APPOINTMENT BOOK

(ala))

342-Or9l.
Cobb County WIN, clo AWIN, Box 1477 , Atlanta, Ga.
30309. (4O4)81s-0646.
In addition to the above groups, there are about a dozen
efforts to organize local WRL's going on around the country. These are what we could call embryo WRL's and when
they reach the stage of being able to organize and work outside the WRL membership we will list them as local WRL's.
If you would like to begin organizing a local WRL or would
like information on the local WRL program please write to

-from

Spiro Agnew has made a special point of attacking this
-rii.. A [ading of the lyrics will show why "rock culture"
frightens the Vice President.
ln addition to Peter Seeger's Foreword, the 1971 Peace Calendar has:
the editing and an Afterword by Mayer Vishner who writes on
rock misic and politics for WIN Magazine and Crawdaddy
a page for every week of the Year
a facing page of lyrics of songs by the Beatles, Bob Dylan,
the nloiling Stones, and other popular groups whose music
shows coricern for a better world as well as the ioy of life
aftitude widespread amongst today's youth
commentaries on somc of these songs by Richie Coldstein,
fohn Stickney, Danny Kalb and others prominent in the
current youth culture/social change scene
a directory of peace periodicals and organizations, American
and overseas, with blank pages for notes
128 pages, 51/2" xB1/2", wire-bound and flat-opening, the
caieriiai pages of which can be removed when the.year is
over, leavin[ 3 [6rrnd volume for your permanent library'
Peace Calendar is a unique and inexpensive gift
that will be remembered every day of the year.

Ihe

$Z li;l?llTx
I enclose

$---

for--__--

of the 19n Peace Calendar
my name

the National Office.

my

address

WAR RESISTERS LEAGUE

339 Lafayette Street, New York, N'Y' 1fi)12

f

his

songs. The Top Forty wouldn't touch 'em. Even today, the
mus-ic businesiand the radio stations try to keep things under
control by plugging so-called "inoffensive" songs, a-nd screening out ''protiit"longs. But.they are being outflanked by
youth and by the ingenuity of songwriters.
"A song, after all,-is noi a speech. Like any work of art, it
bounces Sack different meanings to different people at d-ifflrent times, as life shines new light upon it. ' . . I learned a
lot reading this book of lyrics. I didnt choose the selections;
I don't agiee with a lot oi them; but I learned from them all'
"Our iountry'is as full of communication as a crowded
cocktail party. li is also full of people asking "What can I do?"
"May these songs helP us decide."
Pete Seeger's Foreword

coPies

T$TELFTH ANNUAL PEACE ASTARD

wOw
The War Resisters League, hundreds of whose members have
been imprisoned in this country over the past forty years for refusing all military service, honors on this day the men and women of

RESISTANGE IN THE UILITARY
-the

many draftees, enlisted men and wolTlen, and officers, who,

although they had put on the uniform, found themselves in growing

conflict with the authoritarian power of the military. We respect
the courage of your struggle, often lonely, often carried on despite

intimidation and at the risk of courts martial, military prison, and
dishonorable discharge. To the hundreds in stockades this day,
unable to accept this award in person, know that you are not for-

gotten. As pacifists, we believe the individual conscience must be
obeyed before the orders of any state. Tonight we celebrate our
common and dangerous belief that there are times when, to serve
the nation, one must oppose the government'

\TAR RESISTERS LEAGI-]E
FortY-seventh Annual Dinner
at the Washington Square Methodist Church, New York
November 7,1970