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I

Conflict
The l-egacy
An Es

li

f.

I

{ lr d

I

t.

\{IN
ilä-

I would like to call the attention of

iåär: ä;;;;Ëeìh"t
taken in,Israel bv someone wftõ'frar--#;üb#àäiti" äüäî tã tt Jr;tãttãts':
;äË ïf-wlNlïä*ãîõttãtt"t. ñtt;y
l"i;'ä;;# J ffi;;iä;;lhit"rii;îË"-'
ñ b"i"s.

iË$tiffiät;i;;ïñ;ñi;è;i;ãin

immoral ' ' ' " The essence of our op- .
is_ not economic or military, it's
fiãs.sion
^patriatchal,-which

Wilhetm Reich

ãefines as-the reptessio;of natural'

undifferentiated expression of
sèilalitv' rhererore I, a itraig-ht male

fr ee,

wittr anôtttre neuroses

oftheloth

Century, am as oppressed as each other
i'iõttñã¿"*
the entire world, regardless of
iläffiË;I.ä, öái;.Ñsibility, personin
sexual orientation'
gegder
or
ildih.du;;trõí
feace.
--irtänämãðiüiånew
" That'syhvly1¡
groupis
"qpalledtoreadin
issûe a fewþäggs
later, in lan
"lù;h.i;3h;ñ-nt''-(pi;üí; peace). the samereview
of the book Men'e.
Harris'
The srouo believes thät õnlv within
Jå*iiit-Ëi ¿ói;tt"ttv-tfÉrm their I4þ91*1o1, " ' ' !þergt'qis danger in ' ' '
men because
elicit(ing) symqlly
selftrood. They plan to s?¡¡e in the
ÑãÉtDd¿rd Ëópine t ;¿"-iãnãit tþv are onpresT9-.-' '-Y,"1 hay9 afte1all created this mess' and must be seen

ä,Ëù:rä;ËüoJte;,i
Thant vou for "Remembering Phil
ochs"r fwIN. 6/3/761. I'd like to
orooosei lastinc tribute to Phil Ochs.

'

week in April, Pete
Seeeer vìsited our campus at Indiana
Statë Univetsity, Evanõville for an out'
door concert and wotkshop. At the con'
cert he olaved Ochs' "Power and
D^urine the

lalt

Glorv" ãná when he finished the
inspírine sone said: "Some of You
recõeniäd thãt son¡j as belonging to
PhilÕchs. Well, Phil isn't with us any
rnore but his songs are. What a
*onderful thine lt is to write a song like
thatt I'll sine iifor the rest of my life."
Much is nów being said and written
aboutthe need for a new national
ãnthem without the violent overtones of
"Star Spangled Banner." I propose that
"Power anilGlory'? be adopted as tttb

'

iiõñi¿J¡p"il"iiõniyiome current agrilìlTät"ti'ãôtióã..;"ro äo ttti' thèy h"o¡ie
to raise än indigenous desert busli

oó¿u"es

a

subititute

thait

fo;;ñ;ltõit.

Í'hõ-||;b"ilgÏèlpã¿ it itÏr
"nãinuot
tv säientists aî S"å CuriãfÜ"i"ãiriivln
-_
ääsË;:ñtËtãJü õirõi"t - "

as

oppressors',:r::1!':9lil!-1i19:11^^

enemres
wrongheaded
"pq119l,T-.?rys
natural friends' makes
of those who are
aliens of those who are natural allies
and keep the Mo¡em-ent^divided' thus
playingintothe hands of the rulins

class.
in
Marv carroll, in a teplv to Roxanne
ãTã;-;Ë;å,i.ãíionä, ñèätth
"¡d
on this subiectover,tnree years
Dunbar
ecowell
as
as
services,
rãcreitional
eloquent than I am:
more
is
ago,
of
nomic ôDoortunities for all segments
Finally,_tñe_group "l . .we.live in a systemlhat destroys
ñaei';"pãpilËai*.
;;"mimå tfîat wheTeas not all admost of its people . . anti-male rhetoric
p""."
reminds mè ofihe people who.think
n"eðiiaUt",
is
#;ËË"e[;riitorv
they are figltfng rdcia[prejudice by.
äiËJãr¿úå
i"firi'i,i;oii,;äõËit
cailing' ' ;-wtrite peopleiacists' ' ' The
sone of choice bv all who were moved
ffi;ä?iËJ;
with
ionFard in the siruggle for constructive
Too often religious orthodoxy in Israel auerale man hai. . às much to do
iòcial chanee ut rt'"'""gj
has been tied up-øttr ttre policies of the male chauvinism as the ' ' caucaslan
S$IiKcn ääîi. i-r¡ü * IñeCäiü sñunim move- does with . . racism. . Shreiking at men
andgreat Phil ochs'

resoonsibilitv thev will cooperate

.

.

'

.

Evanrville, Ind.

.

abopt how evil they are (is)unfair to
just as
like onïõoããipôt- moit men, _who arè manipulated
numan
out
is
where
"
are
'
'
combinè
to
'
'
trying
'
'
fofthose
túni$
Ye
liberation movement?" Harris flashed
i'ää.i iîiräläeitlÇïtT tiiùïô"i
me on my father, who blamed the in*'Ë"r-åit"
information write: Harvey adequacy in himself for being out of
work during tn"_"fläËTi""StOSKy
Chertok, Garin Mashmia
Moshav.Masuot Yitzhak, D.N. Lachish
North Iong Berch' c¡Ilf'

¡1äil Thï lãtäL-.*t-uãituãrÀanized

iliü*g;r*ms

their
-

orthodoxv,

Shalom,

a"

iäffiiöüö;ilr;;i*-r;;*,
austln'

'

Texre

:

ln November the voters of America
today in the US.
as the excuse and the
\4rith
crand iurv as the weapon, the governñrent liasimptisoned Chicanos,
lesbians. Puèrto Ricans, Native
Americans, unionists, Irish Americans'
radicals and others, in order to harass
ønd/or eather intelligence. We must
defend iheir rights oiany ofus could

this

become avictim.
I also aqtee with Chuck that"'feptession should be opposed whoever sup'
oorts and financè¡ it" and as a member
õf Amnesty International I have done
so. However, the US governmentthroueh the CIA, Special Forces, etc.has uíed our tax doilars to train the
reoressive police forces ofour "allies"
iiitt nïaintain this adds to our
moral responsibilitv towatds the people

"nii

ofthose cðuntties' ifwe can't persuade
our own govetnment to change its inhumane õollaboration, who can? Letters
from Americans frighten Pinochet more
than they frighten Erezhnevt

_PEILUS ROA
Jollet, Ill.

will

tä"äïiiít äî"r-tÏãiããìãiÞìãti¿ãnt
tíüii.ir
"fti,ã-rltãt*iñiit
"irv-äiíråïî"îi"i"
õötítrolié¿'ptopugan¿"
"ü.linãty
calts itself the tte" pr"rT.Ïftãtã-ãrä-

tå

ääidñ;ïñ;ìï" F "ri¿"n"y other
ifrîiÏiääf-C;tõt;;lõ;ãi¿-Ëåiã.
Amone the Uetter ones arã-thð

Þeoples

Perhaps I should let uhl and Ensign
IWIN;6/10/761 respond to attacks on

their article andPolìtica1 perspective'
but-I feel compeÍed to do so mvself
(í) because.I'in acquainted-at lêast '
ilíghtlv with both Dave McRevnolds
anã John Acher¿nd (2)begause I'm a
nonviolent activist who believes tlat
Socialism needs to be created (and thus
cannot simply be ele.cted to power) and

Ël'*ï::$#P-"å:iÍiJisñ{tFsõiä'i"i1#lî"'å'ïliiråi""[o":'5;isl"Ë'ä:
iåäLìt,Tåä-ñJåia;Ëê;;-lgi,.l"dsocietvisawhorebvthe
workine class'-On this latter set of
McCarthv.
li'".t"ry"å'ìi"'n'l-îîå"1""*"
ülj#uiffi l"u:iåT::ff ìf$î:'Jff I'm¡ff
whose social-democratic
]jå'"iäiË'åñl ;i ËËffi-,;Ë;jd;n' activiíts
poli.tig.s (6oth are members of the

åfõärt;iã õiäri'tïõv ""ncems
sovernmentc"nrotrntfindö*õã-'socialisiParty).would.seemtobind

frãiã¿.onttolof media-," andhisstate' themtoapositionthatequates
gorernment in

ääîifãJi.ã-"tñïhät

hå

pruoiìã."t"

ä"t*ol,üffiöü;ä bffiãn;ütúã

;ff

socialism iryith a socialist

now,er (oerhaps nationalization

of

ä'"iîlîïsîgtt'¡#"--";;;'i:g*tl'"Ps.f"-ð::*!diË'r.J""'fi.

i:d*îäîi:äi:'ff,;färf,3$E lffi;Ë'li*mÏÌ åffiiffij'iJ'i*.
ffi gc#*#iiå1Ë#!i!?ål'-îirm*r*¡:n:Ë"'üïååi:å:*
tËöäpÈ-rtü |ñirä"r"îìlîã¿, ãirù,

efforts in the exercise of " popular

power"-over production, e.g. land and
factory seizures, etc.-by Portuguese '{
workers and peasants may be limited if
not defeated by 'isocialist" governments of the like McReynolds and
Acher would seem to prefer andlor by
the exercise of violent force on the part
of sectors of the Portuguese working
class and Left which might easify provoke an armed reSponse by the government andlor Right. Thus while I do not
totallyägree with the Uhl/Ensign
perspective (which seems to see an
armed struggle for power as necessary)
I find it more palatable than a perspective,,analysis, and implied çtrategy
which would logically support the
social-democratic program of the
Socialist Party of Portugal and thus the
institution of a situation where the
struggle for power is postponed fdr
never-never land and the working class
is kept at bay. This seems to be the
present situation and this has largely
been true historically ofparties associ-

atedwiththe Secondlnternational.,
Now fgr more particulars in tesponse
to McReynolds: (1) the strategy of
"peaceful transition" attributed to the
PCP and as practiced by them far from
guarantees that they will not be
"authoritarian and bureauctatic. " In
August oT 1975 the PCP and thenpremier Vasco Goncalves were
criticized from the right and the left
"for attempts to control the state apparatus" (COPCON document, as

quoted in International Bulletln, August
29, 1975). (2) That the PCP ' lmay well
favor" the armed seizute ofpower because "its leadership has been

hard-line, strongly Moscow-oriented"
suggests to me McReynold's ignorance
about the more recent political practice
of Communist parties aligned with the
Soviet Union. More often than not, in

countries where formal democratic
structutes exist, said parties have
sought the peaceful road to power
(which usually, but not always, means
reformist practice), often in opposition
to others on the left who favored a more
revolutionary (and usually violent) path.
(3) I hope that McReynold's "reservations about Soares and the Portuguese
Socialist Party" will lqad him to a
deeper analysis ofthe situation in
Portugal and an examination ofhis ass-umptions about revolutionary change.
On the former, I highly recommend (1o
all) David Plotke's "The End of the
Portuguese Empire" in Socl¡[st
Revolutlon #28 ($2.00 from Agenda
Publishing Co., 396 Sanchez, San Francisco, CA 94ll4l. It gives a good
assessment of the developments in
Portugal since the MFA has come to
power and poses quite well the problems faced by those there struggling for
a transition to socialism.
In response to John Acher: John
shows a profound ignorance ofthe
revolutionary proceis in Portugal when
he denigrates the role of the smaller
revolutionary groups. The Party ofthe
RevolutionaiyÞrolãtariat (PRP) and the

Movement of the Socialist Left (MES),
along with sections of the Armed Forces
Movement (MFA) played a signifïcant
role in the creation ofworker and
neighborhood commissions which have
exercised initiative independent of the
parties (see Intern¡tlon¡l Bulletln, Nov.
7, 1975 & Dec. 5, 1975). While both the
PRP and MES are more isolated today
(and their saner elements regrouped in
the United Soci¿list Movement-MSU,
as noted by Uhl and Ensign), their past
role should not be denied nor their
future potential underrated. The recent
outflanking on the Left ofthe PCP by
Otelo Carvahlo (who was supported by
some of these "tiny splinter groups' ')
seems to indicate at least some measure
ofthe iinportance ofgroups and personalities to the Left of the PCP.
I.hope that this exchange remains
comradely (although I sense I haven't
qúite beeir àt my bËst). I know WIÑ has
b-een too often the fïeld for acrimoniousj
debate, particularly between people
who have valued and learned from eâch
other in the past, yet would now seemingly deny their (our) interdependence.
From personal encounters and
otherwise I have come to appreciate
Dave for his.stand as a socialist and
courageous person
-Walk with the WRL, in
disputes, and more'
Contiñental
recentlv in response to Ted Howard
ÍWlN,6/24/761. I appreciate John for
his sense of humor, his respect for and
knowledge of American radical cultural
tradition and for his apt clarification
about "self-management" in the same
letter I have referred to. These latter
remarks are not meant as palliatives for
serious differences remain between us;
yet I offer them in hopes that a humane
perspective remain in our intetchanges.
I believe that WIN has beèn and will
continue as a pionedr forum for helping
to develop and offer a nonviolent and
revolutionary perspective on our world.
While the Uhl/Ensign articles have
covered only one ofthese basès, I have
found both of them informative and
useful. I hope that all ofus encourage
each other to move forward with
growing insight to develop the tools and
analysis' which are necessary for nonviolent revolution-and to use WIN as a
forum so we can learn from each other.

_TOMEDMINSTER
S¡ntrCnrz, Callf.

October

7

,1976 / Vol. Xll, No. 33

4. Addressing the Middle East

Conflict Directly / JoeCerson
12. Folíes de Lugano 1976

Eric Prokosch
14, The Legacy of the Sixties Left:
An Essay on the Life of Susan
Stern / Sandra Adickes
16. Changes
'19. Reviews

STAFF

Averill o Dwight Ernest
Ruthann Evanoff o Susan Pines
Murray Rosenblith
Peg

UNINDICTED
CO-CONSPIRATORS

¡

an Barry
Lance Belville o Maris Cakars* :
Susan Cãkars* . Jerry Coffinr . Lynne Shatzkin Còff¡n'
Ruth
Ann Davidon'r Diana Davies
:
J

.
.
.

.

Dear

Will¡am Douthard'
Ralph DiCia* BrianDoherty
Karen Durbint o Chuck Fager Seth Foldy .,
o
r
Haw!" ' r
Larry
Libby
Forest
Cara
Joan
Jim
Neil Haworth
Ed Hedemann o Grace Hedemahn
Hendrik Hertzberg* o ¡4¿6y Jezer* ¡ Becky Johnson

¡

NancyJohnson

.

o

PaulJohnson

.
¡

.

AlisonKarpel

Eliot L¡nzer*
Craig Karpel
John Kyper
Jackson Mac Low o David McReynolds*

MaryMayo . DavidMorf¡s
MarkMorris'
JimPeck . TadR¡chards . lgalRoodenko*

.

Fred Rosen
Nancy Rosen ò Ed Sanders
Wendy Schwartz*
Martha Thomases
Art Waskow o Beverly Woodward

.

*Memberof WIN Editorial Eoard

Atlantic Ave. lsth Fl.
Brooklyn, NY 11217
Tef ephone: (212)624-8337, 624-8595
503

WIN is published every Thursday except for the first
week in January, the last week in March, the second

AdÅeuhr,¡.,
DEMILITARIZED ZONES, reviewed by
Peg Averill lWlN,9/23/761, is available for
$2.95 from East R¡ver Anthology, 114 N.
6th St., Perkasie, PA 18944.
The photo of Marty lezer in the 9/30/76
issue of WIN was taken by Richard Kalvar.

week in May, the last two weeks in August, the f¡rst two
weeks in Septembei and the last week in December by

W.l.N. Magazine, lnc. with the support of the War
Resisters League. Subscriptions are $11.00 per year.
Second class postage paid at New York, NY 10001 and

additional mailing

off

ices. lndividual writers

velope:

Printed in USA
Oct. 7, 1926 WIN 3

2WlN

ft.7,

1976

are

responsible for opinions expressed and accuracy of
facts given. Sorry-manuscripts cannot be returned
unless accompanied by a self-addressed stamped en-

Addressing åk* e4*ddËæ ffiæs* frmn#f *eå #lr*e*ly
JOE CERSON

Americans deal with the conflicts of the Middle
East in a number of wavs. Some ignore the conflicts. Others are grateful that they, their friends
and people with whom they associate are ignorant
of th'e påoples and issues iñvolved. Others do their
best to forget the conflict, the peoples and their
imoortance. ln this election vear J immy Carter
anä lerrv Ford seem to be dóing a little of each,
but ihe d'emands and peoples of the Middle East
won't disappear, neither will the demands of
Palestinian'natiónalism, despite the reversals of
the PLO in Lebanon. The military, economic and
social dislocations of lsraeli society will not be
heated, and the possibility of another catastroph-.

ic-evén nucleai-war cannot

ì+
"R

be eliminated until

the needs of the peoples most directly involved in
the crises and conflicts are addressed.
Carter has condemned the Kissingerian "Lone
Ranger" foreign diplomacy. Despite his rhetoric,
andþerhaps bõcauie of a greater focus on the
North-Soulh global economic struggle rather than
on the East-West ideological one, the foreign '
policies of J immy Carter, George Ball, Cerald
Ford and Henry i(issinger are essentially the
same. They difier more in style and emphasis than
in substanée. The same is true of their approaches
to the Middle East conflict. Both candidates are
vvine for lewish votes and contr:ibutions by
pied!ing ihe¡r com-itment to lsrael. Both want to
keep nrãb oil flowing into our consumer society
and gas tanks. Both want above all to continue
openìng the markets of Cairo, Damascus,. J unieh,
iiyadh-and Tet-Aviv for Pepsi, Ford, Loc.kheed
and other American based multi-national
co¡porations.
--iñitt¡r
ãâmpaign atmosphere, few Americans
are asking cañdiðates to talk honestly about the
life and déath issues involved in the conflicts of
the Middle East. And fewer still have examined
the policies for the region developed in the State
Department, the Pentãgon, the corporate board
.ooms and the think tan-ks over the last several
vears. Even if Carter is elected, he will not bririg
þeanuts, sugar and spice, and everything nice.
loe Cerson is the Middle'East staff person for the
New England Regional Office of the AFSC. He
traveled to the Middle East last year.'
4wlN Oct.7,

1976

The earlv outlines of his policies-especially with
;;;;;d ié trc r'¡la¿t" Eait-and the fact th.at he.
¿iã*t'* Èôãv¡ty iiom the Rockefeller think tank,
ifrã ri¡iãtãr"t Cómmission, indicate.that our future
ool¡.¡"t iorld continue to 6e primarily concerned
;ìih ;;i;t"in¡^Á tt J international milìtarv and
èconomic statuiquo. Questions of self-determination, peace and social justice barely appear on
the candidates' balance sheets.

cRITIQUES OF AMER¡CAN ¡NTERVENTION
Since the'september 1975 Sinai accords be-

tween lsrael and Egypt, two articles have
ãoóãáred wh ch cl eãilv'outl i ne American pol icv
oiiorities in the Middle East. Both sought to infirãnãu tt negotiating processe-s and relations
among the" staies involved' The first was written
bv trtühammad Hasseni Heykel in the Palestinian
SWASlA,
i;,ñ;i Êri; ltin At-tawra (translated,in
ôecember 5, 1975). lt sought to explain to the
Arab world ihe priorities of the Arirerican empire
wtrìcn so affect iheir lives. The second analysis,
oublished in Foreien Policy ('Spring 1976), was
õiãpãr"Juv rdwald Sheehan with the help açd, ¡
loo'peration of Secretary of State.Kissinger and his
aidäs in the State Department' This article not
ãntv orou¡ded an analysis of American policy, but
in sþält¡ng out the limitations of the present
i

I

i
i

Drawinc bv lam¡r, age 10,
of comrñan'do ra¡sing the flag of Palestine. LNS

Amêrican commitment to the lsraeli government,
it may be read as an open letter to the lsraeli
cabinet.
Muhammad Heykel, the former editor of A/
Ahram (Egypt's most influential newspaper) and
conf idant of the late President Nasser, is an important figure in the Arab world. As a leading official in the Sadat government said, "When
Heykel speaks, the Arab world listens." He was
the f irst person Kissinger sought out in Egypt
during his shuttle diplomacy in 1973. ln his
article, Heykel outlines f ive major aims of recent
American Middle East diplomacy and fills in important gaps in the public's knowledge of Kissinger's thinking by detailing his conversations
with the American Secretary of State.
Heykel maintains that thç f irst element of
American policy has been to þuarantee the
security and safety of the state of lsrael. This has
been closely followed by an ambition for "the return of the United States to the Arab world
through the widest doors." ln order to do this,
Heykel asserts, Kissinger has applied great pressure on Western European nations not to "enter
the Arab's kitchen lest you get burned therein."
The third element of the Nixon-Ford-Kissinger
policy, not unlike that of John Foster Dulles, has
been to expel the Soviet Union from the area, a
goal made easier by the decline of EgyptianSoviet relations marked by President Sadat's
expulsion of all Soviet military and technical advisors from Egypt, and the overriding fear that the
feudal Arab oil states have of communism. The
fourth American policy priority is to split the Arab

world, as Kissinger seems to have done with thé
Sinai accord and his encouragement of the
Lebanese tragedy, in order that Kissinger or his
successor might deal with each state separately
and in isolation from the others. The f ifth priority
has been to secure the continued supply of Arab
oil to the West at reasonable prices, a priority
many people have taken to be Kissinger's f irst.
Unlike Heykel, Sheehan's analysis understates
the importance or elements of American economic
and political penetration of the Middle East.
Sheehan refers to this imperial policy in the following way: a "parallel policy in the Arab worldpromotion of American technology-as a means of
increasing American influence." Besides the
policy goals, Sheehan has outlined American
strategy including:
1) Establiòhment of. a "quasi-alliance" between
Washington and Cairo with the expectation that
other Arab states would follow Sadat's lead.
2) Avoidance of the Palestinian "problem. "
3) Deterioration of US-lsraeli relations to the point
of a "condition of ch-ronic crisis,l' as the economic
and strategic interests of the two governments
come into conflict. lsraeli officials ant¡c¡pate a
malor diplomatic confrontation between the two
states in 1977 regardless of who wins the US
Presidential elections.
+) Misgivings about stationing US technicians in
the Sinãi anã continuing vasf supplies of arms to
lsrael.

5) Private assurances to

"Arab leaders" by the

President (Nixon then Ford) that the United States
favors substantial restoration of the 1967
frontiers-a position that the United States refused to advocate publicly until it was intimated
by Ambassador Scranton in the United Nations;
It is doubtf ul that the thrusts of these policies
will not be substantially changed should the
Democrats be able to replace Kissinger, though in
his public policy statements, Carter has indicated
thai he wiihes io end the chronic crisis with lsrael.
Carter has called for "'Unequivocal' public
comrnitment by the US to guarantee lsrael's existence as a Jewish state."
THE PARALLEL POLICY
US imperialism in the Middle East is not a new

phenomenon. Kermit Roosevelt and the CIA
orchestrated the coup d'etat in lran in 1953 which
deposed Premier Mossadeq and preserved US and
European oil interests. President Eisenhower sent
the Marines to Lebanon in 1958, long before
Senator McCovern suggested we do the same in
1976. Secretary Kissinger, like secretaries of state
before him, "took Hussein for granted," since
protectorate.
J ordan has been nearly an American
And for years there has been a one-way flow of
wealth, as Arabian oil flowed west to Europe and
the United States.
Though it appeared to many that the transfer of
control over the oil reserves of the Middle East
from the "Seven Sister" oil companies to the Arab
governments in 1973 marked the end of American
þreeminence in the Arab world, more than likely it
iignif ied the Arab elites' demand for a slightly
laiger slice of the unctuous pie. The United Slates
is tóday importing more oil from Arab wells than it
did before ihe tgZ¡ oil embargo, and the profits of
the oil companies have been greater since 1973
than previously. Kissinger, with the help of overproduction in the Middle East oil f ields and anti-'
ðornmunist Arab allies, has been able to exploit a
glut in world oil production. The United States
lovernment has thus limited the abilityof OPEC
to raise the price of oil significantly, and has
continued the supply of Arab oil at "reasonable"
.

pnces.
-

Little has been written of the'aparallel policy"'
in the Middle East, though a number of itselements are becoming increasingly visible. These
elements can be seen in the increased dependency
of the United States on Arab oil sources, an inireàse ¡n the amouniof Àmerican militáry and i'
commercial exports to the Ai'ab vüorld, and the acceleration of the'spread of the consumer plastic
cultur to Arab capitals.
Sheehan is remarkably silent on the parallel
policy, the one with the greatest impact on human
lives, culture and directions of development. He
mentions its existence, but he does not explore its
meaning as he does the other elements of the Kis,singer policy. He elaborates upon its meaning in
only one instance:
For the Egyptians, the parallel policy has meant
American diplomatic support, American money,

oct. z, 1976 WtN

5

and e'ncouragement of American investors and oÍ
the oilprinces to resiue Cairo's economy-not to
mention encouragement of the West Europeans to
to Sadaí, since it was a/so Kissinger's
,"ll
^r^t
iõie ,"nC" plan to pre-empt the Soviet Union as
A r ab s'
r ce oÍ' w ea po n r Y amo n +st th e
i¡

"".¡luf,t*t
But the Secretary of the Treasury has b.een
*otã cleaiubout the meaning of the parallel
praised
öåfiãvlõieãvpt. Secretarv Simon recentlvlor
Sadat as a "man of tremendous vlslonT '
ñã"i"" bioken with the Soviet Union and

ii¡ài"iiråã rÀypt's economv" . . but he warned
that "Egypt ñas yet to make the administrative
ãnA titcãíþolicy changes" that would.entice
business investment tiat Sadat is seeking ' What

fi"àtrtv

Secretary Simon meant may have been

The arms sales. . . have helPed
balance the American international
Dayments deficit. The sale of one. ' '
iet'fighter offsets more dollars. . . '
ihan the sale of a thousand auto'
mobiles.
indicated in the recent banning of the right to
strike in Egypt and in Egypt's agreement to return
$10 million to Americans whose investments were
nationalized by the late President Camal Abdel
Nasser 15 years ago.

a

ARMS SALES
A second major area of US economic, political and
military penetration of the Middle East has been
{n the fôurfold increase in the sales of arms to the
Middle East. These weapons, comprising more
than B0% of all US foreign arnis sales, serve many
purposes. Obviously they provide profits and iobs
io the corporations which run the American
economy änd support many politicians' Secondly,
the arms sales reèycle petrodollar reserves, the
money flowing froin thê United States.to.pay. for
oil imþorts. Tñe arms sales thus have helped
balanèe the American international payments
deficit..The sale of one multi-million dollar iet
fiehter offsets more dollars sent chasing foreign
oiÍ than the sale of a thousand automobiles. The
widening of the arms market has also enabled the
Pentagon and corporations to lower the per unit
cost oiproduction of arms. This sometimes makes
the cost per weapon of a weapons system (like iet.
fightersi low enough to allow their pr:oduction and
dõployment in theUS and in NATO when they
mi'ght otherwise have been too expensive. The
salés of weapons to fuel the Middle East crisis
thus subsidize the American and West European
military machines.
The óxport of weapons, according to a study
done by the Middle East Mobile Education
Project, serves a number of other American concerñs. lt helps maintain Arab governments
6WrN

ù.7,

frienálv to the United States' The weapons, along
ü,iiÅ' r ít ¡t"iv ãÀd pol ice trai n in g, rei nforce the
i;il";ïil¿iri'ei of those governments which act as
Àmerican proxies protecting.American.
:;;;te;Ë;ist *t'r"t" uS armeä intervention l"ichl
n" i,io"*ãi.äuiã ("¡tr,"r. strategi'callv or politicalful. Witft arms flowing to the conservat.ive govand lran, thev
;';;;;i;;i tñe Àrablan Peninsula
of more
provision
The
life line open.
LLå" tfrã
proalso
year
can
"it
a
of
arms
worth
billion
than $B
covert
of
forms
ui¿u u vehicle for CIA and other
to send or withi;;il;"ii"". rinallv, the abilitv
a veto
provides
parts
weapons
for
üotà sout"
policies of other
war
and
foreign
ö;";-;;t-th"
nations.

:'*ötiiit¡.t on the arms tradeto the Middle East
.ornoäãà ior the nmei¡cãn public are shakv and
iläì'"1"d, brt tornu of thé following.reports in- a
äiããiäitt"i'"Èof arms in driving a bulldozer-or
õ-rgõ-tñtough the doors that recent American
policy has,opened:
lJnited States has so/d tsrael F-'15 combat
-The
Íishters. a plane which is in many respects far
tJiàr¡oí lo'the MIC 23's and 25's of Svria and
l[vot. These are due to be delivered this y.ear to
lióoi"^"nt the Phantom and Skvhawk fighters
áIiér,av delivered and the F,-l6fighters.in the.
iiiel¡ne. American arms shipments to lsraelhave
'mÁãe it the preponderant military force in the
Middle Easi in the wake of the

1973 war '

Pentagon has agreed to a $1.6 billion
-The
of the Saudi Air Force. fhis is in
modernizatiõn
à¿¿¡lion to the $1.2 biltion arms agreementwhich
èatts for the delivery of M 60 tanks, Dragon

áitl-tãn*missi/es, rsr. ¡ets and a maior naval
facility. The Saudi army., locked into an arms race
with neighboring lran, has arms to protect iti
monarcñica/ status quo and to serve as ari armory

foi the conservative'Arab governments of the
Middle East.
has agreed to sell Egypt C-130 carg,o
-Congress
transports. This military move, des,igned to

f i n a nci al a Er ee m ents betwee n
Washington and Cairo, seeks to reintorce Presi'
dent Sadat's rnove to accept American suzerainty
rather than Soviet sPonsorshiP
L)S government has negotiated a $750 mil-The
lion sale oltlawk anti-aircraffmissi/es to Jordan,
to be financed by Saudi Arabia and Kuwait fhese
r"iii"rãtã ¿"sisn'ed to shoot down the þlanes
belns sotd by thõUnited'states to lsrael.
Pentagotn and American corporations have

com p I e ment

-The
sold tran $1T-bitlion in

arms since 1972 and Kistlnàe, has iust arranged an agreem.entto sell
anõther $t'o b¡ll¡on ii arms to the Shah bv 1980'
The lranian dictatorship has been the greatest
nr)iuluirain for Americàn arms sales abroad in..
rnà political and economi.c pavoffs
7äZàítivä"rs.
'i"iÅití"|^ét"àt"á
dependencv of oil rich tran on
American technology and advisers'
is estimated that there are more than 25,000 .
-rt
¡,mei¡càis in the Middle Eastrcday, advising and
ti:i¡n¡ig A¡ab and Israeli armies in the use and

,.1
application oÍ their weapons. fhis exceeds the
,{
total in Vietnam in 1965.
The flood of these weapons to the Middle East
is one form of cultural imperialism, and the spread
of the consumer culture and its values ref lected in
the increased sales of American commercial goods
is another. Steve Pelletiere, Fulbright fellow and
former editor of Newsweek, describes the present
environment in Cairo [see, WlN, 4/15/76linthe
following manner (it does not differ greatly from
my own personal observations in Damascus and
Amman a year ago):
Our businèssmen are everywhere, making
deals. Standing around in hotel |obbies, laughing
affably, with Egyptians bowiàg end/ess/y /ike
those lunny stolk toys that perch on the side of a
glass ducking their beaks. There's money to be

made evidently-otherwise we wouldn't be here
in such force.

The coffee shop is pure Holiday Inn, Best
Western-s ame uncomfortable booths with
formica table tops and leatherette seats,
waifresses in mi ni-ski rts.
But one hears from the Egyptians that our
presence is already polluting the delicate
ecology-all unwittingly to be sure.
THE US-CAIROAXIS

Kissinger has not had to build the US-Cairo axis
out of thin air. ln the wake of President Nasser's
death in 1970, the traditional owners of wealth in
Egypt sought to restore their control over
Egyptian society, reinforce their economic
aicendancy, and regain politicai power, though at

Kissinger assured ISadat] that Egypt
would be "the first recipient of
"whatever. . . favors [the United
Statesl had the capac¡ty to bestow."

as early as Nasser's death in 1970, Nixon's
"stand-in" at the funeral, US Ambassador to

Britain and TV Cuide magnate Walter Annenberg, was told that the Sadat government wanted
to turn over a "new page" in Egyptian-American
relations.
ln his f irst meeting with Sadat in 1973, Kissinger was clear that the "US would not abandon
lsrael, but Washington would truly wield its
power to regain Arab rights." Sadat, Kissinger
maintains, was the keystong to this policy-and to
the parallel policy. ln order to cement the Washington-Cairo relationship and to provide Sadat i
with the investment and weapons he needed to
maintain his positíon in Egypt, Kissinger assured' ,:
him that Egypt would be "the first recipient of
whatever political, territorial and financial favors
[the United States] had the capacity to bestow."
Washington has thus far followed through in its
commitment to Sadat. Sadat's acceptance of
American suzerainty has alienated Egypt from
confrontationist and socialist Arab governments,
but the Ford administration has guided more than
a billion dollars in economic assiitance through '''
Congress to subsidize the Sadat government.
Simultaneously, the Treasury Department has
been working to put together a $1-$2 billion
development loan package for Egypt through the
World Bank, New York commercial banks, and
J apanese and Western European banks.
To guarantee Egypt a margin while Western
funds are gathered, Kissinger has fostered
economic and diplomatic relations among the
Sadat government, Saudi Arabia and the other
conservative oil states of the Middle East. He has
.

tu.
1976

7, 1976

Wlil

T

settlement-through the Saunders testimony in
Congress and several statements by US Ambassador to the UN William Scranton-Kissinger has
continued the process he began in his shuttle
diplomacy: splitting the Arab world and avoiding

nurtured the ties between the bourgeoisie and the
feudal elements of these states which need one
anothèr's support to maintain the.status quo. A
recent result of this new relationship was the
founding of the $2 billion fund by the Culf Organization for Development in Egypt, financed by
Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qutar and the United Arab
Emirates.
Finally, in the face of the Soviet embargo on
arms and'replacements parts to Fgypt, thq qlministration in Washington has begun to deliver
weapons promised during the1975 negotiations
for the Sinai accords. Congress held off vetoing
Sadat's request for C-130 transport planes, and
Western European nations have indicated an
interest in filling this gap in the.world arms
market-to theñ own prof it and that of corporate
America. lt should be remembered at this juncture in American political life that Secretary Kissinger did not develop or pursue this policy alone,
but only after a bipartisan review of American

i

Middle East policY.
EXCT,USION OF THE PALESTINTAN ARABS

A central element of Kissinger's Middle East
policy has been the exclusion of the PalestinianArab people from any considerations. and negotiations.'Thóugh in that last year there were several
subt{e moves on the part of the State Department
in the dírection of rgcognizing.the centrality of the
Palestiriian Arab people and their rights in any
,.i

'+r.ô

i
Il

0

8W¡N

tu.7,

1976

the Palestinian Arabs. This policy is not unique to
Kissinger; candidate Carter has suggested
returning the West Bank Palestinians to the
authority of Jordan's King Hussein.
The American policy of exclusion of the
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) has been
pursued on two levels during the last year, the
diplomatic and the military. On the diplomatic
level the exclusion of the PLO from negotiating
processes regarding the resolution of the central
i s rael - J ewi s-h/Pale-st i n an Arab conf I ict has been
consistónt with a US-lsraeli memorandum signed
in September,1975 following the Sinai accord.s.
The memorandum provided that "The United
States will oppose ând, if necessary, vote against
any initiative in the Security Council to alter the
teims of reference of the Ceneva peace conference
or to change resolutions 242 or 338 in ways which
are incompatible with their original purpose."
Çonsistent with this policy, US ambassadors to the
United Nations have used the veto power three
times in the Security Council during the last year.
ln February 1976, President Ford, meeting with
lsraeli Prime Mi¡ister Rabin, agreedto continue
this political line. He pledged to seek a reconvening of the Ceneva conference, to pursue attem pts to arran ge I sr aeli - J or d an ian negoti at ion s
(rather than lsraeli-Palestinian) on the settlement
of the West Bank, and to discuss possible Syrianlsraeli negotiations over the Colan Heights. ln addition to i[s diplomatic meaning, this pledge also
reflects the military priorities of the most recent
administration: neglecting the situation of thp
Þãiéittnian Árabs in LãÙuion, and encouragfng a
separate peace between lsrael and Jordan and
between lsrael and Syria.
On the military level evidence exists to indicate
that the government in Washington has done
more thán simply allow events in Lebanon to take
their natural course. ISee J . Richard Butler's
article, "Lebanon: From Chic to Chaos," WlN,
7 /22/76.1ln the summ er of 1975, as the civil war
was begiñning, the Palestinian "moderate" Sabri
J yris maintained that the US was channelling tons
of arms to the Lebanese army with the expectation
that they would be siphoned off by the Christian
Phalangists for use against the Palestinians.
A detailed and damaging scenario of US involvbment in the Lebanese war was published in
the Economist of London. lt reported that Syria
and lsrael, with the US working as the
intermediary, arranged a deal in which Syria could
invade Lebanon in exchange,for the Syrian renewal of the UN "peace keeping" forces on the
Colan Heights:
The deal) which was reportedly f irst broached in
Washington by Jordan's King Hussein, goes as
7'the Americans were to persuade lsrael to
follows
keep ifs hands ofÍ Lebanon if Syria moved in; in
ret.lrn, Syria would renew the lJnited Nations'

LNS

i

commitment to the policies of the lsraeli government. This change can be seen in Ambassador
Scranton's òondemnation of continued lsraeli
occupation of the West Bank, and it is ref lected in
the report of the Brookings lnstitution: Toward
Peace in the Middle East. As US"governmental
þolicy has changed to accommodate to these "new

peace keeping mandate in the Colan Heights. .
and stay out of Southern Lebanon.'
The editors of SWASIA, à publication issued by
the Division of Overseas Ministries of the National
Council of Churches, observe:
Severa/ evênts have occurred which lend
credence to this (the Economist) scenario. lsrael
did give tacit consen t to Syria's intervention in
Lebanon; in fact,lsrae/ has downgraded its
danger line in Lebanon; it now says that Syrian
troops across the Litani River (15 miles north of
the lsraeli border) would be grounds for liraeli
counter-intervention; and the US has dropped its
public opposition to Syr¡an intervention, praising
the Syrian troops constructive role.
Regardless of the depth of US involvement in
the Lebanese war, a war which has already taken
more than 30,000 lives and destroyed the once
lively society and dynamic economy of Lebanon, it
has served the interests of the bi-partisan US
government policy. The PLO has lost its bases in
Beirut and in Damascus. lt has suffered severe
militarf losses and can no longer be assured the
support of Arab states for its claim to be
the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian-Arãb people. The war has also left Arab
unity shattered. Arab states are more open to
being'dealt with singly rather than in alliance thus
decreasing their power relative to the United
States. Finally, as the New York Times (August,
30,1976) reports, the weakening of the PLO and
the disunity of the Arab states has given lsrael a
"respite" from years of tension. lt should be
noted, however, that while Syria and Egypt (the
two primary "confrontation" states) have conducted a propaganda campaign against one
, another, their movements toward capitalist lines
.

The United States has also been adjusting militarily to the "new
realities". . .,and the adjustment has
not been to the liking of the lsraeli
government.

realities," tension has developed between Washington and J erusalem. lt is a tension which Prime
Minister Rabin of lsrael expects to lead to a US-

,

of a'development," US hegemony and separate
negotiations with lsrael indicate they have more in
common than many commentators have
recognized.
TENSION W¡TH ISRAEL

tsraeli confrontation in 1977 despite the rhetoric of
the 197 6 presidential candidates. Military,
economic and political neèds of American cor'
porations and the next administration may require
changes leading to stability if not peace. Or they
may allow for continued limited wars on different
terms.
As the economic systems of the West continue
to stagnate, the pursuit of the parallel policy will
most likely become more important. The existence
of these markets in the Arab world and lsrael for
consumer goods and weapons should become
even more important as a boon to Ameri'can in-.
dustry, profits and jobs.
The United States has also been adjusting militarily to the "new realities" revealed in 1973, and
the adjustment has not begn to the liking of the
lsraeli government. The Egyptian and Syrian invasions of lsrael which launched the "October '
War" revealed that the United States could no
longer expect lsraeli forces to serve as an
unrivaled proxy in the Middle East. Following the
war, Washington has widened its military base in
the Mi$dle East, arming and integrating Egypt,
Saudi Arabia and lran into the American military
network to comphment lsrael as conservative'
.

While recent presidents, the Congress and the
majority of American voters have been
unswervingly committèd to the existence of the
state of lsrael and the majority of its policies for
the last three decades, there have been competing
interests whose importance became more
apparent in the wake of the 1973 war. Regardless
of how one def inès this commitment to lsrael:
moral, economic or strategic; successive American administrations have not protested greatly as
limited wars wracked the region, killed fus people,
and distorted their paths toward development.
The one exception vyas the protest of thè Eisenhower administration to the joint lsraeli, French
and British invasion of Egypi, an invasion which
threatened American interests in the Arab world.
The "new realities" of the Middle East: greater
Arab military strength, the opening of the Arab
markets, and the ability of Arab states to impair
the flow of oil to Western Europe and the Ud¡ted
States, have forced changes in the degree of US

'

...
Middle East allies.
Military aid to lsrael,, more than $6 bilion since '
1973, has also caused f riction within the centers of
power in the United States, adding to the tension
of American-lsraeli relations. The provision of
billions of dollars worth of the United State's most
modern military equipment to lsrael-as well as to
other Middle Eastern countries-has left the
American stockpile depleted. ln some cases the
first arms off assembly lines have gone to lsrael
rather than to American commands, giving
offense to the Pentagon, the ClA, the-Treasury
and the Office of Management añd the Budget.

Oct. 7, 197ó

Wll{ 9

.i
Domestically, spokesper'sons for the Black corirñ;ñt;;ti,åi.ttine ihe development of arms and
Commårcial relation-s between lsrael and South
Ãfri.á. As a Washi ngton Post column by William
Càspberry indicated, Blacks are beginning to
orélt¡on the diversion of American tax dollars to
ir.áãl ã"¿ its South African client when they
siorlA be used to meet the needs of the poor at
home.
' "Á;i

from the other eid of the relationship,
lsrael, as with other aid rec.ipients, has been
oioueä that it öannot spend its aid money as it
ãi,iã*t. Nearlv all the'$1.6 billion in arms aid for
\g7o *at restrícted to purchases from' American
man uf actu rers. The i n d u stri a-llv " deyq-lgped-"
lsraelis have not been allowed to use this money to
;-üp ì; the international arms.supermarket, or to
i""åtl if i" tr'"i. o*n advancecl military estab'
lishment within lsrael.

lsrael cannot long surv¡ve as the gar'
rison state is has become. Even
ftìshe Dayan. . . has sa¡d, "The onlY
solution is. . .not to give us more
arms for our secur¡ty, but to give us
more security so we can have less
arms. "
WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?

a

The United States is deeply involved again: murky
wars; people who fear and hate one another;
oresid'ential candidates whci will not talk about
*hut ¡t happening in the world, and congressoeoole wh'o'debatã if the American people can be
iol¿ tfre truth. Tied to a sense of responsibility for
the victims and descendants of European anti3"r¡tirr and the Holocaust are the interests of
tft" ÞãÃtágon, the multi-national corporations and
;üã;',1 i¡"f-d"rí.tt *tli.r' fuel our economv and affluent society. There are, however, alternative
policies whiih can be pursued and openings
within the Congress, and within the society: in
schools, chqrches, synagogues and out in the '
community.
Amidst the welter of United Nations resolutibns, diplomatic positioning and frustrating work
of peâce'movements, numeious proposals to end
thò lsraeli-Arab conflict have been proposed'
Thev include the "two state solution" (a variation
of the UN partition of Palestine in1947 which
would allow the creation of a Palestinian state on
the West Bank of the Jordan and in Caza), the
bi-national state, the "democratic secular state"
of the PLO, continued lsraeli administration or
óccuoation'of the WeSt Bank, the return of the
wãii aá"t io the control of Jordan, and a series of
oossible confederations which would include
israel. lordan and Palestine; Syria, Jordan and
Palesiiñe; or parts of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan and

Palestine. All of these plans assume the return of
some or all of the Egyptian, Syrian and Jordanian
lands conquered in the wars of 1967 and1973'
Both Seèretary Kissinger and candidate Carter
have'indicated their preference for a plan based
oÀ greater Jordanian control over the West Bank'
Wh''lle suctra plan may be appealing to the American voter or the lsraeli cabinet, this solution's
failure to speak to the demands of Palestinian
nationalism means it will not bring long term
Deace'or securitv to the Middle East. As
Þalestinian refugees are being pounded in Beirut,
fact¡ons of the P-LO initiated thehi-iacking.of the
Air France plane taken to Entebbe, Uganda'
oàroitã tt successful lsraeli raid at Entebbe, the
"
spoke clearly: the Palestinian
terrörist action
Arabs will not diiappear' Terrorist bombings in
léiusalem's Zion Square and other parts of the
óountry have frequehtly accompan-ied efforts to
neeotiáte a " peaèe" settlement which does not
inciude the nàeds of the Palestinian-Arabs.
- negãrdless of how much we condemn Palestinian
teriorism, it will continue with us as'long as
Palestiniáns continue to suffer the violence of expulsion from their homes, repression and disper-

is. . . not to give us more arms for our security, but
to give us more security so we can have less
arms." Military investment and mobilization have
hindered lsraeli development and cut deeply into
the social services offered to the people. lts
economy is in ruins, The lsraeli currency has suffered constant,devaluations since the 1973 war
and emigration is exceeding immigration.
Worse yet, the vision of the lsraeli people has
been corrupted by year after year of war. lsrael
would probably "win" the next, most deadly, Middle East war. But as its neighbors become richer
and technologically more advanced, no one can
venture to guess the "victor" of the war following
the next war, lt raises visions of the Holocaust revisited. lsrael has the opportunity-which ip in its
own best interests-to make peace with the
Palesti n ian-Arabs and its nei gh bors. .Thei r open.
ness to a settlement with lsrael may not last indefinitely.
Faced with the depressing and powerful
dynamics of the Middle East conflict, and the
responsibilities of the American government and
corporations for their continuation, we can adopt
several attitudes. We can, like most Americans

sion.

and many candidates, ignore the Middle East,
hoping it will go away. We can pander to the
ignorances of our friends and the nation at large.
Or we can take the initiative in working for peace
as we have in the past, this time through education and embargoes.
The educational aspect of our piace campaign
should be self-evident. Americans are ignorantof
the peoples, countries and issues involVéd in the
Middle East cònflict. An educational effort along
the lines of the 1965 Vietnam teach-ins, questions
to candidates, those thousands of leitters and the
education of actions such as vigils provide us with
points of departure. The embaigoés have to do
with arms sales, and not only to lran. A full embargo on a// arms sales to the Middle.East would
help to def use the tehsion,and lessen the threat
which hangs over all people in the Middle East
and extends from there to the rest of the world. As
the American Friends Service Committee has
concluded: "the impact of an arms race is to increase tension, to lessgn authentic security and to
impede movement toward negotiations. "
To make peace, work for peace.

@

Peace is possible. While it may be too soon to

exoect Palestinian-Arabs and lsraeli-Jews to live
t-áäether in the friendlv harmony of a'bi-national
orîemocratic secular state, there have been
tttong indications from some peopleon.both sides
ihat t"h"y would accept-a two. state solution as the
basis for peace. Until the debacle in Lebanon,
iefresentatives of the PLO indiclted they could
live with a two state agreement. Opposition
members in the lsraelì parliament have also
argued for such a resolution of the

lsraeli/Palestinianconflict,

'\

v:v:t{
df,ñari

}:¡,r.,\r
;{r.i: ' ,: " i

Jl¿-iri

. .)

c4lJ¡ ILi,

The two state solution is not on ly a ' ' niëe' '' or
"moral" solution, but it appears to be the realistic
onéãr well. lt meôts the minlmum needs and
appeàrs to be in the long term interests of both
pãilples. An end to the clonflict would also underèut the rational the Pentagon and the corporations
have used in penetrating ihe Middle East with
investments, weapons and "diplomacy-' "
For the Palestinian-Arabs, half a loaf is better
than no loaf at all. ln the wake of the Syrian invasion of Lebanon, it appears the PLO will not
have the strong support of a united
Arab world ¡n ihe Éáils of diplomacy. lndications

will follow Sadat's
órãcedent of nãgotiation with tsrael for a return of
its conquered territories - without i rtsisti n g upon
the demands of Palestinian nationalism' The two
rtut" solution provides an alternative to.continued
á¡iòers¡on ànd the decimation of the Palestinian'
are the Syrian governrnent

peóple and their culture.
' What would tsraelis get from a two state
solution ? lt appears, atÍirst to be of help only to
Palesti n ians,' tiut closer exam inatioir reveal s it
would be in israel's interest as well.
lsrael cannot tong survive as the garrison stàte
it has become. Eveñ Moshe Dayan, the epitome of
the lsraeli hawk, has said, "The only solution

Drawin8 by

¡¡r¡r,

"t"

_LNS

1O

'Ocr.

l0WlN Oct.7,

1976

z,1SZO W¡N f f

NATO allies.

ERIC PROKOSCH

The experts were a varied crowð: rnilitary off icers, military surgeons, diplomats, and ordnance
specialists. The American delegation included experts from the State Department, the Pentagon,
the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, and
the Army laboratories at Aberdeen Proving
Cround. The level of expertise was high when it
came to demolishing the opponents' arguments,
but the experts were often admirably modest
about the weapons of their own countries and unwilling to see nebulous humanitarian concerns
override "military necessity," especially as
modern weapons were, it would seem; both more
effective and more humane than old-fashioned

Some years back, the manufacturers of a well-

Folies de Lugano 1976

known plastic food wrap with clinging properties
suffered boycotts for making another clinging
substance, one that stuck to the flesh as it burned,
But the screams of the napalm victims and the
chants of the antiwar protestors were not heard in
the conference hall by the lake in Lugano,
Switzerland. Here government experts trom 4'l
countries gathered January 28 - February 26to
discúss banning the use of napalm and other
weapons tending to cause unnecessary suffering
or have indiscriminate effects.
The author of the sorry affair was Sweden,
which in line with its humanitarian foreign policy
had been pushing for a ban on napalm for some
years. Dodging this way and that through the diplomatic morassr Sweden had convinced Norway,
Mexico, and 17 other countries to join it in

ones.

To prove that napalm was not an "all or
nothing" weapon, a US exþêrt noted that three

American soldiers on whom napalm was accidentally dropped had not been burned at all.
Another 4B soldiers wereburned by napalm in a
series of accidents in Vietnam in 1968-69 but only
three of them died and three quarters of them
"had 2Oo/o or less of the total body area burned. "
ln a follow-up study in1974-75, only one of the
victims was found to have "medical,/mental problems" that were considered by the Veterans Administration "to be related to the f irebomb accident. " (Twenty-one of the victims, though, complained of "the sensitivity of the burned areas" to

"heat and cold.

")

The Canadians did the Americans one better.
They covered several dozen live goats with.army'
blankets and dropped a napalm bomb on them.
Two of the goats had slightly reddened skin and
six had singed hairs; the blankets evidently af- ,
forded considerable protection. Jhe Canadians
also tried some experiments using live human
subjects. A burning blob of napalm on the bare
skin became unbearable after one second, they
found. But a single layer of cotton protected the
skin against burning for six or seven seconds, and
of the naoalm blobs strikine an individual in a

'+'e'

-

LNS

proposing that new bans on specif ic weapons be
added to the general bans on cruel weapons and
indiscriminate means of warfare, currently under
consideration by the Ceneva diplomatic conference on humanitarian law in armed conf licts.
But before there could be a ban, there had to be
facts, and to examine the facts, and, perhaps,
come to some very tentative and unofficial cbnclusions, the Conference of Covernment Experts
on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons was
convened under Red Cross auspices in Lugano.
Here, fending off the rash proposals of the
Swedes, stood the Americans and their staunch

Eric Prokosch attended the Lugano ConÍerence as
a representative of the Friends World Committee.
He works with AFSC's NARM/C Proiect and is
writing a boìok on antipersonnel weapons.
12WlN Oct.7,

1976

,

simulateä direct hit, 69% cöuld be extinguished
with the bare hands.
The bold Swedes also wanted to ban rif le bullets, such as the M16, which because of their high
velocity, their tumbling propensities, or other
properties, tended to cause especially. serious and
extensive wounds. To show that this was so, the
Swedes and the Swiss presented, in the glass
cases in the lobby of the conference hall, a display
of blocks of pine-scented bath soap, cast in the
shape of a woman's thigh, through which various
rifle bullets had been shot. (Soap, because it had
the density of flesh and recorded the passage of a
bullet; the thigh, beCause it was the largest mass
of puscle in the body; a woman, because she
would not suffer from hairs being pulled out when
the plaster mould for casting the soap was removed from her lee.) The delegates could tãke
their: cups of coffee over to the display cases and
examine the soap blocks which showed that
certain bullets had left a narrow, through-andthrough path, while others had made a track that

started narrow but blossomed where a mass of.
soap the size of a f ist had been blown away. lf the
testS were to be believed, some rif le bullets certainly caused worse wounds than others, at dhort
range at least.
ln the conference sessions¡ many experts were
cautious about such tests (which have been done
routinely by developers of military and hunting
ammunition for many years). What was the best
target material? Did the tests accurately reflect
the key factors in wounding? How could anything
be concluded when different tests appeared to
give different results? One Asian diplomat became so conf used that he wondered out loud how
the military ever managed to design a weapon at
all.
The concepts of "unnecessary suffering" and

"indiscriminate effects" also came in for ,
criticism. The f irst of these seemed nebulous to
one expert, and there were doubts that it could
ever be made suff iciently precise to serve as a
sound basis for a weapons ban. The current
Edgewood Arsenal program for "prediction of
antipersonnel effectivenesS of weapons and munitions," involving the measurement of "key
physical factors i n mun ition-tissue i nteractions"
and the formulation of "trauma indexes" (as reported in the f iscal 1975 US Army Armament
Command Laboratory Posture Report), was not
mentioned by the American experts. As for "indiscriminate effects," as allegedly produced by
the "guava" bomb of Vietnam fame, which deployed hundreds of baseball-sized fragmentation
bomblets shooting out little steel balls over an
area hundreds of yards on each side, an expert
from a European NATO country feared that if such
weapons were not available, a great many
ordinary high explosive bombs would be used,
with worse wounds and greater damage.to
buildings. Thus, "to limit the use of controlled
fragmentation weapons would not contribute to
humanizing war, but wciuld have exactly the opposite effect."
The question of "the use of certain conventional
weapons" will be raised at the diplomatic conference on humanitarian law this spring, and at
the UN Ceneral Assembly in the fall. Posítions
may change, something "mayhappen," butthe
NATO countries are unlikely to back down as long
as the Joint Chiefs of Staff in Washington remain
convinced that once you gi've up one weapon, you
are on the slippery slope to total disarmament.and
military impotence.
.. "We're not under much pressnre," a member'-'
of the American delegation told me. Representative Fraser (Minnesota) has been inf luential
in pressing the Pentagon on the legality of
weapons, Senator Kennedy has made a good
speech, but apart from those efforts, there has
been little interest among merpbers of Congress.
The napalm victims have stopped screamjng, the
demonstrators are busy with other things, and the
Pentagon reigns unchallenged over the nation's 7¡,
mighty arsenal
t\/A
,

Oct. 7. 1976 WIN 13

The Legacy of the Sixties Left:
An Essay on the Life of Susan Stern
Susan Stern died on J uly 31, 1976 at the age of 33

SANDRAADICKES

ìtqt

My eye is arrested whenever, in turning the pages
of the New York Times,l see a woman's name or
face on the obituary page. lf she i¡ identified as
"wifeof . . .'.' or "widow of . . .:' I silently commend her to her ancestors and turn the page.
Often; however, the record of a woman's life
provides me with inspiration. Josephine M. Roche
died in late J uly at the age of 89. She had headed
the Rocky Mountain Fuel Company, but loined
with the workers in 1928, when she signed the
first labor contract west of the Mississippi, a union
recognition agreement with the United Mine
Workers (UMW). FDR appointed her Assistant
Secretary of the Treasury in 1934. ln 1947 , J ohn L.
Lewis asked her to join the UMW as the f irst
director of the union's welfare and retirement
fund. She filled the job for 24years; in the last
decade of her life she was an opponent of W.A.
Boyle. I have continued to thinkpbout the record
of long and intense commitment contained in that
small obituary not¡ce. I am glad to have learned of '
Josephine goche, glad that she lived.
However, there is anothèr kind of obituary that
draws my attention. When I read of the deaths of
young women, especially women whose lives in
some way resemble mine, I remain distressed and
questioning for a long time afterward, particularly
if there is some evidence that the woman wished
to die. The question "why" is always accompanied by the impulse " l wish I could have done
something to help her." That impulse has been
with me ever since, on an August evening in the
Sandra Adickes teaches at Staten lsland Community College.
14WtN

k.7.

1976

early-sixties, while eating ín a Paris restaurant, l'
looked up and saw the headline surging across the
tabloid in the hands of another diner: "Marilyn
est morte." I don't want women to go the way of
Monroe, or Virginia Woolf , or Sylvia Plath, or
Anne Sexton, or countless uncelebrated women. !
loathe the romance of suicide.
When I read of the death of Susan Stern, I made
a more determined effort to f ind her book, With
the Weathermen. I had tried to f ind it whón it was
first published, but, not surprisingly, the book
stores did not have it. But in early August, a
cooþerative clerk at the Strand Bookstore fognd
for me the only copy in stock.
When I began reading, I realized that Susan
Stern had wanted to die for a long time. She wrote
of herself, "l grew up terribly shy and introverted
and convinced of my inferiority to everyone
around me. By the time I entered Syracuse University at the age of 18, I was a slight, sallow girl
with sad dark eygs, short, unstyled hair, and large
black rimmed glasses. I had always half dreamed
of suicide as an alternative to a drab, meaningless, and miserable existence." She had actually
tried to commit suicide when she was 13, after her
father, who lover her "obsessively," had slapped
her because he mistakenly believed that she had
been driving in a car with her mother. (Stern's
parents were divorced when she was three; her
mother, Bunny, whom Stern describes as
'lbeautiful and childlike," remarried after a bitter
nine-year custody f ight which her father won.
Stern claimed that her mother loved her and her
brother, but loved her second husband more.)
ln her adult life, Stern's self-destructive pattern
ran to "mountains of dooe." a "sick and insatiable" sexual drive, and ä tôve of violence. She
recognized this pattern in herself; indeed, her
references to death are so frequent as to form a
threnody for her own passing. Others recognized

her self-destructiveness and tried to persuade her
to alter her behavior. Stern records the concern
expressed for her by her ex-husband (the most
ironic feature of the book is the Bradford Bachrach
bridal protrait; Stern'suffered a fatal seizure on
the eve of what would have been the eleventh
anniversary of lfer marriage to Robby Stern) and
the most constant of her lovers, but at different
times, she turned from each of them to remain
part of Weatherman, the most enduring commitment of her life.
Stern joined the Seattle collective after she had
"tried working in the Establishment, first as a
teacher [f ive months], then as a social worker."
She had tried "being a pacifist, f irst with thê Civil
Rights movement, then with the anti-war movemðnt." (Stern is vague about her activities and
their duration, but they wereT.rndertaken, fitfully,
during her years as a student.) She "had ioined
SDS and demonstrated and marched for two
years, and sti I I the war conti n ued . ' ' At that poi nt,
according to Stern, "anything otherthan
'Weatherman was insign if icant. "
The collective regularly tore itself apart in selfcriticism sessions, and when these were not sufficient to bring people to the proper level of revolutionary consciousness, Weatherman leaders
were summoned from Chicago to bring delinquent
collectivists into line. My attention was impaled
by Stern's description of the behavior of Mark
Rudd, who arrived in Seattle in the autumn of
1969, on the eve of an important action the collective had planned. Rudd's mission on that occasion was to "smash monogamy," for Stern and
two others were involved in one-to-one relationships which they refused to renounce. Rudd constructed a self-criticism session in which he
humiliated the members, turned them against one
anotþer, and then set Stern up as the principal
target of their anger. Later, he attempted to crown
his conquest with sex; he was unsuccessful with
Stern, but not with other women in the collective.
Rudd persuaded one woman to submit to him as
proof that she had renounced monogamy.

Why, one wonders after reading this section,
did Stern and others remain committed. lt would
seem that with Stern -and others-a strong motivation was that Weatherman offered a path to
stardom. A revelatory scene in Stern's autobiography takes place in the drurlk tank off a
Chicago courtroom following the arrest of the
Weatherwomen during the 1969 Days of Rage.
Bernardine Dohrn, looking like a fashion model,
despite the violent struggle with the police,
reclines on a bench, staring at the ceiling,
seemingly unaware of the women around her who
are so keenly conscious of her. "She possessed a
splendor all her own," Stern wrote; "like a queen,
her nobility set her apart f rom the other women.
_

Fascinated, I watched the secondary leadership sit
themselves around her, while the third-ranking
leadership talked together in another group,
Iooking covertly at Bernardine and her
intimates. "
Stern wanted to be Dohrn's intimate and be,

like her, "an aristocrat," "cherished and
respected." Stern did achieve a minor celebrity as
the lone woman in the Seattle Seven, when she
and six men were tried for conspiracy in late
autumn, 1970. (Stern even uses the jargon of show
business in discussing the trial; she refers to herself as a star who must perform even when she is
ill, for, "the show must go on.")
ln March, 1971, she served one month'in
Chicago's Cook County jail for an assault charge
stemming from the Days of Rage. She spent small
amounts of time in jail in Seattle for a variety of
charges, and in the Spring of 1971, spent three
months in Purdy State Prison on a contempt conviction resulting f rom the Seattle Seven trial.
When she left prison, she fell in love, became a
cocaine addict. She worked on her book, sold it,
and saw it published in 1975. But this was not
enough, apparently to strengthen hqr ego and
provide her with a will to survive. ln the final
pages of her book, Stern wrote that during her
time in Weatherman, she tried to change, to
become selfless; but she could not; "my desire for
immortality, my need for fame is perhaps the
essence of my life; it alone can give meaning to my
existence. "
I regret that Stern and others could not have
found or created alternãte sources of meaning to
existence. I have also regretted, long before her
death, that more of us who came of age in the
fifties and who had ties to a working class tradition
were not active in the sixties. For we could have

struggled against the contradictions cited in her
bogk: adventurism, disdain for the working class,
seff-destructiveness, and isolation from absolutely
everyone. lf the Left of the sixties had included
more people with ties to mainstream America, if
the Left had not been domínated by an affluent,
self-indulgent, elite group, the era might not have
come to be regarded as eccentric and futile by the
neo.-Silent Ceneration of the seventies.
For many women, the legacy of contradictions
of the sixties Left continues to f ill us with anger,
and so more often we turn to an examination of
our older traditions, rather than to an analysis of
our recent history. Susan Stern was one of many
women who committed themselves to the spirit of -.
ì'
those times and are now dead, underground, or
burned out. The epoch merits our attention so that
we can salvage what was valuable and understand
what weirt wrong, for it is important, in the next
level of struggle, to avoid the gap in continuity
^.
which Susan Stern's death represents.

d¿
.?

ft.7,

1976

wlN

15

sublect. The FBI is called upon to
draw up plans to deal with thefts
of nuclear bomb-making materials
and nuclear extortion threats.
And the Federal Preparedness
Agency calls on all government
agencies to direct their efforts
"towards the preservation of the
basic political, social and
economic systems and values of

THOUSANDS MARCH IN
MEMORY OF LETELIER
AND MOFFITT
On Sunday, Sept.26, over6,000
people marched in a memorial

demonstration for Orlando
l-etelier, exiled Chilean diplomat
and Ronni Karpen Moffitt, a staff
member of the lnstitute for Policy
Studies (lPS) in Washington, DC
who were killed Tuesday, Sept. 21
in downtown Washington when
Letelier's car exploded, apparently from a bomb planted underneath it.
The memorial parade
sponsored by IPS moved past the
Sheridan Circle spot where
Letelier and Moffitt died and then
by the Chilean Embassy to St.
Matthews Church for a memorial
mass. The crowd was addressed

by Hortense Allende, the widow
of Chilean president Salvador:

Allende; Mrs. Letelier; Michael
Moffitt, Ronni Moffitt's husband
who was injured in the automobile
explosion but survived; and
Senator Ceorge McCovern. (More
details of the Letelier/Moffitt
memorial will appear in next
week's WlN.)
Over 500 people demonstrated
in New York on September 22
across from the Chilean Mission
to the UN.
-Newsdesk
SOU,TH AFRICA WOOS

AMERICAN PUBTIC FAVOR
The South African government is
trying its best to turn US public
16WtN

tu.7,

1975

favor in its direction-and is using
black Americans to do it.
Badly in need of a face-|ift, the
white minority regime signed a
contract this spring with the US
public rêlations firm of Sydney S.
Baron Co. to the tune of $365,000.
Andrew Hatcher, a black man,
was hired as a vice-president of
the PR firm just about the time the
South African contract was
signed. He then appeared on the
NBC "Today" show J une 23 to
debate the current situation in
South Africa with American Comm¡ttee on Africa director Ceorge
Houser, who is white.
Hatcher defended the white
minority government, said that
South Africa was'the US's best
ally in Africa, and maintained that
increased American investment
could help to bring about change.
The South African government
has also made hay out of a recent
trade agreemént between a blackowned Mississippi company, and
a white-owned South African firm.
Under this agreement the E.F.
Young Co., which is headquartered in Meridian, Mississippi, will supply a wide range of its
special "black" cosmetic skin
lighteners and hair straighteners
to the Andrew Harding Pty. Ltd.
which will market them inSouth

Africa.
"US inyestment in South Africa
has grown from almost nothidg to
over $1.5 billion in the last 25
years. While apartheid has
intensified, the Bantustans have
been established and thousands of

political prisoners have been
jailed or shot¡" points out the
American Committee on Africa

(ACOA).

-LNS

COVERNMENT REPORT
PREPARES FOR

NUCLEAR CATASTROPHES

While fervently minimizing the
danger of nuclear accidents, the
federal government is busy
making plans in case accidents do
occur, according to a recent New
York fimes report.
A 43-page draft has beerf written by the Federal Preparedness
Agency- a 700-member group
within the Ceneral Services Administration. lt details a plan to
"cope with the casualties,
property damage and loss of
civilian control that might be
caused by a serious accident at
one of the nation's 58 nuclear
reactors. "
For example¡ the report directs

the Environmental Protection
Agency to cooperate with the
Nuclear Regulatory Commission
to develop "guidelines for the
dispos.al of the dead, removal of
solid wastes, animal carcasses
and other debris . . . that might
contam inate the environment. l'
More remote than the consistent malfunctioning of existing
nuclear power plants or the leaks
of stored radioactive material, is
the possibility of "an explosion of
a homemade atomic bomb," but
nevertheless, the draft report
deals extensively with this

n..*¿¡nU to Nobody's campaign manager, Wavy Cravy,
what happened was this: Wavy
was hustling back and forth between the Kemper Arena convention site and a local park where
clemonstrators were headquartered. A suspicious Secret
Service agent approached him and
decided to check him out. The
agent began to frisk Wavy and

the affected areas."
discovered a bulge in his pocket-Friends of the Earth/LNS perhaps a gun, the agént asked?
lnstead of a gun, Wavy Pulled
NEW GOV'T REPORT SHOWS
out a set of wind-up clicking teeth
DRAMATIC RISE ¡N POVERTY
with a big Jimmy Carter smile.
Reflecting the impact of the recent Holding the teeth in his hand,
recession, the total number of .
WAvy asked the Secret Service
p"rrons b'eiow the poverty l¡nJitr- man to be quiet. "Our leader is
creased by 2.5 million, ar 10.7o/o
talking," he explained, as the
trom 1974 to 1975, according to a
teeth chattered away. The Secret
Bureau of Census report released
Service man listened for a
September 26.
moment, then told Wavy to "get
The report indicates that the
out of here. You're much too
total number of people below the
weird to bust," the agent added.
poverty line increased from 23.4
Wavy says that he may
million in1974to25.9 million in
incorporate the Secret Service's
1975. This was the largest single
position into Nobody's campaign
year increase since poverty data
literature: "Nobody for Presibecame available in 1959. The
dent-Much Too Weird to Bust."
poverty level for 1975 was $5,500
Wavy Cravy also said that the
for a farnily of four.
real highlight of the'Republican
White families had a median
gathering was a confetti parade
income o1$14,27O in 1975; black
with Nobody in the back of an
families a median income of
open convertible.
$8,780, and families of Spanish
- Straight Creek Journal
origin had a median income of
$9,550.
The number of white persons
below the poverty level increased
by 2 m ill ion , or 13o/o lrom 197 4 to
1975, and the number of blacks by
363,000 or S%io. The number of
poor people of Spanish origin increased by 160/o.
The median income for men
who received income in 1975 was
$8,850; for women -$3,390.
The survey further shows that

of US families received $50,000 or rhore in 1975.
About 25o/o received less than
$8,000. -Raymond Avrutis/LNS
about

1 .4o/o

NOBODY FOR PRES¡DENT

During last month's Republican
National Convention in Kansas
City, the manager of the Nobody
for President campaign had a
first-hand meeting with the Secret
Service. lt wasn't exaðtly a
briefing, and the Secret Service
didn't offer protection to Nobody,
as it has for all the other presidentialcandidates.

SUIT FILED AGAINST

PLANNED NUCTEAR
WASTE TANKS
Environmentalists asked a US
District Court in Washington, DC
on September 9 to block what they
say are dangerous and illegal
plans for expanding two major
nuclear waste storage sites.
The Energy Research and De-

velopment Administration
(ERDA) plans call for installing 20
new tanks to store 22 million gallons of highly radioactive
wastes-12 tanks at the Hanford
atomic works near Richmond,
Washington, and eight at the
Savannah River plant near Aiken,
South Carolina.
The Natural Resources Defense

Council asked in its suit that the
agency be enjoined from building
tanks until,it gets a license from
the Nuclear Regulatory Commission-as required by law-and
until it files an environmental
impact statement.

The suit was f iled more than a
week after an August 30 explosion
at the Hanford facility which

sprayed two workers with radioqctive waste materials and contaminated eight other workers
with lower doses.
A government study, released
by Ralph Nader on September 7
concluded that the present
management of hazardous nuclear
wastes is faulty and " a cause for

cpncern."'

-LNS

EVENTS
BAY AREA-October 17 -24 has
been designated Trident Concern
week by the Pacif ic Life Community; events include educational presentations, speakers,
plays and films. Community
meetings are scheduled for San
Fr4ncisco, Palo Alto, Sunnyvale,
San Jose and Santa Cruz. For information, call Bob Alderidge,
(408)248-181s.

BOSTON-Noam Chámsky
"the United States and
the Middle East" at the Community Church, 602 Commonwealth Ave., Sunday, Oct. 3, 11
am. For information , call (617)
speaks on

266-6710.

NYC- Demonstration to protest
rightist terror in Argentina and
attacks against Chilean refugees
in Argentina; Friday, Oct. 1,4:30
pm at the Argentine Consul
Ceneral, 12 West 56th St. Sponsored by the Partisan Defense
Committee. For information, call
(212)92s-2426.

NYC-A walking tour of New
York's radical history sponsored
by Freespace Alternate U;
starting from 339 Lafayette St.,
Sunday, October 3, 2:30 pm.
NYC-WlN Afternoons at
Crassroots presents a "Bessie
Smith Memorial." Live jazz&
poetry. Sunday, Oct.3,2 pm at r,
Crassroots Bar, St. Marks Place
between 2nd & 3rd Aves. $2.00.
Sunday, Oct. '10,2 pm, WIN
Afternoon s presents Spencer
Holst, author of "Language of
Cats," at Crassroots Bar. $2.00.
NYC-Memorial service for
Walter Lowenfel s, Saturday,
October 9, I pm, at the Community Church, 35th St. west of
Park Ave.
M..7,1976 WaN17

l,

work assignment in the Writ
Room where she could help other
prisoners with their legal problems was changed by an official
who ordered her reclassification
and assignment to a job requiring
heavy physical labor. Ms. Turner
has also had her mailtampered
with, as have other members of
the Wilmington 10. lf you would
like to support their legal efforts
for release, and get more information; write: National Wilmington 10 Defense Committee, 1330,
Massachusetts Ave. NW, Suite

project and should be supported
with donations and
encouragement. Write Richard or
Margaret at the Community for
Creative Non-Violence, 1335 N.
Street NW, Washington, DC
20005.

The September/October issue of
Poverty Law Report includes an

article on "Female lnmates Face
Discrim ination,

A coalition of Canadian prison
support groups establ ished
August 10 as "National Prison
J ustice Day" in Canada. Representatives of the group held a
24-hour vigil and fast outside the
British Columbia Penitentiary and

Oakella Prison, calling attention
to the alarming conditions inside
the walls and especially in the
solitar,y confinement units, where

1,

two prisoners committed suicide
within the past year. While
protesters vigi led.with leaf lets
and signs, a majority of the
prisoners joined the action by
fasting. Demonstrators also protested plans of the Canadian
government to create two super
maximum prisons which,
according to Claire Culhane of the
Woman Prisoners' & Prisoners'
Family Rights Committee, will
place prisoners "in surroundings
even more hostile than those that
already exist in our archaic and
brutal prison system."
,

Richard Dieter and Margaret
Loude of the Community for
Creative Non-violence plan to
open a hospitality house near the
federal woman's prison at, Alderson, West Virginia. They þlan'to
provide free hospitality to prison
visitors and a van to carry people
to the prison and from the next
town if they arrive by train or bus.
Alderson, like most prisons, is
isolated and far from the
prisoners' homes. Rose Ciallombardo's study of the prison noted:
"Most women, as a matter of fact,
serve their entire sentence
without a visit from the outside
world." This is a very important
18

WIN Oct. Z, 1976

.

" by Clark

Leming, which states that there
are currently about 7,000 women
incarcerated in federal, state and
local prisons !n the United States.
Twenty-six states operate
separate prisons for women, eight
stàtes transfer female prisoners to
other state institutions, and the
remaining states have segregated
prison areas within male
institutions. No state has more
than one facílity for women
prisoners.
The article continues: "Many
prison facil ities recreational,
educational, vocational, medical,
rel igious, psychologic al
- are 1
denied to women because of
potential contact with male inmates. Eighty per cent of female
prisoners lack a full-time
physician; 4ïo/o do not have a fulltime chaplain. Seventy per cent of
female prisons do not have full
recreational faci I ities. "

200, Washingtön, DC 20005.
The J acksonville (Flçrida)
Citizens Against the Death
Penalty has put out an excellent
position paper with facts and

statistics helpful to all those
working to abolish capital punishment. Their address is: 215
Washington St., J acksonville,
Florida 32203.
The lllinois Prisoners' Organization provides _a transportation
service from Chicago to state
prisons, offers a theatre gt:oup,
the Ceorge J ackson Players, to
inform people about prison conditions and raise funds, provides a
counseling service and publishes
a paper, Prison Scenes, which
carries,poetry by prisoners and
welcomes submissions for consideration. Prison Scenep isfree to
prisoners, $5.00 a year.for others.
The address is: lllinois Prisoners'
Organ izatio n, c/ o National
Councilof Black Lawyers, 111 W.
Washington, Suite 1915, Chicago,
lllinois 60602.

Lureida Torres, a 26-year old
member of the Puerto Rican
Socialist Party, was imprisoned
for refusing to testify before a

grand jury investigating
bombings which authorities attributed to a so-called Puerto
Rican lndôpendence group. Her
imprisonment represents an
attempt to discredit the PSP at a
time when the question of Puerto
Rican'independence is gaining attention in (he United States and at
the United Nations. To help free
Lureida Torres write: Cam'paigñ
'to
Free Lureida Torres, c/o Crãnd
J ury Project, 853 Broadway,

The August 22,1976 issue of
Parade Magazine carried a
remarkable statement by Boston's
Police Commissioner, Robert J.
DeCra¿ia, who noted that most
police ofticials are not telling the
public that there is little they can
do about crime. Nor are they

letting people in on "Our era's
dirty secret; thåt those who commit the crime which worries
The Wilmington 10 are scattered
citizens most - violent street
in various North Carolina prisons
crime-are, for the most part, the
and reports of their harassment by products of poverty, unemployauthorities continue to come out.
ment, broken homes, rotten eduOne of them, Anne Shegpard
cation, drug äddiction and
Turner, who suffers from chronic
alcoholism, and other social and
hypertension, has a B-grade health economic ills about which the
rating which supposedly exémpts
police can do little, if anything."
her from doing any heavy work. A
-Larry Gara
Room 1415, New York, NY 10003.

,

\.t//

Rur(/rß-THE EYEL¡DSOF MORNING
Alistair Graham & Peter Beard
A & W Visual Library / t9,95 ($10.95 in Canada)
OK, $10 is a tot for a paperback. But this one is big
enough, and the photographfæproduced well
enough, and the content important enough to justify
the price. And unless is becomes the focus of a cult,
Eyelids is going to remain unknown, not be available
in libraries, so go ahead and buy or borrow a copy.
When we were the anti-war movement, we were
criticized for not knowing whereof we spoke-we
hadn't been in the war, we weren't soldiérs or Vietnamese, we weren't government. Now we aren't
engineers, biologists, nuclear physicists, etc. Having
studied wildlife biology, this is a problem for me. I
want to support the "ecology" movement but the
gross ignorance of many activists offends my more
detached, "scientific" outlook. J ust as in the.60's
Movement people went to the sources-Viet vets,
NLF conferences, and Hanoi-so now we need more
contact with professionals working in wildlife
management and related fields. Eyelids is written by
'
a biologist hired by the Kenya Came Department to
population
in Lake Rudolf . lt is a
study the crocodile
report of a year spent on the lake, and the reflections
of one expert observing both nature and different
responses to it. He'is crítical of our Western
preservation i st, Di sneyl i ke adoration of natu re.
, The complete title of the book is: Eyelids of
Morning: The Mingled Destinies of Crocodiles and
Men. Craham says in the introduction:
To many people the pictures here of dissected
crocodiles will appear as so many repellant "death
images," and our actiyities altogether dubious. But
scientists cannot /et susceptibilitV to imagery or
sentiment cloud their vision . . . but you will not f ind
in this book a crusade to eliminate crwdiles. On the
contrary, you might catch a hint of a rather wistf ul
daydream in which man in hiswisdom and
omnipotence grants asylum to a few crocodiles and
other "vermin."
Eyelids reflects an approach to nature which is
Rick Davis was one of the more obscure resisters of 5
Beekman, perhaps best remembered lor getting
drunk at a meeting wìth the SierraClub and
scotching any chance of an earlv coalition between
the anti-war and ecology groupi. Jeffrey L. Lant last
reviewed Zwerling's Second Best for WlN. Roy
Lease is a se/f-tau ght carpenter, mason, and amateur naturalìst, who lìitchhikes across the country

every few years.

less poetic than the Sally

Carrighar/Aldo Leopold
idylls, without falling into the man vs. wilderness
ego trip. The biologists here are studying the
workings of a tiny part of naturg, and are doing it for
dubious reasons: can crocs be úsed to make money
for the Kenyan governme¡t? But they don't lose the
wider vision. Eyelids is indeed about "mingled '
destinies," for the text is concerned with the way the
'arepresêntatives of Technopolis" have dealt with
crocs and with the tribes of the area, the Turkana.
Crocodiles are ámong the darker representatives of
nature. Like poisonous snakes, scorpions, and
vultures, it's hard to make them loveable. For me,
they more truly symbolize the wilderness: neither
forgiving nor malevolent, they operate on a set of
imperatives which do not recognize man or his
esteem of his own worth. The destinies of crocs and
men are mingled only by our works-not by the
crocs'.
Reading the book, you aren't being lectured to.
The text is humorous, adventurous, exciting. The
work is described vividly-hunting crocs in waistdeep murky water at night, recording the chirrups of
newly-hatched crocs, long hours of tedium. The illustrations are the real center of the book. Peter
Beard's photography is superb, and cartoo¡s,
etchings, and paintings by such diverse people as
Chas. Addams and Rubens make every page a joy. I
wish I could adequately review the visual impact and
content of the book, but you'll just have to see it.
ln the last chapter, Craham finally opens up âll the
guns he has been subtly loading.
The biological Íunction of the quest for knowledge
is to improve our ability to exploit our environment.
Our knowledge of crocodiles ultimately was oÍ
potential value only to those far from Lake Rudolf
who, Íeeling overcrowded needed more resourcesl
more ideas, more space-more. , . And what would
our increased knowledge, of crocodiles do for them'?
fthe Turkana) The incompatability of men and
predatory carnivores remains; our f indings could nól
a[ter that. Knowledge dispe/s the evil of crocs-for
those who bother to acquire it-but our facts would
not change the Turkana's outlook. For them,
crocodiles would remain evil, hostile denizens oÍ the
/ãke. Neverthe/ess, no Turkana would ever attempt
to exte¡minate crocs. They do not hate them. It takes
a civilized, cultured, overcrowded man to hate crocs,
or love them, or exploit them, or exterminate
them., . it is notthat "primitive,'l simple lolk automatically practice conservation. . . it is simply that
the question never aiises .lAnd lor uslthe wilder-

-:::t:::r:,:,

ness becomes a magica,

:ruurr:,o",

.

I
stands somehow and unaccguntably.failed to "reflect
the deep sense of human compassion that he did in
fact exhibit in his personal life."
Dabney ought to know better. lf a publið man's
public actions don't speak for him, then what dif.
ference does it make if he loves his wife and is good
at keeping a vegetable garden, at both of which
Ervin seems to excel .
(even) Trout Unlimited. No
motives-a
Moreover, isn't it a little naive to argue this
is done for the
human conceit an yways -some
proposition?
Wouldn't it make more sense to believe
generations. But
"doomed beasts, " ilonly for a
that the public man and the private man were more
The connected than Dabney suggests? After all', with
such a supposition does seem reasonable.
or ,good
- Hadmen
Dabney taken this more cogent line, he would
have had to do more work than he has done, particularly in examining Ervin's life in the North Carolina
problems
good
lt
they are
of human society. does no
legislature
and the decisions he handed down from
for the Canadian government to create a national
both
and Supreme Courts of the state.
the
Superior
park on Baffin lsland specifically to protect a major
Admittedly, it would have been fairly dry and
gyrfalcon breeding ground when the eggs laid there
tedious work, and while he was doing it the national
are thinned by DDT produced in New York and
market for an Ervin.biography might have declined.
sprayed in Wisconsin. Nor is it f itting that activists
Better, then, to rush the book into print, incomplete.
rush out to Long lsland (in their cars) to wash oil off
As
a direct result, however, the bulk of Ervin's proHerring Culls-oil imported in supertankers as thin
fessional
career is treated in a ridiculously superas the falcons' eggs for use in activists' cars,
ficial
manner.
Wilderness outings, and the knowledge that there'
' What we do know is that while sitting on the
are still wolves and crocs support me in periods of
Superior Court (from which he finally resigned
depression. Butour hope-such as it is-is within
seemingly from ill health), Ervin was prey to an inour own population and environment.
tensely nervous stomach and later to ulcers which
Davis
-Rick
were induced, so Dabney leads us to believe, beA GOOD MAN: The Life of Sam J. Ervin
cause he didn't like punishing people and positively
Dick Dabney
abhorred the death sentence. For a good
man, the
pressure became too much to bear. Houghton Mifflin / 356 pp I912.50
Needless to say, in his telling of this tale, Dabney
As a result of the Watergate affair, Senator Sam J .
downplays Ervin's Presbyterian heritage and his
Ervin became something of a pop hero: his face apconstant Bible-toting. (He did it long before J immy
peared on t-shirts, his best country-lawyer stories
Carter made it fashionable to do so.) How often þave'
were distributed in a collection, he even did some
southern Presbyterians,, steeped in the¡r Calvinlstic
records and a gig for the Bicentennial. Scarcely a
and Knoxist beliefs, found the aqsignments of
prove
better illustration could be found to
the old
pun ishments diff icult?
cliche that politics makes for strange bedfellows. A
It is unfortunate that Ervin suffered from ulcers
year or two before, had these latter-day admirers
but
the real signif icance of his court years are the
probably
have
known of Ervin their comments would
he delivered and the sentences he handed
opinions
been negative to the point of anathema. And they
quotes only a paragraph or two f rom
Dabney
down.
would have been right. No wonder he chose to get
them and merely indicates that they were generally
out of the US Senate when he did (197Ð; the getting
conservative.
was never going to be so good again.
lndeeÇ, Ervin's career up to the very moment of
Author Dick Dabney, a frequent contributor to
Watergale was very conservative. Conservative and
The Washingtonian and morerecently a novelist,
undistinguished. While he was a hard worker, he
was undoubtedly attracted tq "The Senator"
was not an imaginative one and his thinking-either
(nobody calls him Sam) because of this celebrity
standing. Ervin's national prominence seemed likely in a legislative or judicial setting-always reflected
the beliefs of his late-Victorian and rural American
to insure a considerable market to his first
boyhoqd. Beliefs in the superiority of the Anglobiographer. And so Dabney, despite the fact that he
Saxon "race" and white blood (he's a devotee of
disagreed (often violently) with Ervin's stands on
Kipling), small government, states rights, private
civil rights, the war in Vietnam, medicare, and the
like and that Ervin ran in a Senate pack that included industry, and the rest. Not only is it uninspiring;
most of it is downright retrograde.
'
such crusty and frequently contemptible curDabney, however, is able to formulate a defense of
mudgeons as Stennis of Mississippi and Russell of
such beliefs by suggesting that the country is faced
Georgia, deçided to go ahead.
by a struggle of epic proportions between such men
Frankly, he should have chosen another senator.
as Ervin and the new "machine-humans" such as
ln brief , Dabney's thesis is that Ervin is a good
Nixon and the rest of the Watergate crew. Under the
man, a Christian gentleman (who would have
thought aWashingtonran reporter would have ended circumstances, it's not surprising he opts for Ervin.
Wouldn't anybody? The real question, however, is
up sounding like Anthony Trollope?), with a deep
whether this is the only choice we've got. Though
and abiding concern for humanity,'whose public

way...Dothey
the animal lover trips ahd flits
really believe that the poor,
doomed beasts
are going to share a revelation
them ?? ("will
hie speak soft words unto thee? ? Willhe rnake a
convenant with thee? ?) . .
.No, l'm not ready to put down
Audobon
Society yet, much less FOE, the ierra Club, or

t

zOiry¡x Oct. z, rgzo

ln Heresies-Thomas Szasz goes about denuding
there is evidently a scintilla of truth in Dabney's
myths which result from the "literalization of assessment, it can scarcely,be said to b'è a compremetaphor." The belief in the reality of literalized
hensive look at modern America.
metaphor results in the pollution of the psychological
lnevitably, the high point of Dabney's book is
atmosphere and "interferes with knowing" so thãt
Ervin's involvement in the Watergate affair; where
" . . . whole groups and civilizations lose. . . their
as chairman of the Senate Select eommitteethe
private and public Ervins reinforced each other
sense of humor." Literalized metaphor is the "life
blood of organizations;" thus " . . . today, one of our
rather than standing at odds as Dabney suggests
leading literalized metaphors is our image of the
they had done throughout the man's career.
Unfortunately, it's not much of a high point.
state as a wise and just father whose ministrations
Future historians of the period will feel obliged (if
will provide "socialjustice" and "welfare" tor all.,'
they are conscientious researchers) to look at this
_ Control of language is equal to control of the mind,
book to see whether it offers any insights into one of
Szasz says, and the myth of mental illness rests on
the most important figures in the drama, but having
the "deliberate misuse of language." "The term
picked it up they won't bother with it for long; Dab'psychoanalysis' is itself a strategically literalized
ney's book hasn't a crumb of either new or
metaphor" writes Szasz, "-devised and deployed
interesti n g i nformation .
to make it séem as if 'psyche' were like blood or
ln sum, this isn't a book that lleeds much attenurine and could be analyzed as such."
tion. But it might have some use nonetheless.
As slaves to language "Human beings killother
Merely becãuse the tides of history conspire to
human beings. . . for metaphors," writes Szasz, who
push a man to momentary national prominence is
addsthat ". . .the psychiatristbuilds a profession
really no reason for. subjecting the public to the
and prisons on a metaphor, the neurotic seeks solace
lengthy tale of his previously colorless and downin them, and the psychotic is sentenced to them."
right dull career, much less cause of attempting to
Freud was an 1'evil genius" and a "bitter and nasty
enshrine him as a hero in the national pantheon. lt's' man" who ". . . medicalized, and thus dehumanized,
a pity, however, that most biographers of such indilanguage, history, and the whole of human
viduals won't heed this advice. After all, think of the existence," says Szasz, who fortunately has a sense
money they stand to make for disregarding it.
of humor.
According to Szasz, the heretic is one who goes
Jeffrey L. Lant
about "unraveling myths" or literalized metaphqrs.
THF FACTS OF LIFE: An Essay in Feelings, Facts
He defines heresy as "believing that the brain
and Fantasy
should be an organ generating new truths to please
R.D. Laing
the owner instead of reproducing old falsehoods to
Pirttteon"gooks / $7-95
please the authorities." There will always be heresy
so long as there is tension between the individual
HERESIES
' and the group. Heresy is " . . . being right when the
t
Thomas Szasz
right thing to do is to be wrong" says Szasz, who has
Anchor Paperback t 1976 t g2.gs
an unsettling way of being right and getting away
with it.
Roy Lease
The Facts of Life is a naive and misleading title for
this "Essay in Feelings, Facts, and Fantasyl' by
R. D. Laing.'The Prologue contains an âutobio*
graphical sketch which reeks with self pity but wif I
delight the morbid. He tells us that he was nursed by
a woman who was a "drunken slut," who was reAFÍER|{OOl.lç
placed by a woman who was another "drunken
6no^ÂrloÏs
slut." The book is crawling with quotations, and in
Twau^ilþ
the first paragraph of the first chapter he tells us
what Plato thinks and what Socrates thinks but we
never find out what Laing thinks.
'Laing's simplistic statement of his own philosophy
i is vapid and repetitious: "The main fact of life for me
.a
is love or its absence. This is a generalization for
which I can think of no exception. Whether life is
tiv{.
worth living depends for me on whether there is love
.
)Nf5 anrvd"
in life." One hopes that when Laing finds love he will
not write about it.
' I haven't read this book in great detail because it is
'
;þt
frustratingly devoid of substance and meaning and
lacks a discernable thesis. lt is one of those boóks
6naAA
which was never intended'to awaken the tayperson
giVe professionals sweet dreams. As'such, the
þut.tq
book is¿ grandiose presentation of distilled insanity
in which there are no facts, fewer feelings and plenty
'
of fantasy to delight a reader who has nõ intereit in
serious thought.

(Lrw>

^t

.

fub
o, .'

?e,tq'

: z?Mryi,ti.'3
6ilç Bû^-

.

!^h%:;hi,tffiw)
+z!
OcÎ.7, 1976 WIN

21

Afric¡? Teachers of accountin g/f inance, manage-

People's

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fascinating books.

PUBLIC NOTICE

Galileo

POETRY READING FOR KIM CHI HA with Dan
Berrigan, Joel Oppenheimer, Crace Schulman, Jan
Barry, Muriel Rukeyser, Ko Won, Malcolm Bovd,
Bill Erhart, Naomi Lazard, Richard Spiegel.
Oct. 15-17, at Sunflower Farm, Lawrence, Michiis fair price. For cletails, call (607)273-0535.
suppoit Kim and the other political prisoners of
Sor¡th Korea.

Galiþ¡, Eric Bentley portrays Galileo
as a spoiled darling of the establishment

until he fails to convince his contemporaries of his view of the
Universe. Only then does he rebel,
becoming a social and scientific
revolutionari. This illustrated his-

FRIENDS OF WALTER LOWENFELS are invited
to a memorial celebrating his life. Combination of
music and readings by poets, witers and friends.
Oct. 9th, Community Church, 40 E. 35th St., NYC,
8pm. lnfo: Manna Lowenfels Perpelitt, Baron De
Hirsh Rd.. Crompond, NY 10517. (914) 528-6931

torical drama, list $3.25, is free with a
subscription to WIN.

You might, instead, choose Winning
Hearts and Minds. This is "not only
a collection of poetry by Vietnam War

Weekend Work/PlayShop on SIMPLE LMNC,
Oct. 15-17, at sunflower Farm, Lawrence, Michigan. Sponsored by Chicago Movement for a New
Soc¡ery (Vt¡S), Friendship House, Zacchaeus Collective, Uptown Franciscans. For more info:
Friendship House,343 S. Dearborn, Rm. 317,
Chicago, lL 60604. 'lel. (312)939-3347

Veterans, it is also a test of Your
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E

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Positlon available-The AFSC Peace Education and
Action Program is beginning a two- to three-yeår
disarmament issues campaign in the Creater New
York area and is looking Íor ã person to coordinate
this campaign. Write for detailed job description,
further info: Alyce Creswell, AFSC, New York
Metro Region, 15 Rutherford Pl., NYC, 10O03, or
call (212) 777-46N.

poetry by Vietnam Vets

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1976

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Position available- HUNCER PROCRAM COORDINATOR at Clergy and Laity Concerned Must
have f amiliarity with causes of world hunger, and
role of American agribusiness; commitment to
oeace and iustice; organizing, fund-raising, writing
ãnd articulation skill;. Will¡ngness to work collectively; ¡mag¡nation and creativity. Religious involvément very desirable. Will coordinate nat'l
agribusiness taskforce, develop campa¡gn;
irñplement interim activ¡ty at nat'1, local level;
develop resource and production work; partic¡pate
in gen. off. admin., esp. fundraising. Long hours,
subsistence pay. Rick Boardman, CALC, 235 E.
49th, NYC 10017.
Position available- MOVEME NT BOOKKEE Pl NC
at Clergv and Laity Concerned in NYC. Exp. person
who cañ stay off creditors, balance books, work out
payroll, etc., inc. dealing with IRS and USPO. Long
hours, low salary. CALC, 235 E. 49th, NYC 10017.

u;It

at did Ao%learn ir;

sclt

ool todW?

.

HELP!
PRISONER SEEKS info regarding movement work
during incarceral ion and upon release in local area;
wishe"s to make Nonvioleni movement life's work'
Also seeks correspondence with any movementoriented individuâls, Please write Bob Cook, Box
3000, #2913, Drumheller, Alberta, Canada.

THE 1977 PEACE CATENDAR
AND APPOINTMENT BOOK

These prisoners have written to WIN requestíng
contaci with the "outside," hoping you can give
thàm more than a cell and a nùmber. Some of them

are in "the hole;" manyofthem are politically
aware, allof them are WIN readers Take a few
m¡nutes-wr¡te to a prisoner' Dr' Dennis Boutin,
97931. Box PMB, Atlanta, CA 30315; Walter Price,
#79934 Walnut-1, Angola, LA 70712; Harry I
Johnson, PO Box 787, 141-116, Lucasville, OH

lreface Ay Grace Paley
Introducùí,on W lonathan Kozol

I

45648.

¡1r.1Ílll

¡lr

irrrh'¡x'nrI'nlc

h¡¡ lx'.'n rcschcrl.

!hr' ¡r¡h¡ll ,rho k'r'p. orr htl¡ilng
.l¡r'r¡l¡¡¡'¡ ¡¡r¡ ¡¡h¡.ll¡'k'...
Mlsc.

PRINIING PRESS AVAILABLE: Clad Dav Press
wants to find a good movement home for our "ATF
ChieÍ 22," formerly our largest piess Max. sheet

Its 128.spiral-bound pages have a page for every weêk of the year; facing
of peace organizations and periodicals, Amer¡can and foreign. lmportant dates in the history of the.movement

Whet they seid ¡bout c¡rllcr C¡lcnd¡rs:

for social change are noted.

Rcp. Ronrtd Dettums-The Peace Calendar
have a place on the desk of my Congres-

Only $3 each, four for $11; add¡tionalcopies $2.75 each. ldeal for holiday
gift givingl

will

sional office.

KITTENS- Beautif ul and free for the asking. H.

Felici¡ ¡nd leirn¡rd Bcrnstein We have
found this Calendar fascinating-we
think

Getting Back
Our Lives
. . . . meila recoverlng our historlcal sota'
controlling our meils oI maling a living,
regaining our schools, leaming how to h¡ild
home€ md communities again'

The NöRTH CoIJNTRY ANVIL 16 a bimonthly
magazine edited ud print€d by a group of
work€rs in a rural Minnesota shop. We report
on the ideæ md activities of plain people, in
our region md ever¡vhere, who are strug-

g¡ing to get back their lives'

SrbscriptÍorrs: $6 for 6 issues; dample 50Ç
fmm: North Country Anvil, Box 3?'Millville,
Mi¡nesota 5595?.

-

AÑVÏL

Over 50 contributors-from John Holt to Doris Lessing, from Ralph Waldo
Dylan-criticize the status quo, argue w¡th each other, and
help you to understand why our educational system fails our children and
the steps we need to take to.raise kids for a creative, just and peaceful future.

pages of texts and graphics; and listings

MA 01351.
Dickson McKênna, 550 State St., Brooklyn, NY
11217 . Phone 852-3375.

them.

More than a practical Calendar, this is a book that will be treasured long
after the Year is over.

size, 17 Ú2 " x 221/2 " . ine condit ion We th¡nk $500
is fair price. For detailS call (607)273-0535.
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Weekenäs more eriatic, but keep trying Address:
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i¡lm to wake up the couniry.". . , Cærge Wald,
Nobel Scientisi. Available for rental or sale from
Creen Mounta¡n Post Films, Box-177, Montague,

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Emerson to Bob

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PEACE GREETING CARDS-Christmas, yearround. lnternational artists. Also gift items Free
catalog: Fellowship of Reconciliation, Box 271-W
Nyack, NY 10960.

vou already subscribe, why.not send

If

Positions available- New Midwest Research
lnstitute seeks unself ish, socially-conscious, noncareerist, MA-PhD MOVEMENT economists,
oolitical sclentists, etc. MUST be ableto get grants
ôr raise funds. Semi-scholarly studies of war-peace
reconversion, etc. READ Cross & Osterman "The
New Professional s" pp 33-77 , Studs Terkel
"Workine" oo 52s-ü2.537-540, Claudia Dreifus
"nad¡cali¡fäðtyles." M¡dwest lnslitute, 1206 N 6th

PUBL¡CATIONS

movem€nts and individuals working
for Peace and Freedom thru Nonviolent Action-plus a free bonus for
new subscribers: Your choice of two

In The Recantation of

ment, or other business skills needed at adult
trainin* center. Low pay for a whole experience'
Write Õean of Studies, Mindolo Fcuinenical
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you will also.

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Denlel Ellsberg-The Calendar will introduce
you and your triends to a commun¡ty of res¡stance, commítted to nonviolent change, a
community that can make it easier for youas it has for me-to carry out the prescription
that ¡t was "by staying sane that you carried
on the human heritage.,,

N¡t Hc¡¡foff-lt is that rare combination of
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WAR RES¡STERS IEAGUE

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339 TATAYETTE STREET

dar, as for so many ott¡erlhings, we are again
¡ndebted, to the War Resisters League.

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PEACE CATENDAR$

et $3 each

(SPECIAI: four for $11; additional cop¡es, $2.75 e¡ch)
NY C¡ty and State residents, add appropriate sales tax

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Foreign postage (10%)

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TOTAT ENCTOSED

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Muriel. Rukeyrer-Here is a gift that can last
long after thè date pages havã been torn out;
the. kind of-gift thai cin bp kept and valued,
with a special remembrance, by the friends
\,vho receivé ¡t.

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I enclose, for , .. .. . 1977

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Dwight Mecdon¡ld-These peace Calendars
have become an annual literary event,

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NEW YORK NY 10012

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Willi¡m Slo¡n Coffin, lr.-So for this Calen-

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my

name
PTEASE

PRINI

my address

Zip

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Oct.7,

23

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Title

Win Magazine Volume 12 Number 33

Date

1976-10-07