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December 18, 1975
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violent and nonviolent," and "rural revitalization as aþrerequisite to a nonviolent
global economy"). This may be done by
sending your name, add¡ess, and one dollar
to me.
-BEVL,RLY WOODWARD
148 N Street
S. Boston, Mass. 02127
:I was extremely impr€ssed by David Mc-.
Reynolds' article [WIN, lU 2'l l'1.51. li
really gave me a much firmer commitment
to racial nonviolent action ¿s ¿ way qflile
and not simply as an oral palliative. It is
so easy for me to be tempted by the por
sibilities of reform that we need to cor¡
stantly remind ourselves that we must
st¡ike at the core of the problem-to'say
NO to the system which oppresses us, as
Americans and millions of others around
the world, and to say YES to building a
I was just rereading the various letters of
reply to Leah Fritz's'lresignation" letter
IWIN, l0/30/75] . It seems to me a shame
that this controversy has largely come
down to a defense and/or personal c¡iticism
ofLeah
Fritz since I see the source ofcon'flict
in broader terms. I am distressed by
new society based on f¡eedom and non-PETER SHIRAS
Ithaca, NY
violence.
t
'the dif[culty which
the pacifst community has in understanding the feminist
perspective. F'or many people feminism
represents only the issue of women liberat-
to be grateful to the Instifute and
-'iî3-P,Y*iTf
especially to Ralph DiGia who did yeoman
work in assisting with the raising and the
disbursement of a large part of the funds
for the conference.
Those of us present at ICOPRAPA feel
we made a good beginning in the tâsk of
linking action and research. Those who
woi¡ld like to assist in car.rying this task forward I invite to order a set of the workshop
reports of the confe¡ence (eight reports on
themes such as "nonviolence fesearch and
its application," "liberation movements:
Sid Blumenthal writes ILetters, WIN
lU27l15l that we must not let wishful
thinking substitute for accurate reporting
and appraisal ofevents in Portugal.
cisely mY Point. That the male left
presi has substituted rhetoric in the place
of reportage when it has made some token
Pre-
that "due to public protest in New Zealand,
the government there has called a permanent halt to its nuclear program." Unfor-
Eggshells with orange beaks'rock
under bare lightbulbs and glass.
The chicks step out wet and greasf,
:
attempts to deal with the reality of
women's stn.rggles in "revolutionary"
Portugal is the problem. Articles have appeared in Power of l4)omerz (a British
feminist pape¡) andMaiority Repott. T1l.e
current isste oî Off Our Backs contains
further information on the development
of Portuguese lþminism in a long article,
some of which is a reprint of an article by
Jo Anne Preston published by New
American Movement. The report of violent
âttíicks on MLM and the general indiffe¡ence
and hostility with which Portugrrese
åï
I have just read the article "Nuclear Oppo.
sition in Europe" [WIN 9/25175]. In the
ûrst paragraph of the article it is stated
Incubatór \
;
down stickinþto their heads in matted'clumps,
bits of shell still clin$ing to their pronged toeg.
Pecking and hopp¡ng"they dry to trolk-hued fluff
at the agricultural college in Farmingdale New York \
where their continuous almost electronic peeping
is broken by another-a wail
a scream of speakers I know from Central .Park Road it means:
go into the cinderblock hallway where there are ño windows
or under the desks, hands on bentheads, giggling.
Everyone begins to follow yellow and black afrows,
moving purposefully and solemnly,toward air'raid shelters;
air aid shelters I think they are c4lled ì -i.
as my neighbors acquire, them like swimming pools.
My mother directs us four toward thbþxit; '
as we cross the parking lot wé're the only mov¡ng things abovq ground:
A uniformed guard runs towards us stops us,
.
ing themselves fìom the suppression of
their identities, culture, and economic
livelihoods within our present society.
I was pleased to seè Wendy Schwartz' piece
Radical feminism is saying something more
on the AlJ. Muste Memorial Institute
than this which many are choosing to igher
1U20l75],
and
hope
that
IWIN,
nore; namely thattheprocess we use to
words will bring new donations, larye and
otganize our society at present is at the
small, to the Institute. A movement withroot not only of the oppression of women
out funds cannot function and the Instibut all oppression. Pacifists have been saytute provides one of the best ways of
ing something similar about process for a
directing funds to the educational wo¡k of
long time. Historically pacifism has been
the nonviolent movement.
identified as a women's point of view. It
I would like to make a couple of corseems to me that radical feminists are
rections to Wendy's piece. She states that
articulating what is basically a deepei underthe Institute helped send WRL's delegates
standing of nonviolence and its sou¡ces. I
to the Intemational Conference of Peace
don't think what Leah Fritz was asking for
Researchers and Peace Activists (ICOPRAPA)
was only a broader coverage of women's
and to the WRI Triennial "both held in Belliberation aôtivities (though I would certaingium last summer." Actually both conly zupport this); rather I feel she was calling
ferences were held in Noordwijkerhout, The
for an emphasis on incorporating a feminist
Nethe¡lands. More importantly, though, the
perspective with the already nonviolent
Institute did much more than simply send
.perspective of WIN. To me this is highly
WRL's delegate to ICOPRAPA. In fact it
bppropriate; and it is only to be expected
was the Sponsoring Organization for this
that since most men have yet to look
conference and had there been no AJMMI,
seriousl! at feminism as a plocess, that
it is questionable whethe¡ the conference
women will leàd in this direction. So far;
could have taken place. As the principal orin fac! only women have attempted to
ganizer of ICOPRAPA I have particular
make this connèction fo¡ WIN readers.
reason
tunately this is not the case. The NZ
government has not yet embarked on a
nuclear program, and a decision will be
rnade in 1977 whether or not to go
nuclear, and this will largely depend on an
assessmerit of the country's coal reserycs.
Höwever things are getting organized on
the antinuclear fìont, and hopefuliy the
breathing space will mean that the consciousness of the general public can be
raised sufliciently by education, to permit
popular di¡ect action like that at Kaiseraugst
and Whyl if our government decides to go.
ahead with nukes (as seems likely at
present).
-HOWARD KEENI.I
Christchurch, New Zeal¿nd
feminists are faced with from the left
political parties are in all the above mentioned articles.
My hope is then that just as David indi.
cates how radicals have been slow to wake ,
¿
up to ecological and envi¡onmental issûes
too
will
radicals
very
so
real,
which a¡e so
wake up to the ieality ofpatriarchy and
understand that absent a commitrnent to
feminism there will be no revolution. This
hope seems to tâke us back to understanding events in Portugal too, for while no léft
political party supports the MLM, feminists
continue to wo¡k for such parties, for the
women of MLM see the links between
capitalism and women's oppression. The
left potitical parties however don't seem to
unde¡stand the links between capitalism
and patriarchy, links which make patriarchy
á mighty buttress to capitalism as it divides
and drains the working class and reelgates
women out of ihe revolutionary ptocess.
GARY MITCHELL
New Brunswick, NJ
go back!
ftv
motfrer stands her ground, her brood big'eyed around
"The radiation would get us if the blast didn't,"
her.
-:
Xl, No. 43 '
December 18,1975/ Vot.
4. The Call for the Continental Walk fpr
Justice
Disarmament and Social
I
5. Organizing the Walk I Ed Hedemann
7. People are Suffering Because We Have
Not Disarined I Joonne Sheehon and
Steve Ladd
9. The Disarmament Connection
Rick Molishchak
1 1. Notes on the Death óf Franco
I
.
Me
Murmy Bookchin
I
she argues.
I have Ban The Bomb and Doublemint Gum singing together inside me.
I drink powdered milk aged 6 months in our basement because of
18. Res¡stance Against Fascism in Spain
fallout strontium 90
and whole milk, whenever I can get ¡t.
22. With the People at Reagan's Opening
l
28. Reviews
I
Cor,\er: Walk logo designed by Ed Hedemann.
STAFF
\
siient with triumph and
we children, wi,th relief.
I stare out thè window from the seat beside my mother,
Simpson
lohn Lomperti
24. Dom-lnt I Ed Sanders
'26. Changes
Their discussion is unreal like the even¡ng news
but I know my mother's getting into trouble with a policeman
and move toward her till my forehead touches her soft fur lapel.
I
"Well-get into yôur car then,"'
the man splutters.
It's where we're go¡ng anyhow
so we settle'in and drive away l
from a crime for which others haVe been-jailed;
Croig
r
Maris Cakars
'
Sus¿n Cakars
Dwight Ernest' Mary Mayo. Susan Pines
Fred Rosen Murray Rosenbllül
.
not ready to turn to her;
to reveal how full of fear my eyes wergand how
UNINDICTED
dazzled,
-Sharpn Mattlln
u.stice
The Continental Walk for Disarmament a.ng Social f
!q* qry::-1..
th^e com¡ng year.
;Ëõrú; Töi;ili oe a ma¡or focus for act¡vists throughout
Tor tne
iviÑ ü¡tl bé report¡ng on ¡ts progress as w€ll as- prov¡ding a forum
to
continuing
this
while
be
dóins
raises. We'll
,l'"ìv dli.,ï¡äi"-t|rï"t¡ã
(see
Angeles
to
Los
Sóain
¿"u"loptËits;;;ù;h";from
keeo an eve on
iO throuú 29). That's what we're here for'
"""åt
*¡ittã"t vour help. Please do what vou can to keep
*irf
"'ä;;;;"'','iåãií
th"ï;i;;';;llid;
;;iilÉ'"n¿
oi its longvovage'
-wlN
CO€ONSPTRATORS
'Tom Bruêkcr
Jbrry Co-fllnr. Lynnr Shatzkln Coffn'
. - it :,
|' :i
Ann Davldon I Dlåna Orvlcs' Ruth Drrr
Rrlph Dlcl.r. Brlan Þohorty. Wltllåm Douthârdt
K¡rãn Ourblnt. Chuck,Fagor. Scth Foldy
J¡m Fofest. Larfy Gafa. Joan Ll.bþy Hawk
Nell Haworth . Ed Hedomann
Gracc HÇdomann. Hcndrlk Hert¿barg'
KårlaJay. Mrrty Jazsrt. Brcky Johnson
N¡nèy Jônnson. Plul Johnson''Allson K.rpal
crrlg-Kàrp€lc John Kyp.r r Ell¡ot Llnlorr
Jâckson Mac Lowi D¡vld McReynoldsr o
Jan Barry. Lancc Balvlllc
.
Davld Morrls. Mârk Morrlsr
'
Jlm P€ck
T¡d Rlchârdi. lgal Roodcnkor¡ N¡nCy Ró¡cn
Ed Slndars. WGndt Schwartzr. Martha Tñom-qtg¡
Art Wå¡kovrr. Alldn You ng c BGverly WoodwlrGl .
r
$
Måmb.7 of WIN Ed¡torlal Boård
/ ßifton / New York 12471
ephorr: 91 +339:45Es
Box 547
Tel
!
$45,000
$5,000
$1o,o0o
$
15,000
$2o,ooo
:
$50,000
$25,ooo
wlN ls publlltr€d wookly €xcapt for
th-a {lrst
two wcoks ln J¡nuary, the last weak ln M-rrch'
thc llrst w€ck ln June, th€ last two wscf¡ ln
August, and tha frrst two wa.ks ln Saptcmber
by W.l.N. M¡glzln€ lnc. wlth tho s¡pport
Rösl3t€rs Loaguo. Subtcrlpt¡ons arc
por ycar. Sccond class postage pald ôt
of th€ War
tli.Oo
New York, NY lOOOl. lndlvldu¡l wrltcrs atã
rasÞons¡ble for opln¡ons c'(pres¡aal and accuracy
of iacts g¡ven. Sorry-m¡nuscrlpts cannot b€ re'
truncd unlcss åccompanlcd by ð 5Êlf-addfe¡såd
Pr¡ntcd ln USA
3t.mp.d rnv€loòe.
@@@o
Æi
On Augu.st 6, 1945, w¡th the atomic bombing of the people of Hiroshima, war should have become unthinkable. Whatever
war had been before the nuclear age,- whatevér logic human beings and naiions had used to justify the slauihteiot ifle¡t
neighbors, on that day war be.came, indisputably,-a crime againsitrumanity.
- -Today, 30 years later, war remains a cnime against humanity. That fact is still not clear to citizens of the United States.
It is still not clear to our neighbors on planet Eãrth. Most dangerously of all, it is sti¡ not clear to the leaderioi g;;ñments, to those who now have it in their power to destroy-us ãnd oui planei.
. Since 1-945 we, as Ameritans and as human beings, have.been preparing death for ourselves. We have been preparing
death for future genentions. lt is the death of nuclear annihilation. irye arã unable to express the human ruin¡ng, ;-hi"rL ¡t
the only real meaning, of nuclear war, other than to say that it would likely be total deith-ot ours"Ñãs, åui'ü"ií¡tiüo",
our planet.
Since 1945 we have been waging another kind of war on our neighbors. lt iq the death of sickness for which there is not
enorigh medicine. tt is the death ofst¿rvation because there is not eîouth fooã. i;;;;"";
nr-r¡."t war ties w¡thi; ;;
power. But what of those who are dying now because we attend to miliiary matters before we heed the cries of
human
o
suffering?
For 30 years-the great powe.rs have talked about d.isarmament. They have called for disarmamenf while planning new
weapons. They_have denounced each other while budgeting more funds for death. They have talked to ur dt iirt Ëonìiol
while making their bombs and missiles more deadly. Ãnd ioday th" nit¡ons are more h'eavily armed
than ever.
Thirty years
Thirty yeais
have passed, and
have passed, and
it
it
is st¡ll not clear to all that war has become a crime against humanity.
is
still not clear to alt that to prepare for war
WE NEED TO ACT
We ask you to join with us in a Continental Walk for Diy
armament and Social Justice, a walk which will cross l/B of
the planet's su¡face. lt may seem to mâny to be a small and
weak action in face of the high councils of government But
the case for disarmament must be taken to the people, town
by town. There is a powerful symbol in this simple action of
.walking a realization that great goals are reached slowly, and
that so ñ¡ndamental a change as we demand must begin in
our neighborhoods and our communities. Fo¡ he¡e is where
the iss¡es must.be discussed, and here is where true action
.
.
Foreign policies based on fea¡ and mistn¡st continue to foster
ever-increasing amis stockpiles. Nuclea¡ arms continue to
threaten total dest¡uctio4. Non-nuclear arms continue to be
uæd to repress social changè and to preserve patterns ofinjus
'tice, while carrying the risk of escalation from limited wa¡ to
total nuclear
We cannot wait for the govemments to act of their own
acco¡d.lVe know that those who conttol the governments
are trapped in the illuiion that militarism caniefend the irr
terests of thei¡ nations and their peoples. The last 30 years
have shown that, without mæsive public prèszure,'govemments will not take a single step towa¡d disarmament. Only
war.
1
demonstrations, direct actionq and civil disobediencg did the
I United States and the Soviet Union finally end the atmospheric
Why would anyone donate
march across the length and breadth of this country during
the celeb¡ation ofits 200th year.
We i¡rvite you to join with us in declaring our. iirdependence f¡om the machinery of death. We invite you to join
with us in declaring our interdependence with our neighbors
on all parts of the globe.
Today, almost two cenh¡ries after the start of Jhe Ame¡ican Revolution, the revolutionary actìs disarmament. The
revolutionary act.is to idèntify and eliminate the causes of
war, which,lie in the.sexual and social and economic stîuctu¡es of our societies. The revolutionary act is to recognize
that life and su¡vival will come f¡om our willingness tó struggle against all who hold powet over other human lives. The
.revolutionary act is to divest ourselves of all power that is
power over other human lives.
Thp United Statei was the fi¡stfiation'to unleash ìhe hor
'¡or of
nuclear wa¡. Now it possesses an a¡senal of death unrivalled in human history. It is fitting that we should renew ,
ou¡selves in 19"16, the year of the Bicentennial, that weàs ¿
residents of this country should.lead the way in demonst¡ating that peaie and disarmament a¡e in_ou¡ inlerest and the
inte¡est of all humankind.
There are perhaps as many reasons as there are
walkers, organizers, and supporters from the 47 states*who have eipressed interest in'the Wd k. The Montana
fitrmer who donated the wheat is responding to the
Ford-Kissinger grain sales to the Soviet Union. Or'
ganizers in Vanõouver/Seattle area (which will have a
ðar caravan leaving for San Francisco on January 1 )
are focusing oä the Trident Submarine. People in New
England will Oe working against nuclear power plants.
The Wdl provides an opportunity to be part of a
dynamic and exciting event during a year which is not
only the bicentennial of the United States, but an
election year and the first year"since 1950 in which
the US will have no irwolvement in Vietnam
Dan Berr¡gan
Phil¡p Berrigan
Albert Blselow
Robert Bly
Jul¡an Bond
Kay Boyle
Harry Boyte
Anne Braden
M¡llen Brand
WALK
r
Éenjamin spock
Dorothy R. Steffens
Gloria Steinem
l.F. Stone
Paul Sweezy
Ethel Taylor
oeM
Studs Terkel
Jean Claude van ltall¡e
George Wald
Art Waskow
Cora Weiss
BeverlY Woodward
Margaret Wr¡ght
Andrew Young
Ron Voung
Frank P. Ze¡dler
Carl Z¡etlow
REGIONAL ORGANIZING
lrma Ziqas
SPONSORI NG ORGAN IZATTONS
Amerlcan Fr¡ends Service Cômmittee; Cathol¡c Peace F-ellowshlp; Catholic W_orker-: C.tergy & L¿¡ty Conç.erngd;
ieilowsh.ip of Re.conciilat¡on;
s-ane; southern chrlstian Leadershlp êonrerence¡ wã nls¡siãilleãõiä; i¡åi råi-à'esiliãi'cel
[",iî!i.ii:'
i'".",!ì:%å hiåT"Î91tf;{J?3it":lg'#r-?t
Wöri'íeñ sti¡üe ii
rionár Leasue for peace,&
.
ORIGIN
your steps with ours.
elman
!
Though the idea for the Continental Wal k grew out of
a desiie to focus on disarmament, there was a realizatlon from the beginning that disarmament could not
be taken in isolation. The struggle against the arms
race and militarism must be intertwined withthe strug'
gles for social ¡ustice if they are to succeed.
- A task force was formed'by lhe 1974 WRL Nation'
al Committee to look into doing a maior project on
rnilitarism'and disarmament. This task force b¡ought
iq a numbpr of interested peace groúps which,'after
seveial meetings, decided a cross'country walk focue
ing on disarmament wouid bé the most timely and ef'
fective proiect.
Though'there was general enthusiasm for the idea, '
only the War Resisteri League (in an expanded
Executive Committee meeting) gave the4oahead for
the project. A proposal was drafted in light of
criticisms and comments from several individuals and
consultation with a half dozen groups. This proposal
called for a May coalition meeting which resulted in
the formation of the steering committee for the Walk
and the involvement of ten national peace and social
justice grouPs.
'
We believe that disarmament is the greatest and most urgent challenge facing humanity. We will begin walking to
meet that challenge in early 1976. We hope that you will join
SIGNERS OF THE CALL TO'THE CONTTNENTAL
Bobèrt McAfee Brown Jutes Feiffer
Stephen G. Cary
W.H. Ferrv
Joseph Chalkin
James H, Forest
Larry cara
N.gam Clomsky
wllllam Sloane Cotftn Nlchbta ee¡qer
Dorothy Qay
Atlen c¡nsbõrq
Karen Decrow
Ed Gu¡nan
Dave Dell¡nger
Mike Háirinqton
Ron Dellums
James Hauqñton
Shelloy_Douglass Dorothy Héatey
James Dougtãss
Nat Heñtoff
Mart¡n Duberman Donald Katlsh
Dånlel Ellsberq
Yino Lee Keilev
Barbara Ehren-re¡ch Hon-ey Knopp '
Rlchard Falk
corl¡s-s uambnt
S¡ssy Farenthold
Bernard Lee
Mlmi Farlna
Shirtey Lens
fifty bushels of wheat to a
ti nen t?
from the Call
Ralph Abernathy
Beila Abzug
Robert Alpern
M¡chael Ananla
Joan Baez
Richard Earnet
Norma Beckêr
Anne M. Bennett
1............ ¡o6uruu
wal k across the North American continent? Why
would anyone walk across the North American con-
of war.
.
rbl4JÉtll-
BY Ed HederÍiann
We believe that every step taken by each person on tþe
lValk across the nation will be a step toward the distant þut
vital goal of disarmament, toward sürvival, toward the alleviation ofthuman zuffering, toward the elimination of the causes
' after extraordinary inteinational preszure, including mass
testing of nuclear weapons.
It is we the people who have allowed these military
machines to be built and it is we who can dismantle them by
our action. It is in ou¡ power to say no to the machinery of
death. It is in ou¡ power to say yes to life and future.
to mãke.wai,
DISARMAMENT_
THE REVOLUTTONARY IMPERAT¡VE
It is in this spirit that we invite you to join with us in our
will begin.
Military spending priorities continue.to rob ou¡ sisteis and
brothers on this planet of dignity and even of life itself, while
continuing to fuel the ûres of inflation and unemployment
4..,
is
Freedom.
Though the Wal k has a steering/coordinating committee (composed of representatives of the sponsoring
rAlaska, North Dakota, and Utah are the only holdouts'
ENDORSING GROUPS
gioups in consultation with represent¿tives from or- '.
ãanÞed regions) which meets every twoweeks' most
õf the orgãnizing and decision mak¡ng remains at the
regional and local levels.
The best organ¡zed region to date is in California.
A San Francisco office is staffed by four peopleStephanie Brown, Ann Gonski, Steye Ladd and Scott
Ullm¡rn. Peter Klotz is the Northern California
coordinator, operating out of Santa Cruz, and Mandy
Carter is doing the same fol Southern California.
Two regional meetings have been held in California,
as.well as severàl local ones..Bay Area women are currently drafting a leaflet relating sex¡sm and militarism,
and plans are underway for a promotional women's
festival, with music, dancing'films, and theater
The lnternatioåd Fellowship of Reconciliation
recehtly announced plans to coordinate an ¡nternational wal k for Au gu st, '1976, in France, starti ng from
the World War I battlegrou nd of Verdun.
Bill Wood (New Orleans) has expressed interest in
investigating thç possibility of several people floating
down the Mississippi from Mipneapolis to New Orleans
raising similar issues. This "continental f oat" might
intersect the Walk at St. Lou¡s.
Other ideas have been suggested: planting trees .
along the route, br¡nging a giþantic helium-inflated
dove or peace symbol along and 5 million people on
lnterstate 40 on July 4, holding hands to link both
coasts. Wh¡le some of these ideas are off the wall, a
lot of enthusiasm has been generated and people feel
that this is an effective, continent-wide event that they
can participate in.
STRUCTURE OF THE WALK
Fifteen years ago the Committee for Nonviolent Ac-
tion (CNVA) sponsored the San Francisco tô Moscow
Wal k for Peace. Though the current Continental Walk
has a lot of similarities with th¡s pioneering effort, the
differences are many and significant.
The main route of the Wd( beginning in San Èrancisco January 31, will cut through 13 st¿tes before it
ends in Washington DC,'sometirñe in October. The
several branch routes (see map) will raise the total
number of states involved to 32, so far, plus Canada.
and Mexico.
Though approximately 100 persons have expressed
interest in doing long distance walking, the emphasis
WIN
lnternåtional Confedelation for D¡sarmament & Peace; lnternationat Fellowsh¡p of Reconc¡tiatioh; War Resisters, lnternat¡onat.
/
i
, -.l
-æ-.-
5
is on people walking through their own communities
to link up with people in the nextones. The Walk is
expected to average 15 miles per day-20 miles per
day on the open road, and 10 miles in metropolìtan
areas (the SF to Moscow Walk averaged 3 miles per
day). Organizers in each community are encouraged to
not simply "see" the walkers through their community,'
but to relate the Walk to local concerns..lflocal peo
ple are battling a proposed nuclear power plant or the
closing down of a day care center, then the Walk'can
incorporate a people's hearing a teach-in, a debate,
stage some guerqilla theater, a festival, a demonstration
to focus on those concerns.
Each step along the Walk, people will be asked to
sign a petition. lf we collect 200,000 signatures, we
should be able to unroll a petition in Washington, DC,
one mile longt.
Those of üs working for the national organizing òffice of the Wdk are frantically trying to get buttons,
posters, leaflets, and petitions designed, þrinted, and
out to organizers. Mary Robinson is coordinating the
production of an Organizers' Manual. All this is in addition to taking care of the correspondence, sending
out calls (70,000 distributed so far), putting out the
bi-weekly Walk NEWS to organizers, keeping the mailing list in order, trying to keep the regions in touch
with each other. Though the day-teday operation of
the offce is t¿ken care of by Larry Erickson, Joanne
Sheehan and Ed Hedemann with help periodically
THREE IMPORTANT JANUARY D/|TES
,ANUARY 1-Acar caravan from Vancouver, British
Columbia will start a trek down the West Coast,
through Seattle and Portland. This caravan will reach
Ukiah (California) arou nd lanuary 21. lf you úant
to participate, in the caravan, contact the Portland or
Seattle organizers.
,ANUAßY 23-People will walk from Ukiah to San
Francisco.,ContÃctotganizers in Ukiah if you want
to be a part of that leg.
,ANUARY 31-The Walk begins in San Francisco
a.i,
with a rally. Contact the Bay Area offce for details.
They need all the help they can get.
for events in DC, send them !o the Continental Walk
_ol to Gail Pressberg AFSC, 1 501 Cherry Srree!
Philadelphia, PA 191 02.
9flg.
coNTtNENTAL WALK ADDRESSFS
NATIONAL
,
W{k, 339 Lafayette Sr., New,york,
llç
-C-o¡JLn.¡,ql
NY 001 2, 212-677-5455.
1
REGIONAL
Washington-Tom MacLean, c/o Soup & Salad Rest.,
40 Lower Pike Place, Seattle, WA 98101, 206.6235700.
9¡9C31_ çl¡z.aberh Gorm an- Pru n ry, A FSC/CALC,
2032 SE 1 1 St., Portland, Oregon 97214.
Northern Califomia:
North of Bay Area-David Patton, 817 Cypress Ave.,
U kiah, CA 9 5482, 7 07 -462-0421.
SF Bay Area-The Continental Walk, 1380 Howard
St., San Franciscq CA 94103, 411626-6976.
South of Bay Area-Peter Klotz, The Continental
Walk,127 Franklin St. No. 3, Santa Cruz, CA 95060,
408-425-0436.'
Southern Califomia- Mandy Carter, Th e Conti nen tal.
Wdk, 3359 Canyon Crest Road, Altadena, CA 91001,
213-797-8973.
Arizona-Lani/Joe Gerson, 1114 Maple, Tempe, AZ
85281, 602-967,8431.
Texas/Oklahoma- Mary Robí n son, Th e Co nti nental
Walk, 1713 W. 11 St., Austin, TX 78703, 5'12-47+
51 55.
Kansas/Missouri-Mike Haught, The Continental Wal k,
3950 Rainbow Blvd., Kansas City, MO 66103, 81G
432-0350. ,
-
Chicago Area-The Continental Wd k, c/o Women for
P eace, 2240 N. Li ncol n, Ch i cagq lL, 31 +929-6690.
New England-Ed Lazar, AFSC,'48 lnman St., Cambridge, MA 021 39, 617-86+3150.
Disarmament is not only ai urgrnt questioir,iecause
we may all die in a nuçlear holocaust. Peoplç are sufferingtodoy, in this country and all over the world,
because we have not disarmed. .
EVery community that the Continent¿l Walk will
go through hæ very,pressing needs that are not being
met. People are conierned about. jobs, food þrices,
housing, adequate medical care, quality education,
childcaie, a good publîc transportation system, clean,
cheap sourcðs of energy, and many other issues which
affect their daily lives. While these needs remain unful-
filled, the desires of the military-industlial complex
are being met with vast sums of.money, material re
sources, and human enerw. '
The focu5 of the Wd k is not only disarmament
but also sociat jutstice. As human beings we have a
need and a right to live decent lives in a iust Sbciety.
ln order for those needs to be met tþq priorities of
this country (and most countries) mdTt radiðafly
change. The Wal k is a way of calling for those changes.
While demanding disarmament we are demanding
iur
tice.
This year the Federal government will pour over
$100 billion of our tax money into military programs,
thus robbing every community of money that should
be used to meet local needs. That's about 55% of our
tax dollars that will go to the Pentagon. For an aver'
age family of four, according to estimates of SANE, almost $2000 of their taxes will go for military pro
grams, while only $300 will go for health care, $257
for education and social services, and $107 for com'
munity and regional development. But there is more
to it than that.
Right now, the United States is in the midst of its
, severest economic crisis in four decades. lnflation is
eating away at our spending power and millions of
peopiè are out of work. Hardest h¡t by th¡s crisis are
minority peoples, women and old people.
According to various studies by economists and
members of Congress, spending on the military is one
of the prime causes of our current inflation. As Senator Alan Cranston puts it: "Military expenditures are
the most inflationary. They do not produce goods or
services people can use, nor do they really cantriblttg
to the national security. . .Our cuirent inflation +
started with the huge costs of the Vietnam War." ''
Further studies reveal, as the Bureau of Labor
Statistics noted, that "Dollar for dollar, more jobs
can be created by non-military spending" Though the
figures vary, all of these studies sho.w that each billion
dóllars redirected from military production into
civilian production can producg anywhere from 5,000
to 100,000 more jobs. The military's huge cost-over'
runs and waste, combined with the need for more
highly skilled (and therefore more highly paid) em'
ployees for building weapons systems, lead to this
situation. Redirecting military spending tó civilian
production would not totally elim[nate unemploy'
ment but would be a step in that direction. "
These studies should help alleviate fears among
many that disarmament means putting defense work'
ers out of work. A well-planned program of conver'
sion carried out over a number of years would help
create more iobs and put workers in a more stable iob
situation that is dot at the whim of unpredictable
milit¿ry spending.
But war and the preparations for war have become
avery profitable business in this country. Not only
are
THE CONTINENTAL WALK
339 Lafayette Streêt, New York, NY 10012
212-677-54ss
o
from Rick Gaumer, Grace Hedemann, Jim Peck, David
Mc Reynolds and ,Ralph DiGia and volunteers, we are
continually' scrambling to keep our heads above the
paperwork. So anyone in the New York City area who
would like to help, please give us a call.
ln addition, there are special task areas such as long
distance wdkers' coordination and traíning (handled
by Gail Pressberg), publicity, fund raising and
coordination of speakers.
THE FINALE
Groundwork is underway to develop a scenario for
the end of the Walk in Washington, DC. Sometime in
October, wal kers will simùltaneously enter Washington
from the North, thelSouth, and from the West (maybe even from the East, if,Scott Herrick brings his sail,boat up the Potomac). The Southern route 19 expected
to have heavy participation fr:om SCLC.
The finale may,be a multi-day evgnt involving a
film festival, music, speeches, religióus services, [eafletting, seminars, and preparations for continuing the
struggle-si.nce we don't expect the government fo
"surrender.r Suggestions for demonstration sites include the White House, Congress, HEW, lRS, Departments of Labor and "Justice." But the most often
cited target has been the pentogon lf you have ideas
6 WIN
SC
ADDRESS-PHONE-
hare not
I
CITY-STATI..
--,1
--
ZI
I support the Walk; please keep me info¡med.
I would like to walk through my community.
I am interested in walking a large palt and perhaps the
O
whole dista¡ce across the Continent.
I would like to be an organizer for the Walk in my
citY/¡egis¡'
I am willing to house some of the walkers if they stop
in lny community.
am interested in spgnsoring a long distance walker.
Enclosed is $-.
to help with the organizing expenses.
I can help in other way
Plepse send
copies,of thc (tall to mc;enclosed
--is $to cover rrxpenses. ( I 0rl each, 5 for 251,
100 for $4, 1000 for $35.
tsY Joanne Sl'reehan
and Steve Ladd
WIN
7
m il
i
tary p rotec t American
bu siness í n te rests
cou.nrries, it also fills ttre cofàii
ãi defense
_ojher.
contractors here with huge profits. ftle
l¡ne between
militarv securirv ana corfioiatã ,är"i¡iv'*ì,
tong ago
'b;rh
erased.as rhe inierests
i;;;iåJorä
¡nt.n
rwined in rhe mitirary_indu;;¡ia¡;;rõiJ*.'ir,r
"f
ron
porations involved in'defense
.ontra&i *lrk hand in
h.and with the pentagon ro create powårïu*l'lobbies
in
Wash i ngton. th ar pusË for. ;; p
rï' ilruponr
ritirary atIocarioni. In addiriän, ,ililirvryräi:.^T-:119
ncers olten become top executives in
busínesses with
,{o:t_'rh.
r-n
ñ;;
conrracrs,.and'many of theie ã^rcîtiu",
9:l:nrr
ort"n
gain powerful positions in dhe federal
so*nrnrnt
wh ere rh ey can in fl u enie d;;irñ;;';å;; "'it'itãiï
."_
penditures.
What this means is that the struggle
for disarma_
ment and s.ociat justice cannor U,
iri".iiirl
att¿cking the.corporate structure *Àl¿h -h;; øiüä,
control
over peoples lives and dominates orr.
,ifìt.rv policies.
Sì
mpt y.march in g agai nsr rh,t;
;;;;;';vr'tä
expend¡ture will have only a very'lir¡iéã-"ifrrtor. *,ut
unl.ss
we. also srrike ar the reason,
r", inå'rniriiuiy priorities
being set.
'
Militarism and arms are inevitably linked
pression and dictarorship. Theyarãíh;;;;^to refor
qerpetuatin g social i n justic, ui¿ rronãrni,
ãppr"u
sion. Wirness the US iole,in lÀ¿ãcñini'inîiou¡¿ine
pjli?ry_ aid,to hetp overrhrow rhe etecred teaders in
r.tlre,.tn atdtng dictators in.South Korea,
the philipprnes, and Spaìn; and in aiding
otheieóväi;ments to
Sppress popular movements for sel f-ãetermination.
The military is no lon-ger used to protectour
borders
or make rhe world safé for ¿"moiruiv,-¡iin
iact
it
ever was. Rarher it is used ro projecr
äi,J Jåf.n¿
American pol i ricat un ¿
poïå r"uä roua. I n
make. rhe.wortd""onãñiù'
safe
for
ÄÃãi¡rä;r'ãorporare
îj9"_ir9
tnvestments, the US mu.st defend and
reinfoice those
governments that are supportive
of our ecolomic interests in their countnes.
As opposition movements have become
t
",i,
.in this country in
recent years, repressü
more vocal
h;,
increased
on the home fronr. The ,i¡lit"iv riu, pla"y!äTsignincant
ro repress trräse måvemJnìs,
fl..iT-tlTp.tins
rne weapons, tactics. and other technology
"no
deúeloped
by the mititary (pariicutarty i;
on
numerous occasions been employed
by Áormal police
Vi;;;öirià
forces. Many vererans,orc dirråtly
;l;;iih;
and become potice
prison
or
"rry
eråiãí ,¡tÀJ, úäruurc
th.ey can find no otherwork,är.
mititary exp.eriences made tÉem
ú;A;;;';h.y
;{:
;rp;;
feet their
ï.1ürr:täïlor. *,ut
of ait thirï i"'i"äråäri"slv
kind of work. The resutt
mitirarized potice and intrlrigèniä f_;;;'ú;¿ä
en tt y, an d br" åi i
äouJrrn
t
!t-It,'T.i
ror soctat
ch_ange. Any moves for disarmament
are,both a chailenge to rhe narure-"ilåóiriäåi therÍ
and a means ro blunr US power rh.";ñ;ï;"he r,.*
world.
,"r,
*
.å! tL-r very core of much of Ameriä,s miiitar¡stic
po.licies is both racism and,r*irr.
roü"
iåäää"
¡"
this counrry Third WortcJ.proólä url-un
ãnt"iii'only to
ted.or i gnored. rt,,
iitr'r'.äi'dr"r¡rut
prioríties.which favor the military
"ãiv inãìiriloi""¡r"
be. ex.pt oi
man's army because they can,t.get jobs
anywhere else,
only ro be kícked out of the,iï¡iåivïiifltad
dis_
charges, far out of proportion t" tr.l,jii
in
armed serv.ices; when they raise tneir voliËi'against
"rriers the-
military.
racism in the
i
Women suffer much from the nature
of American
priorities
which favor. military neeãiäùoi. t,rrnun
needs. For insrance, the unemployñ"-i;;
among
women is substantically highei ttrân
among men. But
the connections between sexism and
militäism goes
much-deeper than rhar, and in facr ,tri[ä
ii'ttl. urry
for pe-opte arming. tf we toãt ãià'iàìv åt rhe
use
power
of
of peopte, at-possessivenò" äïp"äólä ãi"resources and at one dimensional thintine
;h¡ch
¡ecognizes.only one righr, we ¿iscãuéi it,åsË'to o. uspecrs of milirarism and sexism. wn,
ü in irãliry rh;u.ttim.are expression of machismo ãnJ
iü, üåur.rt ¡n_
dication rhar men dominare il;;;i.ry';n-Jour
wortd
rhar rhey have rhe óã*ritä ¿1, úoy it.
:11:ll
we go ro war because men know no
other way tó
relate to each other than through
äi tn"
threat ofviolence. preparation ior"i"l.nrå
uálti. iJrurs tr,.
many emotional and material interests
of men, and
¡lom,!f, nlay ing men,s rot es (Got da M eiianã-l n dira
bandhU, trom their m19ho ego interests
to their corporare ínreresrs. We bu ild u p"óu
r,¡tit"ii i"'i¡aicu lous
.proporrions so that we can make sure tr,åt-*å'"iãii,ä'
basis
l,i,l:
,
8 WIN
from the public agenda.
Meanwhile, as my neighþor can tell you with iustifiably more dismay than I can, New York City residents are about to be subiected to still higher levels of
taxation in order to "solve" our financial problems.
Oriè reason for our local fiscal crisis is the fact that the
Ïr.
sociat þstice.
tt
means thar we
;; ;;;;
about food, shetrer, jobs, chitd;";r;ä*ri;_tife
"fTJr¿n"¿ ir_
self-than having m'or. arm"ments than any
other
the capacity to btow ilrã wó,íaïp-' I
severat [tmes over. Our government
does not share
these concerns. To brin! ail poãi
ÀrJr.:.åiîuåou,
poverry line in l97l,x St t.4 uilt¡on
,orlá''nlu" u..n
lr_r{.d. Thar was the tow estimatã thåt vår iå, tfrc
:::l[:il!
t,
&1 Bomber. The developmental exceii ånihr'A_l
sz.r uiiliãn_ui;siii;Jää;,
forthe vetoed chitd care program . ii" lg'iïi\ needed
in.the Federat Menrat H.åtñ'àîäejilr";j "ut
to $65
million, the same amount spenr ;ñ ;;;
,-lu u-iirort.
Fed.erat Heat th Bi JgãiJrnri*rv
*ä, sz. ¡
!*
: :l?
Dirron
whtch is
Bom.ber came ro
equal to the overrun cost on the c_5a
aircraft and main battte tank. fo Ou¡l¿
inã'åõrip ZSO
in 1e71,.and pav jj,ôoo r."rñr^Irãräio
ør.
:1".".!
gne yeaf would have cosr g6 billion. By 196éîe
had
losr 6,000 aircraft ¡n ln¿oitriÀa_lä'rîí¡"írv"rÚ,.
qc s.uþwgy ,vitá,
Y::Hp:"_l
was esrrmared originally
e,qual
(:!ril;;;;Ëiå"¿lÏl"
to çosr $Z.gg Oillion'which,is
to the cosr of a nuclear u¡rrrufiunã sü;p; '"
'1973,.$3
l1
:fjqt:
orgnred areas
Not the cities-
billion was needed to reuu¡iJ
in US cities, but what was it spent on?
*Statistics fro¡î articte
by Sey mour Metman in Ny TIMES,
Dec. 4, 1974.
"l
'
,
"ròughest,, or the ,,manliest,; nii¡ãn'in-i'rr,
*ån¿.
dominarion of these mititarisiic ãridil;ÌÅ""l.
society is one of the most.btata";;i;;;;;;iàr,
*uy,
that sexist attitudes are reinforced. They perpetuate
and reinforce male rule,.mat" powèr,
ãnä ,*åiu
tudes that very effectivótv
"ttiptace,,,
*oni""';¡i'ii,i¡r.
.!.r'p
tn
srru ggt es f or gay t iue?atiãn'ii',,uü
n orrul.,,
1,119,:!
worKlng ïor disarmarnent must mean
working for
venrures.inro Third Wortd counti¡ei
ai tñ" ãipinr" or
meeting.human needs here is tÀe bái"ä[ãtiä"
how rac.isr ati¡udes shape the páiJir,
äiäT'ü's. "rl, i,
non-white peoptes who irtrr ,irãsi riã;
rh';"-'
priorities. tn rhis counrry minority
eiãupr'åiärlur¿"rt
hir by ¡nflarion and unemptoyrritlr-tïv ;;.-;h"
ones who are forced to,,volunteei,;f_ií.,,
*f.,i*
Over-reliance on technicalities, of course, has draw'
backs. As an example there's the case of my generally
i ntel I i gent al th ou gh occasional ly reacti onary nei gh bor,
who agrees, despite some of his other politics, that pro
duction of nuclear overkill is economically unsound
and might even concede that it can be iust the least bit
dangerous to our security. But there's no way that he's
goin-g to warm up to a discussion, for instance, of thé
relative merit of multilateral t¡eaties as a means to
achieve general and coniplete disarmament, or unilateral disarmament as opposed to'b¡lateral af45 ço.[t:
trol negotiations. Just no way.
This has been the disarmament problem-it's beon.
a specialty item. By our neglect of disarmament while
working on various other urgent social concerns, we've
conceded it to the specialists. The language of disarmament has been consigned to the realm of iargon. Disarmament is missing from the public forum as well as
THE
I"SARNANENT
CONNEET'ON
RICK MAL¡SHCHAK
Writing about disarmament is as elusive as'writing about
one of those wondrous animals found only in medieval
bestiaries. You can supply all sorts of vivid details
about its form, size, color, its habits and its personality. You can even give it a name. None of this means
that such an animal exists, ever hæ existed, or for that
matter ever will. Disarmament is, at this point ¡n his'
tory, the dream-stuff of peace activists, researchers and
edu cators.
, Fables and fantasies, however, can sômetimes touch
reality more closely than facts and figures. So far the
bulk of what's been written and said about disarmament consists of facts and figures, mostly documenting
in various ways disarmament's non-existence. (The
best people-oriented primer I know is an article by
Homer Jack called "Everything You Ever Wanted to
Know About Disarmamen! but dídíl't have the time
to learn.t' lt's published by SANE and should be read
by everyone interested enough in disarmament to be
reading this issue of WlN.) lnformation about the
technical side of disarmament is a necessity.
Rick Mqlishchak is a stoff member of the New York
Metropolìton Region of the American Friends Seruice
Committee ond works with the þ1 Bomberf Peace'Conversion Compaign.
federal government's spending priorities.have been
building up the economies of statevwith heav.y concentrâtions of military production, at the expènie of
st¿tes like New York which are heavily dependent on
civilian production. And one result of this policy has
been a net loss to New York City of federal revenues
that could have prevented the city's budget crisis if
the city had been allowed to spend a just share of its
own people's money on its own people's needs. And
one result of this is more taxes.
The Continental Wd k for Disarmament and Social
Justice is going to make a lot of connections-connec'
tions between people, connections between com'
munities, connections between two coastlines, and
connections between and among many local breadand-butter issues and the broader issue of disarmament.
The Walk will take disarmament out of the libraries
and put it in the streets. lt will begi¡ to make disarma'ment as urgent and immediate an issue in the public
. consciousness as it already is in reality.
And this is iust where reality meets dream, where
fact and fantasy come together. We don't'know
whether a disarmed world will come into being..We
can't be sure what a substantially disarmed world will
look like. But the fact of a world armed to the teeth is
a reality. And the assumption that it will require even
more armaments to make us secure is not a fantasy, it
is a lie, a lie that is in process of starving people in this
country and in all parts of the world, people who can't
afford to be fed because military power is the top ,
priority of their governments. lt-i$.a lie that has com- "
bined with irresponsible technology to bring us to the ;
very edge of mass destruction and megadeath far be
yond the limits of our imagination.
The dream of disarmament is more real than government policies that revolve around militaristic assumptions. Those policies shut the eyes of their
proponents to the human suffering all. around them,
the suffering that could be alleviated in a disarmed
world. Those policies shut the eyes of their prop.o
nents to the unspeakable peril that a nuclearized worl{
must face every day, to the hideous destruction
wrought by non-nuclear arms every day. The human
cost of our failure to disarm is the only real measure of
the magnitude of the crime.
The disarmament dream is real because it gives fore
most consideration to thd human factor. lt is difficult
if not impossible to conceive of a world of social,
sexual, racial, and international justice that nontheless
remains armed to the teeth. Disarmament includes the
wrN 9
process of achieving iustice, and disarmament is a part
of that process. Regardless of whether or not the
revolutionary âct for American colonists in 1776 was
to pick up the gun, it is clear that the truly revolutionary act for all of us in 1976 is to work to see that
all the guns are put down, that they are dismantled
and their parts used in building a new society and a
new planetary consciousness based on respect for
human needs and active concern for human grievances.
A major focus of the Continental Wd k will be to
promote interest in unilateral dísarmamenL Unilateral
disarmament is a concept that will frighten and anger
many people. lt is also one which needs to be injected
into the public debate as a practical alternative to the
-current situation of national and global insecurity. We
must introduce people to the conceþt in an intelligent
and sensitive way. We must educate people to the fact
that unilateral disarmament is not surrender. Together
with its collateral concept of nonviolent civilian defense, unilateral disarmament is a far cry from the form
of surrender that is currently a cornerstone of our national policy, the surrender of our entire population as
hostages to the escalating spiral of the nuclear arms
race. Just as "Out Now" was at first an extreme position on Vietnam and later came to be widely accepted,
unilaterd disarmament needs to be the rallying point,
the "cutting edge," of the growing disarmament movement.
An ineidental effect of unilateral disarmament's
role as political vanguard will be to provide a greater
share,of public credibility for other less radical
methods of disarmament. Unilatera! initiatives for disarmament are one such method. A foreign policy con-
IO WIN
sistently based on bold unilateral initiatives would
promote trust among peoples and governments, reduce
tensions, and encourage reciprocal responses from
other nations. Such a policy would include unilateral
initiatives in decelerating the arms race (such as stopping the 8.1 bomber) as well as in many other areas
(for example, establishing a publicly-held grain reserye
earmarked for the poorer nations). As a new idea, the
concept of unilateral initiatives will usually be received
with much less initial hostility by ears that might
otherwise be deaf to the whole notioh of disarmament.
It can serve as a viable fall-back position as well as having its own validity and integrity.
Two steps that must accompany any serious efforts
toward disarmament are conversion and development
of an alternative defense system. Conversion can mean
either the concept of economic conversion of militar;z
industries to civilian production and military bases to
civilian uses, or the concept of Peace Conversion. As
put forth by the national campaign to stop the B-1
bomber, Peace Conversion includes redirection of tax
dollars and industrial production to meet real hqman
needs and therefore encompasses economic conversion.
ln addition it would include some radical social
changes that would be related to disarmament símultaneously as causes (creating conditions favorable to
disarmament- and effects (becomine more feasible as
progress toward disarmamdnt is madê). lt would mean
a decrease in the domestic economic pressures that
contribute to acceleration of the arms race. lt would
mean the freeing of countless workers who are now in
effect economic hostages to the weapons industry. lt
would mean improvements in our way of life at home
and in the way we relate to our neighbors on planet
Earth, improvements that would be impossible in a
heavily armed world. lt would enable us to ,,afford" in
economic terms a greater degree of trust and mutuality
with other peoples.
But it would not require blind faith in others, good
intentions, the kind of faith that will never mater¡alize,
because it would be combined ivith an alternative
means of defending human values. Civilian defense or
,
nonviolent resistancb is a source of tremendous untapped power in achieVing security without recourse
to pre-emptive domination. Military power can offer
only the promise of mutual destruction, not real
security. The long ánd generally overlooked history of
nonviolent defense is something that the Walk will
seek to publicize. Some''military people who have
listened to the case for civilian defense have been impressed, and there is no reasqn to suspect that the public will be any less open to this exciting option of peo
ple defending their own culture and their own values,
rather than relying on a military establishment that
hæ become a source of massive insecurity, both
politically and economically. The time is right in the
Bicentennial year to in¡tiate public debate on a truly
revolutionary means of providing deterrence and defense without the hazards of militarism and a war
*ho ur. likely to praise any dictator from Stálin to
Franco for "modernizing" their countries and usher-
ing then¡ into the 'lindsutrial age." !n the case of E/
Cãudiltð, Nixon happened Jo lead the pack, He.praised
Franco ás "a loyal îriend ahd ally of the United
States. . .who brought Spain back to economic re'
covery" and '¡unified a divided nation through 1 policy
of firmness and fairness toward those who had fought
against him." At the other end'of thespectrum, ac'
cõrdins to some press accounts, unmeasured numbers'
Disarmament is also an envirsnmental issue. The
for disarmament needs to be taken to people concerned about the quality of life, because nuclear weapons pose the greatest existing threat to the planet.
There are enough nuclear weapons already stockpiled
to cqnceivably destroy the ozone layer that protects,
all living things from ultraviolet radiation. Survivors of
a nuclear war would envy those who died in the ¡nitial
blasts. The food clrain would bè deStroyed oi setiously
damaged. A slow and lingering death would await tbe
survivors. Disarmament should also include thetis-'
màntling of nuclear power plants and reliance instead
on benign souroes of renewable energy. Security can
never be achieved in a world in which potentially
destructive nuclear materials are permitted to exist
and proliferate.
Finally disarmament is a means to bring our councase
try into a more mutual relationship with other.coun.
tríes and peoples. lnterdependence is à fact of lífe ãñd
- -
Murray Bookchin is well know to WIN readers for his
articles on ecological ond social problems' He has
wr¡tten, omong mony áooks, Post'Scarc¡ty Anarchism
and The Limits of the City. His latest book The
Spanish Anarchists is ìn press and will be published
this year.
Nl)
-
must receive recognition and embodiment in our
political and social institutions. A "balance of power,,
between the superpowers is an outmoded concepl
There are numerous centers of political gravity, and
none are secure unless all are. Especially-terrifying is
the research and development that is proceeding on
the cruise missile, a potential nuclear Saturday-night
special that practically any nation would be able to
VIV
A
fßr+fvCo
possess and use. Unless
all peoples perceive their
mutuality of interest in disarmament, a holocaust may
become almost inevitable. Canadians will be foining us
in the Continental Walk, and Europeans are planniñg a
simu ltaneor.l s di sarmament activity.
Disarmament then, is more than the act of elimin-
ON
DITATII
l)l:
trllAN0l)
ating weapons, and it is also less. lt is more because it
involves so many interrelated factors beyond the simple question of whether or not to plan for and to
in defense of human values. And it is less
because the act of eliminating weapons will itself be
part of a larger process of transforming our lives and
our societies. AboVe all, disarmament is necessâry. But
the one thing disarmament shares with nuclear holo
use violence
caust is that neither is, in the last analysis, inevitable.
History will not proceed without us. Let's point our
toes in the right direction, and walk.
:
Gabriel jackson, a liberal histórian of the socalled
"spanish Civil War," some 800,000 died o-ut of those
24million between 1936 and"1945. The figure may '
well have been as high as a million.
The "Red Terror" imputed by many historiañs
particularly to the Spanish anarchists (for whom Jackson has neither sympathy nor undèrstanding) is belied
by Jackson himself in a brief but tell¡ng sentence. "ln
Câtalonia and the Levant the anarchists arrested many
a landlord and monarchist on the assumption that he
had probably backed the uprising, but mostof these
people were released when the evidence, and the testimoåy of villageis who had known them for years,.¡ndicatecl they ñad nothing to do with the uprising" By
contrast with the admittedly inflated figure of 20,000
executions which he places in the republican zone,
fackson observes that the "largest single cate-gory of
deaths were the reprisals carried out by the Carlists,
the Falangists, and the military themselves. Physical
liquidation of the enemy behind the lines was a con'
There is a comfortable conclusion toward whích all
sectors of opinion are likely'to converge' notably that
Franco's death "spells the end ofan era." That Franco
may be the "last" of the "old fascists" whose personalities gave a face to the cold technocratic fascism of our
own-era has some truth, although Franco's "personali'
tv" could accurately be dismissed as one shade of gray '
p;inted on another. ln terms of his personality, the
man was a deadening blank. The point seems to be
that Franco provided a "face," in contrast to present'
day bureaucrats who are indistinguishable from the
civilian defense.
:t
:
on boñ sides of ihe Spanish frontier opened their
wine îasks and got drunk. I suspect that anlimmense
section of Spanish public opinion is refected by those
young Madrilenos who, when asked by Anrerican teleíision interviewers why they filed P.ast the coffin,
bluntly declared that they wanted tö see if-the "old
fascist" was reallY dead.
Nonviolent civilian defense is aimed at defending.a
people and their culture rather than at protecting only the territory in which they live. lt involves ruñning
some risks, but these are of a lesser magnitude than
the ones we already run in a world whère nuclear
capability breeds nuclear countêr-capability in â s€€nì:
ingly'endless cycle. lt involves a major overhaul of public perception of the nature and problem of security.
But as a policy ratherthan a belief, it does not require
any formidable overhaul of people's moral values. A
major objective of the Continental Walk for Disarmament and Social Justice is the promotion of nonviolent
,.\
mdchines they operate. The regime could name
ovenidas after him and saddle his'diminutive figure on
marble horses in nearly every city in Spain. What
could well rescue his reign from the opprobrium it
deserves is forgetfulness, not forgiveness. A loss of a
sense of history is perhaps the greatest support that
could underpin the cult of "relevancy." lt is this for'
getfulness, equalled only by thç ignorance that has
iettled around the Spain of the thirties, that may well
salvage the name of Franco and gxalt his impact on
. . :.i
Spanish society.
Let me stress that if Francisco Franco wæ denied
a place beside Hitler.and Stalin as one of histqry's''
most terrifying mass murderers, it was only because of
the demographic limitations imposed upon him by
the lberiañ peninsula, Hitler had the hundreds of mil'
lions of Europe from which to gollect his mountains
of corpses; Stalin, the many tens of millions i¡ Russia.
Franco was limited to 24 million people. Acêording to
Death normally invites eulory-€ven for a Mafia-cJpo
Accordingly it'is not surprising that the delth of
Francisco Franco summoned up the usual tiibute
froin the acolytes of "relevancy"-a genre of people
economy.
.:
cartoon trom Liberation/LNs.
llymurrilf bookchln
wrN l1
w
t
'
stant.process throughout the war. The Nationalists
h.ad, b.y definition, far more enemies than the revolu_
ttonar¡es: all members of populaf Front parties, all
.
Masons, all officeho!ders of ucf or õñïrnìon,
or ot
Casas del Pueblo, ali members of míxed iurìés wtrõ t¡i¿
generally voted in favor of worker demañds. The
re
pression took place in three stages. At the outbrãil
of
me war, the arrests and wholesale shootines corresponded to the revolutionary terror in tÈ'e popular
Front zone; but there were a great many ,oiu ílitim
because such arrests and shoolings were omüulty
sanctioned and because so large ãpercentage of the
population were considered hõstilä. ln ttràià"on¿ stage, th e National ist Army, conqu rr¡ns .rrü
provided a strategic model for Francð by
witttdruwing from Paris when his position proved to
be unten4ble and returning with a cclnquerìng aimy
not to achieve victory but to enact a blgody "fnal
iolution:' to the century'long unreSt of the Parisian
Sãnvculottes. Franco followed an identical policy'
itivins faile¿ to capture the maior cities of Spaìn in
luly, 1936, he shifted the thrust of his.rebellioh from
as 1871,
r
ti 6ical m it ¡t¿rv p ro nu n c la m i en fo, to ou tri gh t m¡ ¡ãri'tonor.tt. The.soðial movements that had played
io óreutiv'. a role il Spanish history for nearly 70 .
This
uã"rt *tt" to be utteily uprooted and destroyed. -.
*iJ no ideological or iñstitutional act; its goal was
;irlh
outright eitermination of every militant erten'every
focus of unrest.
Forgetfulngss also threatens to conceal the fai?'that'
pe:n held by the pop-ular Fron! cairied our heavy
l1d
repnsats ¡n revenge for thbse of the revolutionaries and
rn order to control a hostile populace with few
rroops. . , !n !he third
stage,'whiit-iirilJåiìeasr inro
tJre year "1943, the military authorities carried out
mass cou rt-martial s fol I owed by I arge-scal e execu tions.
. lf one adds 100,000 ,,battle'casuãlties"_a
phræe that
ih; ""sp;i;ñ Ciuil wur" was above alhl sweeping social
revoluiion-in Burnett Bolloten's wordl, a revolution
';;;;;;;;ioun¿ in some respects thg.tñe. pglslrevi.\
ievoltition in its early stagesl and, I vûould be inclined
"I
loose
often incìuded the execution of prisoners_
to add, in any of its sfages. lt was primarily an anar'
chist rêvolutíon, whethér guided by mæsive anarcho
svndicalist organizations such as the CNT'FAl or the
résult of 70 vãars ofanarchist agitation. Franco
irr-iJtåv.ttni wtl"t¡ãn ¡t had the resilienceto return in anything resgmbling its original form after
the blood-lettiñg it s-uffered would now be idle specula'
üon in view of ïTre changed social conditions in Spain'
to the 2Q000 execuriøhs in the republicañ zãne, the
f rygoi¡þ^m ay have sysrem atical y slau gh te red ä ose
e an d. possi bt y as' m anias g gó, ô00.
lo
J00,.000_.peopt
t-ollowing Franco's military victory in .ig¡g, tnê
slaughter began ìn earnesl'lt conti'nued,niéf éniingf y
up to the.early.fortíes, when Francq courtinj th; ÃÉ
,lies after Hitler's retreats in Russia, beqan to ieddce
I
p;ö;
the execurions.'possibly as many á SOï,OOó
were executed in this fiveyear oeriod.
I know of no account of tn¡i carnage more compell_
ing and dramatic than Elena de La Soüchere,s
l,whln
tjme stood still" in her deeply perceptive *olï
Ex p I a n at io nbf Sp øi n. I n Maári¿ aiãñã, ãuË
óTrrn"n unt
courts-martial tried prisoners in ,,batches,' of 25 and
50. Accusations were merely perfunctory, based
primarily on charges of membership in a'íeftìit or_
gan¡zat¡on or participation in public office rather than
supportable "atrocitiei." The percentage of those. . .
Ài-
q
accused, rightly or wrongly, of ,blood c"rlmes, was
minute," notes Sou.chere. iîollowing an aámonitory
hãrangue by the military prosecutoi, the defense was
allowed a "brief collectivè plea.', Thãn the entire ìgroup-was sentenced (usually to execution) without
the military judges so much as leaving the hearing
room.
. "A dumber of prisoners spent months and some
..
trmes even years on death row and, two or three
eveningsa w€ek, were submitted to the anflish of
hearing thefr namcs on lhe rollcall of men io be
executed the next morning. ln Madrid during the first
two years pf the regime, there were at least t-hree
hundred m.el il every ,batch.' The conderlned spent
their last night in the prison chapel, standing kneeltng, or seated on the stone floor. At dawn, theii. hands
were tied behind rheir backs and the iàwe'r l"ü, of
their faces were bound with rubber muzzleà so that
ñ;hü
l¡extricably bou nd !o F ranço's v ictory,-h oweveq
wæ-the aid he'acquired from the Spanish Communist
Party. lt ls impossible to write the,biography of- Franco,
to giue an accöunt of his "National Movemen!" or to
exõlain his success without stressing the counterrevolu' '
tionary role of Stalin and the Communists in Spain'
From ihe murder of Andres Nin in a sec.ret Stalinist
orison to the Communist execúTion teams who shot
wounded anarchist m¡lit¡amen during the Battle of
the Ebro, the'history of the Commi¡nists has been
marked by such a ruthless commitment to counter'
revolutiori that it bears comparison only with Ebert
and Noske in Germany. The comparison was made in
the most cutt¡ng fashiôn by Camillo Berr¡eri, o-1e. o{
the most widelf respected ltalian anarchists of his day,
shortly before Íre too was killed by Stalinist agents in
I
Mav. i937. in
iá t¡môiom" of us ôdme to realize that lhe Communilt ParW's activitíes formed perhaps the most
imoortant oTthe unwritten chapters in the history of
fascism. 1o place the party on the "left" had
- Späniqh
nìarfd¿ our deference more to symbolism, rhetoric,
and tradition than.to political reality. What now boggles my mind is how little this harsh fact is underítoo'cl ioday'within and, far less excusably, putside of
Spain. The'emergence of a -neostal i ni:lll :o wi despread
.
Baic'elona
that it,can enraoiure contributors-to WIN as well
the hacks wtro wìite for the Guardlan is evidehce of a
'forgetfulness" much closer to ¡tupidity than to a lack
as
,l
i
I
L
\
the
ðh"ns". Sut ìt is utterlv unforgivablê that American "'
J Ëu top.un rad ical iirtel lectu al s, part¡cu arl y th ose;:
"n
*ñå orofäs a non'authoritarian approach, so readily
trtr.n¿tt their moral probity with each change in the
political winds as to réinforce the illusion that the
i
I
'
bommunist parties are soqially redeemable'4 Here the
cult of the 'irelevant" and'the "contempora-rY-" þetrays
itself as ihe lack of an orgañic ¡nsight in which thèr
b-ackground of events is sãen as much a part of the
future as the Present.
Franco's victory in 1939 did iiot form the prelude'to
'the.second Woild War as the historians tell us. lt
marked the definitive end of the classical wórking class
revolutions wtiich began in 1848 wi$ the June inzurrection of the Parisiañ proletariat. 9lép by step¡ each
maior Eurooean countiy exhausted'this heritage, ¡
heritage from which traditional anarchism and socialism de-rived their hopes and their theoretical equip- .
ment. ln France, all the later fireworks notw¡thstanding the heritage'ended with the fall of the Commune
¡n'i gZl. Thereafter, the French proletariat neler
seriously challenged the established order a5o class,
howevei.theatricá its participalion in the events gf the '
thirties and the sixties. lndeed, as a class its activity
was siohoned into ¡nst¡tütionalized parties 44d unions,
organizations to which it has been obedient for more
thãn a century. Evenûally, it was not Thier5 and his
exeçutioners who were to bring the revoh¡tionary heri'
t¿se of the French working class to an end, but the adueit of modern largescale industry and the powerful .
;i;;i ;l i ; ; ;; ãiåi"íí"¿ p"n th e wórke rs th emselv ei.
" was almost certainly over by
ln Germanv. this era
in
ù20, revealing itself the assimilation of the Social
Demócratic an-d Communist partie¡ to the capitalist
svstem.t ln Russia, tho era ended wÌth the crushing of
:
the Kronstadt saiíors in'1921. Americ4 the center
largescale industry and mass production pør excellence,
less
. neüer even rose to the level of a labor Par'tY, much
an insu rrectionarv Proletariat.
Militancv and viblence should never be confusedi
with revolutionary behavior and revolutionary action.
The American class struggle has been militant gngu$,
but rarely hæ it evolved tb the Jevq! in which sizablé
nqmbers'of workers were to châlleñge.the social ordern .
of
|
:l
itielf.'lndeed, never has it risen to tlie leve! of consciousness wliere self-activity coùld yield the promise
of rñemory. As if the verdict of Spain were not
enough, a recent verdict from'Portugal m.ight seem to
suffcã for vears to come. "The Communists have let
ús down again," b¡tterly declared a leftist iournalist in
Lisbon aftãr tÉe recent'military uprising, "as they.let
the rest of the left down in Chile after the coup."3 l¡
is time to regognize that this is neither "treachery"
nor "betrayal" but the conseq!.ences of a totally mis'
pl aced belief i n the revolútionary nature of auth orítar3. THE NEW YORK TIMES, November
12
ian "s'ocialism" as such. The Communist Party in every
"left" than
Fiinco s Falangei it can no more be-"red-baited" thän '
the followers oi George Wallace or Ronald Reagan'
To sþeak frankly, however, I strongly. fear' that lhis
verdict will not sufiìce. lt is understandable'that
sl"nistr oeople, who have been*denied access to their
ãwn r'r¡stbtv, will see in the well.financed and well:"ori
ea"i*a Spáñ¡str Communist Party á lever f9r soSial ,^
aountry of the wprld is no more on the
wtN
27' L975.
wtN
rancisco Franco in 1970. Photo from LNS.
13
of self-management which we assoc¡ate witlr a libertar-
ian socialist society.
Späin alone r"ri¡.d the classical rradition WeÛ
our own century. Here, every classical working class
movemenÇ ndeed, al most every revol u tionary sect,
.i
played out its programmatic role with guns inhand.
Each exhibited its possibilities and limitat¡ons with¡n
the traditional framewòrk that had been created by
úe 1840s. With the collap¡e of the Span¡sh revoluiion
into
â
As a sizable part of the urban ¡iopulation,
_ More enigmaiic than the managerial sector ii the
Spanish worlçing class-the class tñat stlll forms the
great hope of the thirties' generation on both sides of
the Pyrenees. Except fgr the Basque region, it would
h.ave been diffcult by present-day standards to regard
this class as fully industrialized 40 years ago. ln Bãrcelona, the textile workers who were to fiil the ranks
the CNT were largely employed in shops of less than
-of
a hundred workers.owned as family concerns. Often,
-
century.
class is a supportive army of salesmen, lechnicians,
stat¡stiqal analysts, advertizi ng I egmen, accou ntants,
bookkeepers, secretaries, typists, ieceition ists¡ and
clerks-qll oriented toward the Spanish version of the
"Americån dream" of upward mobility and suburban
amenities.
The susceptibility of this sèctor to social radicalism
is likely to._be minírhal, if not non-existent; it is liberal
àt béstand by no means.totally bereft of authoritarian
procliv¡t¡es. lt may desirøa more democratic form of
golernment in which to voice its ínterests,:but certain.
lybne that is moderate, prudent, and well-tamea. Sulch
a sector did not exist on a large scale in the thirties
I
wlN
sle for their practical day'teday interests' Their orËanization wìll no longer presuppose a radical change
i'n society; rather, it wìll presuppose precisely .the op-
o"iit", íítrusele'with
kinJ
capitalism, notagoinst
it' This
of struglte is intrinsically a negotiabl.e.one that
älóurs wittriñthe parameters of the prevailing.social
ielãtíóntnips, As tb the precaþitalist ru-ral. origins of
iñã piot.tar¡at, they wili disappear with the pueblo itseit'Rgr¡uus¡nêss li'es as much in store for Spain as i¡
fåi F;;;ce'and with the devêlopment of agri"
ñ;¡;;;t, th. erosion of the peasantry as a force for
social revolution.
t
ã;;
A "unified" Spanish labor movement had already.befãrnô th" cry bf ttre CNT during the "spanish civil
Wár.;'1o t¡'e degree tlrat it was achieved,-it benefited
n"ìtll", the anarãhosyndicalist segment of the labor
i
n prof lanco rally in Madrid. Photo by Henr¡ Bureau/LNs'
'the
most radical of these workers weró of recent rui.al
backgrounds, at most a generation removed from a
peasant or craftsman status. A marked tension tìe,
tryegn t{re intimacy òf the pueblo and rhe a4onymity
ofthe city, between work regulated by the ôeasóns and
work regr:lated by the clock, exacerbated the ubiquitous m¿terial misery that burdened Spanlsh life and
evoked a fiery, intensely libertarian response, Not
surprisingly, Mad-rid, a city composed of bureaucrats,
.retailers, and craftsmen had a predominantly Socialiít
"proletariat." The construction workers in thì! capital
'
were mainly anarchosyndicalists. The Barcelona .
workers were overwhelmingly anarchosyndicalistsj the ,
more'privileged railroad workers ând thä skilled
machinists in the repair shop3 tended even in Catalonia
toward the Socialists. One could clearly, delineate.be
tween 4 hereditary proletariat and a transitional one-
i
the former drifting into Socialist unions, the latter into anarch osyndical ist ones.
Tlu Spanish workers of the seventies are,increasingly thé creatures of multinational corporations-in pari,
too, emigre workers who have been.émployea Uy liini
industrial enterprises in France and Germany..Oêñ¡te
the arducjus nature of their work and the comparúively low wages they earn, they are in a very significant
sense a part of the industrial bureaucracy ofmodernday capitalism. Unlike the old patronal system which
imparte'd a"face" and a certain comprehensibjlity
to Spanish capitalism, the modern corporate structure
is anonymous and totally bereft of human scale.
Tq the Barcelona workers of the thirties, ,,col,
lectivization" with its condomitantsystem of self'
management at the base of the economy, had
authenticallyþersonal character. The popularity of
.
\
,
an
.t
14
the,
ago.
syndicalist or Marxist, libert¿rian or authoritarian
came to an end. As in France, modern industry with its
concomjtantshifts in population from the countryside
to the.cíties, its reformist working class, its merger
with the state, its use of econornió contiols, is Fostering of a technocratic sensibility and hierarchical
mentality, and its wíde commercial baæ-dliháve
comþìned tochange Spain more profoundly in the
past decade than in tlre past
The extent of these changesrcan'be measured by
the.occupational shifts ryithín the Spanish pòpuUtion
itself. Spain, ¿s seen through the picaresquò n'ovels of
its traditional authors or the misty eyes óf romantic
tou rists, has long been categori zed aí a hopelessly pre
industrial nation, almost as though a tradiiional national temperament could perpefually surmount
fundamental economic realities. This'vision might have
had sorne,validity as recently as .l960,-embraci
when arliculture
w¿s,stil I the cou ntry's major adtivity,
n-g nearly
population. Within a mer'e span of 12 years,
!.2/o 9!-t\
the shift from rural to urban occupations has been
specqcular. By 1972, only 27o/o oi the Spanish people
we¡e involved Ín agrículture and the trend is stlli down.
q
is
most significant,buffer tg "extremism.f, The new
managerial çlass and the aspirants that follow in its
wake form the mass base- for a constitutional monarchy
oi a republic and wôuld in themselves be sufficient to
cushion the shockwaves that plunged Spain into social
revolution 40 years
i
'
full history of proletariàn socialism-whether
ward.
By far the overwhelming majority of Spaniards are
noq éngagg{ in industrial frodúction, constructioh,
service activities, managerial tasks, profgssional woik,
com merce and govèrmental responsibíl jties. Con.
temporary Spain ranks 1Oth among the most indus
trialized nations in its gross nationãl producl The
gross national product has been íncreasing at a rate of
about.T% to 8% annually. Foreign inriestñent in Spain
is enormous. Despite thé recentãconomic slump which
reduced.the labor force in the American auto'industry
'
by
.113, Ford continued'to invest some g35O millipn
in its installations in Spafn. As one State Department
'official recently'observed: "Spain is now onè of the
most hçavíly industrialized nations in the world;,,
The shift in Spain from agriculture to industr,y and
commerce has created an entirely nàw constellation of
social forces with new political, cultural, and temperamental realities. Spain npw possesses a substantiaí
managerial class, mor.e American in its outlook than
Hispanic. The.a,bractJo is giv_ing way to the handshake;,
the siesta to thè luncheon. Suirounding this manageriái
it
:\,
movement nor the Socialist, but primarily the Communist. Today, a "unified" Spanish labor. movement
lôrtainly be controlled bv the Communist
råüiJ
Þãrtr Ànotl'tdr harsh'fact must be faced concerning
iõ"ìílt Uv nearly every account available to this writer,
;Ë'$;1tíì õäÅl*unitt Partv is the best-organizèd as
best'financed political movement in Spain'
Its membership has been estimated to be as hi-gh as
Sõ.ö0ó in¿ is ïmost certainly not less than 30,000'
Membership in an illegal organization has a very
tenuous meaning to be surg a4d the Communlsts have
ltáii
*"lfîin.
irotoriously inflàied their membership figures in all
their parfiós. But there does seem to be widespread
aqreement, even among opponents of the Communists,
tñat no poiitical organi-zation in Spain has comparable
Dower and
lllegality itself confers this advantage on the comrunitíÞuitv, ¡rtt ut it sbrvei ttl impari a d-emocraüic,,
nearly anarihiô character to the Workers' Commissioñs-,
The Óommunists commind resources from abroad thai
other potentially larger illegal organizations clearlylack, fheir oosiiion ls also ènhanced by' the aura of
fo*"t that'emanades from their affiliations with the
'iEastern Bloc":ih Europe, even though the largest of
the two Communist parties in Spain opposed the Rus'
:sian invasion of Czechoslovakia and probably has very
little access to Soviet resources.
The Spanish Communist party divided o'ver.the invasion oi Czechoslovakia in 1969. The "offcial" Com'
mun¡st Party (i.e. Soviet controlled) is currently.guided
bv Lister. tÉe notorious Stalinist who forcibly disbånded the anarchist collectives in Aragon during the
Spanish Revolution. The "unoffioial" party is led- by
C'orrillo and probably has the greatest amount of sup-
'
resources.
wrN
15
.f,
il
*
Spanlsh pêasants g¡vln9 the republican sâlute in 1936.
Photo bY Chim.
.
port on the Penninsula. Corri[o has tried
to build
etian-styte parry wi th ¡u ppàri f;;;'M;;.h isrs
I
an
seem to have much less. inhuence among the
Spanish
rhe press.has red us ro beliäv;;ai¡houó
as
:nif:1,{ll
mey and the Coímmunists would seem to Uó ttre mõst
likely.hein of rhe commissions-iri stráii i frenctrt1v
m o1e.mf
rh eroricar y
uu t I ns
f9^ l.l :l
þ.
maücaly
retorm¡st ând bureaucratic. ^¿il¿i,
At the present-
weu as ttberals and has directed its appeat to
almostl
any willing ear in Sparn.
ized, falriy wel l-kn it and,,effici ent,,, the
Lommunrsts
create ar image of- considerable power, an
^^
iq"gç rhar is nor wirhour ittr"uó,i-iã-"i-y'sóiliård;
who have been raughr to resfeii'fo*ði¡v
ir," dictarorshþ. irself. ey contäsq trrt
coírLìrrion,
(wnrcn are by no means controlled by the
Communists)
must adopt decentralized forms of
toose, ntghfy democratic strucû.¡res "íe^nlrüron'^ì¿'--',
if they are to main.
tain the widespread adhe¡ence trrev enioíiñ
strucûrres which oolitical partíes pruaónity
avoid as too
libertarian.
Between. the comparatively well-organized
Communtsts and the loosely organized Woikers,
Commi*
sions, the Social isrs, reþu biÍcans, òonriiõ'tioi¿'-" "monarchists, and nationalistic parties live in
a contra.
d rv.
rratisric i n ir, éorv, ir, ãi' ;;"y';;-""
.Cen
lp-r:l_
f
i
lt-organtzed existence in reality. Accordiñþly
the Com_
munists have been buoyed to the top àittiirfËgál -"'
political world of Spairi_an¿ I muit emp-tra-sire
ttre
word.,,political" betause the Workers' Commissions
and the anarchists.face an entirety àif.i*ïTitration_
!ï!4
i
õñ;':"'
piecisely because of the dictato"'f,¡p,
nåi'¿"rpite ii.
size.of rhe mana;eñå1, óioiä¡on"l,
1|r.
and wntte collar sectors of Spanish socièt¡
I strongíy
doubt if the Communis.rs would be
sûong as
they,are roday if organizations ihar ãppåäf
tt, ,ñùi_
qte classes were free to
function in Spain. lt remäins
,,"rüoãó
supreme.ly ironical that Franco,s
cómmunism" has ultimately done more to èiiaUiùn
"e"inri*re
-ó¡ng
Communists as rhe largest politicaig-in Spain
"c:ïiÍïlq
ñrliäs
ì"
i,1l'iä
;
Jffiïi
a
pur
t rñ m
ñ u si
i
a
n'
¿
ai d
"
""1!ïr'-'16'
The Workers'
Commissions are large, anarchic in
structure., and too naive in their aqtitridä towail ' '
hardened. potiticals tike rhe comnirnúìi tã
iål¡r,
ì m ptici t i n th e i r Jrv iãr-,;ù; i;t. ; r¡;;y
91ry::'-tlfre
oo nol proless to þe a substitute for an instituiionalizäd
trad.e union federation. ln the event tlr"ilï.v
*.i.
tt.
,
'
q'y
L1_'l ¡:gl
"'""
wou Id qu ic
kly beco;; ; b;;iíegrou
Tor conllt_cting social movements, such as
the
mu nþ1s, Socialists,
.nd
-Catholics
na
õom-
il.,u Cor_,
believed to,,cor¡
fr,ljr,ts, who are often mistake¡ly"n"r"ñLir.
r,"rmissions, reporredly have been very rnuch
1191-^,11:
g1::rydl*d among rhem owing ro rhe parry,s faiÍure ro
,strike.
supporr
the recent Bæque general
16 WIN
The Socialists
I
time, however, the traditional PSOE (Spanirt, So"i"lir,
l"rtv,.to us.e. the offcial name of the organiza_
-Y_olÍ!ll
uon,
¡s in congiderable disarray and itscapaciry
io influence Spanish events depenai neavity uloñ its iãeãii_
zation.
ú;;d;;
q
n
Tlre. great
unknown in Spain is the size and influence
of the anarchisr groups. fne nmeiiiaï pieìs an¿
tne
.
respectable anti-Franco ju.ntas thatt
uã"n rJriäiãing
governments and the public for financial
"uå assistance are
patentty unwilling ro acknowledgu unv ániüi¡rt
pl9selce tn spain until evidence of anarchist act¡vitíes
lreraly explodes in the form of dramatic otentodos
Even anarchisrs abroad had beþñ.ió'ã.róiii'tr,¿
ur.
memory of an im mense anarchãsy ndi."t¡!i
riãuãränt
in the rhirrìes had any rn."n¡neõi Spãi;;:il"
seventres. As recentlv as afew weeks ago,
the most pes
simisric accounrs I häard d;;ùj;ñ;;;";'.ii!t.nr"
or
an anarchist movement in such trad¡tioíaf
Ceïþrs of
anarch ism as Barcel ona and Zaragoìi.
occasìänal ac_
tions by spanish anarchisrs;;mË¿ to u'" iiìiiä
,orc
than episodic gve.n!¡, carried
Uv imill
groups whtch had filtered in from France.
is now evidence that tt,i, iråi. i, inàccurate.
_ Therepolice
roundups ot scores of anarchists reveal
F-r-..llt
mar me slze and certainly the influence of
the move
y. u nberest¡ m atã¿. Ri ih orì gh
I trav enr-: I lit^|"_:n
äõ;ñ'
"f
-greatt
lJ)Eg 9louCh confticting opinionó ro wonder ütrett¡ei'
large or very small, t am quite
it:.:::l",rynr-is,very
conv.tnced
f.rgT t!" police arrests that
s naf
n ou rishes
:i:::lil1,ilrh,i.n
organtzarton.
tt would1 indeed
an indigenous
isr .riiu i ty .n a
an arch
be surprising that a CNT
or at leasr CNT nuclei do nor exist iri 5pán'ii¡,
i"rtori.,
and vittages.. Acknowtedsement of C¡lïüïiuitv
.ppears even in Workers' Cãmmission
¿orumËnt, I tr.u"
read.
It is also clear that the anarchist movement in
the
'"':j"::?1.,
flsge1 tga n teimi ãrîilåäor osv
i'^" f f !
¡
ano practtce. lt ¡s d¡vided between the exiles
abroa-d
and.lfe, "iltegats,' in Spain; betw..n ,.oiJ iiÃ.ir;är¿
youm; Detween those who emphasize propaganda
and
oth.ers who demand action;.beiwe.n ii¡rüu¡ïi'n,
,"r,o
feel that many Marxian conteprs can no longãiU.
ij
nored and the adherents of a làrgely moral antiauthoritarianism. Finally, it is divided between those
who wish to retain anarchosyndicalist doctrine in all
its orthodoxy and individuals who believe that tradítional'anarchism and Marxism must bê transcended by
a new form of libert¿rian socialism.
The divisions between the exiles and indigenous
groups or the old and young.are themselves quite tradi'
iional and occurred throughout the history ofthé
anarchist movement in Spain. The need to perpetuate
orthodoxy or transcend it in the face of historic social
developmônts-this, quite aside from the old battle be
tween revolu tio4ary pu rism -and reformist accomodation- is the most i¡teresti n g- of. al l. Owi n g to th e. ill egal
nature of the movemenÇ it is diffcult to determine
whether the trend away from orfhodoxy is nourished
by Maoist or New Left influences.
Unlíke other western European. countries¡ Spaiñ'has
had only a zuperficial contact with the New Left concepts of the sixties. The illegality of worken' organizt
tions and the political character of many strikes have
made the Spanish Left highly working-class oriented.
Critiques of the labor movement so common in the
United States are not readily accepted by Spanish
.
revol u ti on ary organizati ons. E normou s si gn ifi cance is
attached to the working class in changing Spanish
society-not merely by left and center organizations
but evdn by "enlightened" sectors of the bourgeoisie
which see an institutionalized labor movement as a
safety valve in preventing an avoidable class war. Ac'
cordingly, the primary reform in Sþain is seen to be
not mãreiy the legalization of "responsible" political
parties, but more significandy, "responsible" trade
unions. I suspect that evgn a well-groomed syndicalíst
federation wóuld be acceptable; a federation that
would al,most certaínly render a milltant revolutionary
anarchist movement inconseque¡tial.
The greatest single prop to the Franco dictatorship has
been the United States, and the Amçrican people re
main more deeply implicated in Spanish developments
than any other in the world. American aid rescued the
dictatorsh¡p during its most d¡fficult period in the
fifties when the peninsula mov'ed cl.oser to revolution
than atanv time since 1936. American investments
and tourism nourished the dictatorship throughout
the sixties. American military bases in Spain remind
the people that the regime has reserves over and beyond its police and armed forces upon which it can call
in the,event of any decisive crisis. lndeed, American
and Spanish military forces have trained. together and
vague clauses in the mil[tary agreements between the
two countries allow for armed American intervention
in Spanish internal affai,is. Visits bi'Nixon and Ford
have reinforced Franco's sagging þrestige in precarious
periods of the dictator's rule.
Today, the one featr¡re that vitiates any meanirrgful
analysis of Spanish conditions is a gnawing sense of un'
certa¡nry. We know from the foreign press that popular
resistance gccurs daily and on a wid'espread scale. But
the true relationshíp of forces within the army, the
church, the working class, the middle classes, the na'
tional groups, and the resistance organizations has been
effectively obscured by the regime. As long as the free
expression of ideas is forbidden, all the strat¿ that
compose Spanish society and the groups that profess to
speak in their name do not even know theiF own
strength and influence.
This sense of mutual ignorance, sustained partly by
the legitimation the United States gives tq the rei¡ime,
represents a very explosive factor in Spanish social
development. lt mai
ln the course of this labyrinthine "transition," Spain
could well take a bloody turn-by no mbans one that
would favor the Left-that could not have.been fore
seen a few years earlier. The conviction which I
developed during a visit to Spain some eight years ago,
notably that the people had been too embittered by
the slaughter of the thirties to slip into civil war, is no
longer a certainty. A frieqd well-informed on Spanish
conditions reminds me that 60.0/o of the Spanish pebple
today have no memory of the'coñTict. Militancy has"
replaced restraint among young Spaniards and the restj'
less national groups. lt would be wrong to believe that
a bloody clæh within Spain is impossible. The Spaniards
are no longer the defeated people of the forties, ,no¡ do
the warnings of the previous generation carry any
weight in the formulation of popular decisions.
Tempo is now everything. The ticking of the clock
has replaced the "proverbial" tolling of the bells.'With
each passing week, grim frustrations are turning'into aggressive anger. lt would be ironical indeed if Spain, a
country in which elementary bourgeois freedoms
would probably suffice to remove the threat of a popular uprising exploded in revolt-not because the re,
gime, following in Francofs footsteps, aqted too force'
,
^
fully, but
because
it acted too late.
\
wtN
17
.t
t,
!{
t
t
of nbnviolent protest. This year a few days before the'
gathering ETA guerillas assassinated a police underðover agent as he left his home in San Sabestian. This
incident gave the government an excuse to crack down
by searching cars, breaking into homes, tightening border checks and detaining large numberq of people. Tha
ETA guerillas face the most severe reprrission of any I
group in Spain, but this onlir gìves them more credi-
bility.
'
' The FRAP is.a highly disciplined
Maoist Buerillar
:.
ln
K¡ss my f,agl A spanish soldier performs a rltual oþscenity þefore duly selected representailves
of church ancl state.
Photo from LNS.
ln late.October this year, a well known Catalan priest
was released from Carabanchel prison in Madrid'after
2/zye,ars confinement. The release was a major vic-
tory for the nonviolent and pacifist movement in
Spain.
. Most of the ll'estern and radìcal press coverage of
the events in Spain has focused on the activities of
the Basque nationalist group, the ETA-their violence
against the Spanish police, and their repression by the
Franco regime. The implication, as with other conflicts, is that violent revolution is the only way to
resist fascism. But after spending three weeks trave!ing and attending meetings and conferences in Spain
earlier this year, I discovered that opposition to the
Franço regime isn't so clearly oriented toward armed
struggle; that the violence is only a part of the political
perspective in Spain; that most action could be considered unviolent; and that there is a new and rapidly
q
emergi n gjonsciou sness for, nonv iolent revolu tionary
struggle. The release of Fr. Luis Xírinacs from prison
was a sign of the nonviolent movement's strength .and
influence.
ln Spain there is no freedom of the press, no public assembly, only one political party, no rights for
workers to organize, no autonomous provincial control. This year's craclidown on politicâl opponents of
the regime has resulted in over a thousand people be
ing detained during the state of exception between
April and July. Over 200 were detained in September.
Government supporters are asking the death penalty
in approximately 150 cases. On Sept. 10, Reuters reported that police in the Basque country had used a
bullring and a warehouse to hold prisoners. Torture
in Spanish prisons is well documented by Amnesty lnternational and other groups.
Craig Simpson, recently returned from the WRt in
Brussels, didn't have time to visit the 14/lN fdrm.
l8 wtN
,
Guardia Civil." Two of the political m¡lit¡a stood staring at passing cars, pulling .juãr. inl t"ir"r.r ¡n*iorr.
They carried Jarge submachine guns and sholguns,
while a truckload of political põlice waited in the'
trees around the turn. I quickiy pushed the leafletJl
was reading under the car seat.
. .. Unregistered meetings of over 20 pegple are illegal.
All publications must be approved UV tÈè censor be-fore distribution, and texti of speeclies must be ap-
ì
I
'Of course the,violence isn't limited tq the right.
Left and Separatists have been involl4ed in assassina'
tions and bombings for several years. But of all the
thousands of illegal politícal organiz..ations in that
country, only two publically recognìze or participate
in revolutionary violence: Euzkadí Ta Azkat¿suna
(ETA) and Revolutionary Anti-fascist Patriotic Front
(FRAP). The ETA is the most well-known of the
proved beforehand.
One youth was shot by police in Bilbaq a few
months before I visited there for distributing leaflets
on the street. The police said that it was an ãccident.
ln Madrid, I read in a local paper that three Catalan
youths were sentenced to three years' imprisonment
many Basque nationalist organizations añd has been
in existence since the '60's. ln the 1970's, a maior
split in the organization occurred yhen the Marxist'
Leninists seized control and the Tiotskyists were
bounced. The Trotskyists formed ETA Vl. The
political police. The Basques I spoke with durinû my
visits in the, Northern provinces spoke angrily about
the ETA's assassinations, although they gave support
for attempting to smuggle in political poiters from
Portugal.
''fflËäu*'
penalty is legaland has been carried out
regularly against oþponents of.the regime over the
years, most recently for five activists of the ETA and
FRAP. Anarchist Salvador PuigAntich was hanged in
1974.
The violence isn't limited to the governmenl The
Warriors of Christ the King (Guerillõros del. Cristo
Rey) are right wing vigilanieì who operate openly and.
freely without government interference. According to
Am4esty lnternational the guerilleros have not beõn
responsible for deaths in the Basque region ,ibut they
have undertaken an effective campaign of terror
against relatives and sympathizers, as well as against
lawyers and priests who dared defend civil righls. They
have dragged a defense lawyer from his housõ and
beaten him; assaulted whole families who have relatives in ETA; beaten a 72 year-old piiest in his library
outside Bílbao; and bombed, burned or machinegunned a dozen houses, offces, and commercial estab
lishnients owned or operated by Basques with separat¡st or c¡vil rights aspirations. lt is common knowledge
that the gueiillpros are off-duty, police. Earlier this
yeãr a number'of Spanish po{ice were caught in
France t'errorizing members of'the refugee com'
munity there
_
to their political program of independence and socialisni. The police and govþrnment use these attacks as
excuses to detain and possible torture any political
'susPect.
Each year the Basque community holds its annual
.
2
I
BY Cralg Slnrpson
Police are everywhere. While riding in the country
'near Guernica with a
nonviolent woman activist, I
realized the terror the Spanish face regularly. My
friend grabbed my arm and pointed quietly-to,ila
group, small in actr¡al membersh'ip but not limited to
lhe Basque provinces. FRAP is also a main targetbf
govern ment repression.
Millions of people are involved in the resistance
against Spanish fascism, both inside and outslde the
country. They are workers, students, religious, nati onal ists and separatists, mi itary peqple, an t¡ m i¡i tary
pBople. Most of these groups are, if not nonviolent, at
least unviolent. The experience of the civil rvar-the
broken homes, the hatred, the infighting between
leftists inside the Republic, the thousands in exile and
all the death-showed a need forrnew tactics.
Ihe workers are the strongest of thó aínti-govern'
ment forces, and always have þee¡. Despite severÊ rÈ
pression, abol¡tion of all trade uniôns and the laws de
èlaring all strikes illegal, workeri are continually pro
testing against unemployment, their low wages and
imperialism.
Students, especially in the maior cities, support
local workers' struggles tiy shuttingdown the¡r uni'
national gathering in Guernica, the center of culture
and traditions. Although regional seþaratism is not
permitted anywhere in Spain, the authorities have
never interferred with the gathering, for fear of ,
general ievolt. So each yeàr, Basques in exile, urïder'
[round and aboveground publlcly reafürm their h¡s'
of
the
display
strength
tory and culture-an incredible
versitiel Thousands of.clandestine groups organize in
hígh schools, colleges, factories and churches to build .
support for those on strike.
'
Women are growing more and more conscious.
Lyda Falcon and other Feminisgs have hatf a powerful
inîuence on Spanish women, and some of their writ'
ings have been published legally and distributed widely.
The church has been the pillar of the Spanish state.
All clergy are paid by the government ln the Civil
War, the church blessed planes that bombed Madrid,
buttoday many priests and nuns are imprisoneð for
involvement with the resistance
'theirCracks
are even beginning to appear in the military,
which has been well'known for its discipline and
dedication to preserving fascism. All officers an{ en'
listed men are watched carefully and the events in
Portugal have frightçned the military very much.
Despiie the law thaû no two officers can meet together to discuss politics, on October 14 an Antifascist Democratic Military Union of Spain (UMD)
surfaced in Paris. This group claims over 400 officers,
and advocates total amnesty for pol¡tical prisoner¡
retu rn of all exiles and iècog¡litiqn and' rights of
workers. "The UMD calls foi democraticãlections; ' -.
favors giving up the Spa4iih Sahai"a, cbndemns''teirorj
ist violence' and opposes regioñal separatism." ln
August nine officers were arrested and chdiged with
connection to.the UMD. Three more were arrested in
October. Other military people are now incarcerated
r
'
for refusing to
kiss the Spanish flag.
The understanding of nonviolent revolutionary
change is rapidly growíng in all regions of Spain due
to a small group'of dedicated pacifists and nonviolent
activists. \¡tlhile ¡n Spain I spent most of my time visiting these people, and especially those i4volved in the
anti-m¡l itar¡st movemenL
Conscìentiou s objection staü¡s for th e mi l i tary is
nonexistant.,Conscription is mandatory. Every male is
required to serve two years in the military. All women
r
w'rN,19
must do a six-month alternative serv¡ce with the
Falange (the hga.l fascist party). Since the lare '60's
a number of ReoRle have been to jail and demonstrations have 6een held throughout Spaín to raise the ìs.
sue o-f conscientióus objection. Wi,en pãÞe Bãnunr.
other young men refusedlto enter the military
ln9fyf
in 1979¡ support demonstrations were held in many
major Eu ropean cities and a walk from Geneva to
Madrid wrs stopped at the Spanish border bv oolice.
Several demonstrators were dragged away and'beaten
when they occupied the bridge-bétween ihe French
gd Spanish border, Many suþporters wer€ arrested in
Madrid on the same day.
With support from Amnesty lnternational and War
Resisters lnternational, Pepe was released after three
years' imprisonmEnt in the Spanish Sahara. He then
began work in building a nonviolent anti-militarist
movement in all parts of Spain. Since his release in
March, 1974,he has talked in over 200 meetings
among groups and indiùidr¡als and has'built a sõlid
core 9{ people interested in promoting the ideas of
nonviolence, conscientious objection ãnd alternative
civilian service. Their campaign resembles the Community of the Ark in France, where objectors to the
Alggrian war refused to go into the milítary, doing
,
their own volunteer civil service in the communiti
instead. Their.rnesage was clear and simple. Servíce
for people and development of the communitv not
seryice for war and death. When they were.arrãsæd
the shock waves not only helped to chanse the conscientious objector laws in France (and, sîrprisíngly,
in Belgium as well), bur ir helped tò raiie isiues dîróðtly related to French involvement in Algeria. More re
pression of those who refuse conscription will most
assuredl.y produce more resistance to thê military, as
in the US dgring the Vietnam war.
The nonùiolent moveme¡t activists I met are not
4,it
naive; they uriderstand theiealities of fascism and
for the consequences of their
positions. They are involved in campaigns against thp
death penalty, movements to stop ionltruciionbf ¡
nuclear power plants, amnesty for political prisoners,
{Shþ fo¡ workers, and have taken ieadershiþ roles in
the Catalan nationalist movement.
The campaigns for'ámnesty and against the death
penalty havehad great succesg with
Jîstica y paz, an
aboveground orgariization sponsored by thé Catholic
church. I went to an open amnesty meeiins of about
300 people in Bilbao. A well-known civil ri-ghts lawyer
from the province talked, and a speaker frolm Justiia
y Paz read a prepared fext. The crowd was veñ fearful of being recognized; but when a local fascijt tried
are preparing themselves
P.rotesters marching
November
i
l,
f rom France to the Spanlih border on
L975. Photo from L¡þerat¡oi1/LNS.
to disrupt the meeting almost everyone quidUy
booed him. Meetings like this are being held al!- over
the country, and as innocent as they sotlnd, thley have
had
"" a dramatic
ni i *iitr,
imPact.
Probably the most well-known pacifist leader is
:
is the Catalan nationalist Luis Maria Xirinacs, a
catholic priest who began supporting impr,isoned
students in the'early 1960s. His fastíng has raised the
issues of separation of church and state, drawn sup-
r
Juan Carlos, newly örowned king of
Soain has announced a general amnesty for 15,000
piisoners. Meanwhile, outside Carabanchel prison, an
ästimated 3,000 people demanded the release of
Marcelino Camachq a labor leader who is serving 12
years for illegal association and íllegal propaganda,
ánd 50 were arrested, including a well known movie
port for pblitical prisoners, and foiced Catalan national.ists to openly oppose thé fascist regime. On
Novembe¡: 28, 1973, Fr.'Xirindcs was imprisoned
ln
actress.
Opposition,to nuclear powerplants is especiãlly
strong in Valencia de Don Juan. Peasants, woikers,
and residents in this area with the support of mayors
and even some police tried to hold a nonvioleñt march
tò the regional capital from the propgqed construction
site. But as the opposition grew in stiéïrgth, thë guardio
civil turned against the people and beat some demon'
strators. Last June 14, Carlos Carrasoo Munoz, Secre
tarv of the Spanish Associatiqn for Environmental
Planning (AEORMA) was arrested when he arrived in '
Leon to speak at a conference on the env¡ronmental
effects of nuclear power plants. The conference had
been called by 44 mayors of neighboring towns, but.
at the last minute the governor of Leon denied per'
mission. The people of the area were in the streets fol'
lowing day, calling for the resignation of the
governor, for parrasco's release, and an end to con'
struction plaris. A hundred cars full of demonStrators
ldrove to Leon and demonstrated at police headquarters,
the governors' office, and on the rJnain street. Armed
police charged the demonstrators in all these places, iniuring a dozen (including the mayor of Valencia de
Don Juan) and arresting nine. Carrasco was released,
however, on June '17 after þayment of a 100000 pesta
flne for allegedly calling the conference. The struggle
against the plants has côntinued, with shopkeepers
threatening to boycott big business interests in Leon.
Similar actions have become regtlar am,ong workers
in the South. ln Granada, a large group'of workers
have become involved in nonviolent open protests.
For over five years, a group of nonviolent activists, in'
cluding some worker priests and n-uns, have been
promoting workers rights. A few years ago, they organized a demonstration against raised bus fares and
were jailed for several weeks. Last April anil early
June they held protests against unemployment: 35
workers occupied a Church and went on a hunger
strike when arrestèd. After the aichbishop visited the
fasters in prison, he gave them full public support.
The workers were soon releàsed and charges dropped.
for
his participation in the Assembly of Catalans."His '' ,
imprisonment lvas opposed by thousands.
:
Eæter, 197d he'was awar{ed the John XXlll
Memorial while still in prison by Pax Christi lnternational and Justice y Paz a¡d nominated for the
Nobel Peace Prize. National and international pres
sure forced the Spanish government to- release him
in late October. After he was released he spoke open.
ly about the torture in the prisons and the infiltration of the jails by undercover police. His releasê was
a very clear victory for nonviolence in Spain.
Pepe Benunza has stated that if it wasn't for the
har.d wolk and effort of the people at Amnesry lnæinational he would still be impriso¡ed in a Spanish
Sahara jail. lnternational support itgpped the execution of 6 innocent people in early Sèptemher.'5o we
must bu¡ld a nttwork of support frir their activities,'
'.
publicize them and keep ouifeelings known to the
Spanish government
After a weekend of meetings with nonviolent organizers somewhere in rural Spain, this large, bearded
activist turned to me and said, "You have learned
much about our movement and struggle this week
end, about how we organize and our analysis of
Spanish society-but there is one thing we wish you
wonld do, you and all the people in the US: force
your government to pack their bags and get out of
our country.'
The message was clear to r¡e. Thê US has become
the main suppòrter of Spanish fascísm. When Spain
wæ calling back all its ambassadors throughout .
Europe, the US was negotiating to g¡ve her more
ecoñomic and military aid. The US has 28,000 military related personnel in Spain. We have spent $7 bil'
lion on military establishments. Six thousand
Spanish military personnel have been trained in the
US, and the larggst atomic submarirte installation in
the world is run by the US in La Rot¿. Americans
clearly have a major responsibility in the continued
repression of civil rights and the existence of the
fascist regime. Even with the deatl¡ of Francq change
cannot take place unless the American government
withdraws its support. And only we Americans here.
at home can ever make thät haBperl.
wtN
I
21
NH primary and the media attention it attracts to
bring thêse questions into the forefront of debate. ln
Manchester the tactics were to be questíons asked the
cand.idate, plus leaflets, signs and flags both inside and
outside the hall where he was speakiñg.
The "press conference" was held in a posh motor
wÍth the
at
lodge a few miles outside of to.ryn, reachâble only by
driving. There were a thousand fans on hand, all bf '
them-white an_d-apparently prosperous; nearÍy all, except for the PBC contingent, middleaged. The ,,sãcret',
service.men-(wearing.little bûttons w¡ti the tetters ii)
were plentiful after that morning's toy-gun assassination scare in Florida; but the atmospheie was not
repressive; this was a festive occasion. Former governor
Hugh Gregg,.Reagan's NH camapign director, ùarmgd
up the crowd for ten minutes, and thepoweiful loudspeaker system made his introductory chatter seem almost significant.
Now! 'lThe Governor," his wife Nancy and an entourage of 20 swept down the aisle and up onto the
platform. W¡th l¡ttle hesitation Reagan launched into
an abbreviated version of "The Speech.,' Aftèr a joke
and a Bible quote, he told us thai government po'wer
is the problem-and that it stems fiom the New Deal.
There wæ applause for "Washington doesn,t solve
problems, it subsidizes them!" (Í sort of like that one
too.) According to Reagan, ta¡és take 44d out of
every dollar Americans earn. fhe US has Íost its military superibrity over the USSR in the last.few years,
an intolerable situation. Detente is all very welí, but
the Soviets must show that'they want peace too.
(More applause). We need ro regain oui ;t.ni" of mission:" We must "dream the new dreamr" and ,,move
forward." We need "progress instead oi stagnation."
But Reagan, despite his cçiticism of the Ford ad-
ministration, obeys what he calls the eleventh commandment: "Thou shalt not speak ill of another
Republican." And he promises not to ,,divide us,' for
the "great cursade that Itlusl
must çulmlna[e
culminate nex[
neit l\OVe]T]
N<
4
bef
ì
\
Ronnie Reagan.
Photo by LNs
i
Women's Graphics
Collectlùe.
LAMPERTI
!,,
.
.
.. Ngy for questions. 1'lVhy should the people of
New Hampshire vote for Ronald Reagan'insiead of
those other guys? " The answer soundl one of the
evening's main themes: Reagan did such an excgllent
job as governor of California that he'd make a great
President. He balanced the state budget, left a íurplus
in the treasury and got California boñdí rated AAA
for the first time. Hè drastically cut welfare-except
for the "truly needy.l' When his sytem of strict controls was begun, thousands of "paper people" disap-
rather than the federal government. "Forced,busing"
of schoolchildren is wrong. The new canipaign laws
are "evil." Reagan is against the Equal Right Amendment because it's "too simple" 4nd would take away
'
the "protection" which women have now. lt is the
provide
a home,for his family, and
husband's duty to
if E RA were passed women would lose more than
they would,gaín. Above all,.they might become eligible
for the military draft. And (he did say itl) "l may 6e
old-fashioned, but if we've got to go to war I'd like
to know l'd be fighting for the little girl I left behind!"
The PBC folks asked questions too, ábout the
domination of the US economy by big corporations
( Reagan is very ou tspo ke n agai rßt'b ig gov e rn me n t)
and about workers'control of industry through
democratic determination of company management
and policy. To the latter, Reagan'replied that'big
þusiness isalreody run by its employçes, since 'rthe
president of the company is a hired hahd." The
owners, it seems are the proverbial widows and
orþhans who hold a share or two of stock or who
have a stake in a pension fund which owns it for
them. The men who run the company are all on
salary. And if only he works hard and long enough,
"The worker on the assembly line can someday be up
there running the show."
The PBC's questions and signs did provoke comment. From behind me I heard some mutterings: "Disgracel" "You can tell lust by the. . ." "Chuck them
out!1' And even a whisper from the past: "Let them
go to Russia and see how they like it there!".But no
ieal hassles developed, and after the festivities were
over there were even some conversations between
Common Sense Campaigners and Reaganites.
Was the demo a success? Randy Barber, a PBC
cedirector, was,pleased by thefirnout and thought
it went well: the
'sn had certainlY made its
campal
'Ëonference.'' But the media
;;#;'i;;*n;fth;
news
[ñ;;; *ui ãituppointing: the eveningTV
press reports
didn't even mention our efforts, whlle
didn't report
;ñi;ñ ;;;;i ir't. Cact "hard questions"
answ€rs' We h-ave known
ir't.
ätüãrin"ts of Reagan's
ill"lhe is a po'iished performer; the problem
01 what he says'
questions,
allowing
while
îf,ã N-"f.,ãitei formar,
pióró"i.J
discussion; Reagan alw911 had the last'
"ìy debate was not possib.le'.
word. lntelliient
"Ánd Reaþn's campaign? ls he a realistic candidate'
p.ri'äpi lñe öot¿watei oi Plaz I cannot believe that
"ri
"iã"-*
is to
foãus attention on the coñtent
qf the
cl'rche wlll become Pr:esident
Ú"ìtãá St"æi. But I do see that his nomination, like
Cãí¿*utétt, would drag political discussion to the
t¡nt'i inJ*óuld tend to push progressive forces into
ihi;;il;;¡
¿ätens¡vé oositions. We would see lots of support for
ilm;st uny D"mottutic "lesser evil" except George
Wallac'e-iûst as manv of us, who should have known
better, suþported t¡i| in lgøq- lt would be a disaster,
and"it mustn't hapPen.
The night after Reagan's performancq I was again one
of a crówd of a t-hoùsand, this time at a.Boston.con'
ference on "Repiession and Resistance in the Third
World, and the Role of United States Foreign Policy'"
To this audience US military strength meant not de'
fence but oppression; giant American corporations
stand for economic imperialism rather than good,
sound business. The'cultural gap between the two was
overwhelming. lf Ronald Reagan and his bourgeois
supporters represent only a small, isolated fragment
of American public opinion, perhaps this need not be
a cause for worry. But if Reagan can attract a sub'
stantial following, the left must try to reach across
that gap. lt will be a big challenge.
. . " to secure peace
and liberty
crlmr
peared off the welfare rolls. lt beèarne obvious as we
listened. that the alleged welfare mess will again figure
largely in his campaign. The facts thar Califórnia úel.
tripled dr.rlng Reagan's renure due to rising
fif::gl!:
une.mptoyment, and thãt the state budget and taxes
bools
:Rcbln'LIgn
-
both rose sharply, somehow weren,t méntioned.
... More: Reagan is against gun control legislation: ,,1
l¡ke guns myself!" (Laughter.) The answer to crime is
tough sentences. The US ,'gave away too much" in
the SALT talks. The Russiins are cheating on the
agreements and increasing their military strength; thus
we must spend more too becaus'e ,,to be second best
militarily is to be last.'l He won,t consider running oh
a th.ird party ticket, since it would divide the peo[le
of like philosophy and ensure the election of ä nate¿
/ohn Lomperti
is a professor of mothematics
Dortmouth College.
22 WrN
at
liberal. lfelected Reagan could reverse the trend
towãtd a welfare state, since,,We did it in California!"
But the wonderful reforms he tried to institute there
were.hampered by HEW,s interference, a difficulty
which President Reagan could, ofcourse, overcome.
Welfare should in any case be ine ¡oþ of tlæ states,
Crcrtlve no¡wiolence'in AmericCr past? Yer, cven if "ofrcial"
historienr prefer not to nmember Mary Dyc¡, Adin Edlor¡,
Alico Par¡L Cynrs Pringle, Joceph Ettor and Tncy My$t¡ We
æ arppoced to leam abott ttr$ingtdn, Jæbon and Gr¡nttt¡t ¡ot Jrne Add¡ms, Big Bill tlaywooq A.J. Mu¡ûc and (sdll
gohg strcng) Dorothy Dry: all thoce who d¡¡ed to chdlengc thc
stn¡cu¡¡l so¡ndræss of the n¡tiôn's inst¡tudons, ¡nd who nor
violcntly carried on the tnpeùn of thc ¡cvolution of 1776.
The WRL's 1976 c¡lendar (edired by h¡stodü.Lûry Güt)
hclpr to mrke the bicentonnial a year of discovery of the tr¡dition of nor¡violent ros¡stame.
Thc calenda¡ hs a p¡ge for.every wcet of thc yeer with e
fæing prgc of text and illustr¡tion. Theæ ic e listing of pcace
orgenizations and periodcalg Ame¡ican and foreigr¡ ¡nd ¡ see
tion ofuank peges and advance appointmenb foilg??. It's 128
p¡ges ir! all, wire bound and flet-opcnirç At year's en{, remove
the eppointment p.g€s and yor have ¡ ñ¡re ¡ddition to your
¡ib¡ary.
_.
03- eac_h,
fqr¡ for g I l. @er
tlme fo¡ tlre winter hotid¡ys
now and Èceive
yorr copies in
lVa¡ Resisten League
339 Lafayette St
New york, N.y. 10012
llor¡c
¡nd
copþtlorttc:
f,y
llv
wrN 23
Series
ll,
Data Cluster No. 1: The lSece papers. Even
with the tanktrucks of ink spent describing the
Domestic Operations Division of the ClA, and
Operation Chaos, all published accounts, including
The Rockefeller Commission Report, remind me a bit
of those modern paintings where the canvas is left
substantially bare and unpainted. That is, what are the
specifics of Operation Chaos? What are the names and
actual activities of the covert CIA agents or officers in
the American war protest movement?
The truth regarding the CIA's role in domestic
strife and protest may well be more grim than we
realizeif the allegations are accurate in certain papers
we have lately encountered which detail an alleged
section of the ClA, operating domestically, called the
"lSece" section. The letters /5 denote lnternal Security. I do not know what "ece" is supposed to mean.
According to the lSece papers we have seen, the
lSece section of the ClA, virtually throughout the
entire history of the ClA, has been engaged in the
United SËtes in everything from defaming and defeating political candidates the CIA did not like, to creating dissension within a certain aircraft company to
get people fired, to sabotaging a certain form of city
government the CIA did not like, to preparing reports
on the beliefs of school and public officials.
The documents I have seen are alleged to have
been written by a person with access to.a Central lntellígence Agency records system called "Control
Records Dispatch," located in Davenport, löwa- The
material purports to give a history of the activitieS of
.a certain CIA lSece agent active in the Pacific Northwest.
Several i¡vestigators seem
*ã,
1à
to
be afraid
of this
alleged CIA lSece agent. He is highly visible in the
state of Washington, where he seems often to adopt
the modus operandi of a r.w.n. (right wing nut). He is
also alleged, by assassination investigator Richard
Sprague in the October 1975issue of People ond the
Pursuìt of Truth, to have been a member of the team
that assassinated President John F. Kennedy.
We intend to continue to examine these documents
and their implications, and will try to report the re-
sults of our inquiries,in further WIN Dom-lnt colu mns.
Anyone with data,pertinent to these matters (except
current lSece agents, please) please contact the Dorn
lnt Data Squad, c/o WIN Magazine.
And one more aspecû we'd thought we'd mention:
we hope we do not detect any deviation from the true
posture of patriotism on'the part of the alleged CIA
lSece agent. lt is to be noted, however, that the report
indicates that he "\ryas in Saigon, lndochina in De
cember and January of 1945-46, and his reports from
there were marked 'excellent.' There are no copies of
these reports in Central Dispatch as they were re
moved in1967 on'draw and study order'by Col. M.
Deveraux of the ISAF." (ISAF may be a {po for
USAF.) Fûrther, the report states that the'agent, involved with a ¡adio station in the state of Washington
in late summer of 1969, was then ordered to report to
Vietnam by November, 1969. The report notes that
in the files was "a late request," apparently on the
part ofthe alleged lSece agent "asking cancellation
of the Vietnam order." The report ends as of September 8, "1969, so maybe we'll never know if the
agent was able to avoid, along with hundreds of
thousands of fellow Americans, seryice in Nam.
I
I
Data Cluster No. 2: Regarding Sirhan Sirhan. Much of
the research involving Sirhan Sirhan deals with logistics ¡n the kitchen and pantry of the Ambassador
Hotel'¡n Los Angeles just prior to, and during and
right after, the assassination of Robert Kennedy. Was
there a second gun? Was Sirhan robotically triggered
off by the whispered code-babble of a blonde-wigged
woman in a polkadot dress? Was someone hiding in.
and firing from the large ice machine inches away
from the falling NY Senator? Or was another person.
firing silently next to Kennedy in the gloomy pantry
filled with the high-decibel exultation of victory? lt is
t
an extremely valid area of inquiry, but there is an additional possible gold mine of data that inve3tigative
attorneys Allard Lowenstein and Vince.Buglioii, who
are deeply involved in the case, might conslder. And
that is to debrief Sirhan Sirhan with, say, 30 or 40
hours of voluntary interrogation under hypnosis.
There is some indication that glrhan himsolf is willing, with people he trusts, to undergo such hypnotic
debriefing- The State of California has apparently
temporarily shaken off the forces of overt oppression,
and the administration of Gov. Brown conceivably
would support such a move under proper, scientific
circumstances. A casual
¡¡te\published works on
hypnotism, such as Hypnotism
'oo¡ by,G.H. Estabrooks
that under hypnosis,
{E.P. Dutton paperback), reveals
in the words of Estabrooks,(p. ,l49), ,,the hypnotic
subfect has a memory whích is of,ten startlingl! good
lor na¡!,event¡." I am, of corlrse, spepking of lôaining
from Sirhan the most meticulou;ly d¡nuie details
about his activities during every day from Jan. 1
through June 5, 1968.
.' lt is my understanding that under careful hypnosis,
the mind can becomë like a video camera, and-the
hypnotised person can describe just about anyth¡ng
he or she experienced. Sirhan could recall license
plates he saw during those months, phone numbers
he called, every single person he met, every meeting
he attended. And if there are memory blocks regar&
ing certain days or events, that is import¿nt also; the
date and precise circumstances of any memory lapses
could be determined, and these could be isolated'for
investigation as possible periods when he may þave
,been.programmed for murder and instructed to forget
the circumstances.
Dr. Eduard Simson was the Senior Psychologist on
the staff at San Quentin prison in the su mmer oJ
, 1969 when Sirhan first arrived on Death Row. Dr.
Simson was able to administer various tests and to
tal k with Sirhan for about 20 weeks, totalling some
35 hours, before he was banned from seeing Sirhan
by the Assistant Warden. Dr. Simson resjgned his position at San Quentin as a result, and wasi¡-nable, aJ he
had planned, to interrogate Sirhan under hvpnosis.
Sirhan apparently was willing to cooperate.
Dr. Simson states that Sirhan, in their conversations in the summer of 1969, could recall nothing
about the actual shooting. The lasr thing Sirhan
remembered was giving a cup or coffee to a woman in
a polkadot dress. Dr. Simson, a Feilow in the Arnerican.Society for Clinical Hypnosis, feels that the key
'
to the RFK tragedy lies stored.in Sirhan's blocked
but unforgettíng mind. Perhaps_Gov. Brown will set
!R a_SRecial Commission of hypncinter.rogat[op, yvi.fh
Dr. Simson as a member, to undertâke thiinecessary"
project.
'
Data Cluster No. 3: Brain-wæhing and assassinations
!3uu become s.r.o. on college campuses. The Zapruder
film, tal ks on behavior modification,-attacks on the
Warren Commission, Cowboy killers vs. Eastern Est¿blishment killers-all are topics at conferences
around the country that bear the fervor and excitement of the Vietnam teach-íns. There is, howevéÎ, a
certain phenomenon occurring in the network of
snuff-sleuths, which is becoming more and more an
lt.,¡,qf conversation. That is, who are the_agents?
Here is what I mean:
A is a famous assassination investigator, who is
considered by quite a few other assasiination irwestigators tb be a government agent, peihaps even ClA. B
is a district attorney's investigator about whom a few
assassination investigators have suspicions that he is a
CIA agent planted in.the district attorney's office, perhaps to l_,9.p
1n eye on the RFK case. B, for his part,
r
supposedly thinks that A is an agent for Jimmy Hoffa,
rather than for the ClA. C is a vçry well-regarded investigator whose partner, D, thinks E, an aitive assæsination investigator who is a successful writer, is
an agent of the government. C is now suspicious of A,
in that he apparently feels that A does not move
forcefu I I y-en ou gh wi th top-l evel assassi nat io n data,
and therefore riay be part of an assassination coverup.
. F is suspect in many quarters of being ClA, but on
the other hand has good liberal credentiãts and has'
taken risks in his career to support his anti.war beliefs.
G, a lawyer and very famous assassination expert,
opgnly.acguses F of being a CIA agent. E, himseli
accused of being a government agent, nevertheless is
also suspicious.of F, but thinks G is on an ego trip.
G also thinks that a iournalist who continuel.to write
highly-placed articles on the J FK assassination is a
gov.ernment agent. H,a former high-level cop, and
author of a recent book, is undeisuspicion'of hankypanky for publishing a possible false lead as to who
actually killed JFK. A, mentioned above, apparently
located the actual name of the above.boók;s'killer, ' '
who nevertheless was given a pseúdoììym in the tome.
I can see them sitting in the bar right now, the two
data-weary assassination sleuths at thè end of a long
fear-suffrrsed day. One leans over to the other and
says, "Everyone's an agent but'me and thee; but is't
not also true that thou wert once an army iátelligence
a column on
domestic intelligence
B
,
agent?"
BYEd Sanders
24 WtN
wÍN 2s
c
h
A
N
I
s
-è.
fifteen students killed in Mexico City
and Monterey in june 1971.
Although the Mexican ggvernment ,
Kate Sheehan, an American staff pernationalized the, electrical ìndustry
son for the War Resisters lnternational,
fifteen yea.rs ago, eleotrical workers '
says that WRI is in the midst of an expoint out that it is still structured and
tremely serious financial crisis. "There
operated like a.private, profi t-making
is only enough money for siaff salaries
monopoly.
and programs through December,
Rafael Galvan, the head of the rank1975. The staffhæ been given notice
and-file group in SUTERM called for
that they will not be employed in
the unification of all electrical workers
1976 unless suffcient funds are raised
in one union, for national planning of
in December," says Kate in a letter to
the industry, and for adjusted elecWIN and other publications and groups.
tricity rates to make corporations pay
"The world situation indicates an
higher rates than the public.
expansion, not a reduction, in the efSUTE'RM was founded when two
forts of pacifists," she continues. "Are electrical unions joined
together jn the
we to have an international office, staff, 1960's
after many years of inter-union
and program?
rivalry. ln the unifying agreement, one
Contributions to assist the WRI
union retained control ofthe top lead.
can be made by sending a check to
ership and won its demand that the
WRL, c/o Ralph DiGia, 339 Lafayette
new union remain within the govern-'
St., New York, NY 10012. Please indi- ment-supported u
nion confederati on,
cate that the donation is to assist the
CTM. The other union succeeded in
I nternational.
establishing democratic sections with
Copies of the WRI Triennial Report
relative autonomy withín the new
are available, including sections ôn the
union, and weekly assemblies at the
Middle East, conscientious objection,
local level. lt was also successful in
draft resistance, sexism, lndia, the
winning an improved contract with
Laruac, simple living war tax refusal,
Federal Electric, the largest electrical
Spain and a variety of other subjects.
company.
Sent by air, the report is $2.50.
But the old, top¡level leadership has
-WRlStaff attempted to hold back the growing
strength of the rank-and-fi|e. Earlier
this.year, Galvan and other rank-andfile leaders were expelled from the
200,000 tN MEXtco
union. Recently over half the workers
MARCH AGAINST NATIONAL
in some plants where the rank-an&file
UNION LEADERSHIP
'4
Marching ten people abreast, almost
200,000 workers filled Mexico City's
major avenue November 15 in the
largest demonstration of working
people in Mexico in over a decade.
Organized by a growing rank-andfile movement within SUTERM one
of the còuntry's electrical workers
unions, the demonstration was attended by petroleum and auto
workers, bakers, teachers and university workers, peasants, and slum
dwellers, in addition to SUTE RM
of the AFL-CIO.
Organizers said the march was also
an homage to those who were massacred at Tlatelolco in 1968 and to
26 WrN
The first substantive challenge to
the PRI govelnment, many observers
note, was the widely supported railroad workers movement in the late
1950's and early 1960's. Although
brutally crushed, this movement gave
rise to the even more mæsive protests
of 1968 when students and workers
demonstrated in Tlatelolco in Mexico
City, demanding liberty for political
prisoners and protesting the celebration of the Olympic Games in Mexico.
Eyewitnesses estimated that al most a
thousand demonstrators were killed
by police.
-LNS
'
junta to resume their,operations, which
they shut down.during the Allende ad,
ministration, and all submitted bids to .
the junta in April, 1975. At that time
236,000 American auto workers had
been laid off by these three companies
who intended to pay Chilean workers
much lower wages.
Only GM's bid was accçpted from
the US along witrh those of PeugeotRenault and Fiat.
Mass rallies in Paris protested the
participation of Peugeot- Renault in
the Chile project, and affiliates of the
World Confederation of Labor, the lnternational Confederation of Free
Trade. Unions and the World Federa- ,,,;
tion of Trade Unions are all mounting
a campaign against
tured by Honeywell lnc. (of guava
bomblet fame) and assembled at
Picatinny Arsenal in New Jersey. They
cost at least $20,000 apiece. Each warhead spreads bomblets over an area
half a square mile in size.
ln Vietnam, guavä bomblets were
used in "cluster bombs" dropped from
airplanes. A missile such as the Lance
is much more expenSive than a cluster
bomb; the reason for using it (against
heavily defended territory) is that it'
eliminates the risk (and expense) of
one's own planes being shot down. ln
this respect the.Lance is considered to
be "cost-effective," and according to
are for the most part busily engaged
in trying to attain a posture of air
emplacements on the ground, and the
bomblet-filled Lance could serve (in
the general's words) to "pave corridors'
by selectively attacking the surface-tosurface missile systems thus enabling
tactical aircraft to go in to deep pene-
tration targels." Let's hope that
civilians are smart enough to stay out
of tþe way while this is happening
_NARMIC
t
the UAW, have been conspicuously
silent on the subiect. The AFL-CIQ
which issued an extremely mild condemnation of the Chilean junta during
its September convention, has refused
to speak out, and for good reason.
Several documented studies published in "1974 indicate that the AFLCIO's American lnstitute for Free
Labor Development (AIFLD)was parr
of the CIA effort to "destabilize" the
Allende governmenÇ encouraging rightwing labor activity, including the truckowners strike in October, 1972. Since
the coup, only AIFLD union activity
hæ been
allowed.
rLNS
EVENTS
NYC-"The Middle East a Symposium" with Noam Chomsky, Emanuel
Scherer, and Arthur Samuelson will
be presented Friday, December 12 at
6 pm at the Columbia School of lnternational Affairs, 420 W. 1 18 St., Room
403.
NYC-There will be a vigil at Governor
Carey's Manhattan Office (1350 6th
Ave.) On Wednesday, December 17 at
Noon. We will be calling on Carey to
grant Executive Clemency for Martin
Sostre this Christmas. The Vigil has
been called by theCommitteðto Free.
Martin Sostre. For further informa-
tion, call
673'4177.
l
HARTFORD-Annual Celebration of
the Winter Solsticj. Open. House, 7-9
Sunday evening, Dec. 21, 1975 át the
AUTO WORKERS PROTEST
GM ACTIVITY IN CHILE
The United Auto Workers (UAW)
executivé board voted r.."Àtly tó
protest General Motor's decision to
begin a vast aufo and truck assembly
operation in Chile.
Fiat.
But American unions, other than
superiority." ln th¡s v¡ew the targets
are not people per se, but antiaircraft
the need for opposition.
the dismissal of Fidel Velasquez, head
of the Confederation of Mexican
Workers (CTM), Mexico's equivalent
shelters thinking it is safe.
The Lance warheads are manufac-
tionalized Party of the Revolution,
which proclaims itself the representative of 'lall sectors of the population,"
workers and peasants, as well as the
country's wealthy landowners and
businessmen. The PRI claims that its
brand of Meiican nationali¡m overcomes class conflict and eliminates
to jail."
The BLU-63 is a "þroduct improved"
version of the onepound "guava"
bomblet that spewed steel balls and
was dropped on the villages, cities,
and countryside of Vietnam (where
unexploded ordnance is stil'l causing
problems today). Like'the guava, the
BLU-63 can be used wíth a delay fuse
that causes the bomblets to go off at
random intervals hours after the attack, when people have come out of
an Army general. testifying at¡ '1972
Congressional hearing, "The major advantage of the Lance nonnuclear warhead would be in the early stages of
any conflict, when tactical airCraft
The marchers condemned the collaboration of their union leaders with
multinational corporations and Mexican companies, shou ting, "Sell-out
SUTERM locals from all over
Mexico were present in force. Some
of them have been on strike for
months, and all of them demanded
Antipersonnel bomblets of Vietnam
fame'are being shipped to lsrael, Bel- l
gium, and the Netherlands in a fancy
'
new Configuration, tlÍê Lance, Aero'
spoce Daily 1012817 5 reports. The
Lance surface-tosurface missile with a ,
range of 70 miles is fitted with a warhead filled with 860 BLU-63 bomblers.
movement is strong have been dismissed in mass firings.
The march wæ a show of workers'
strength and a deep and open chalenge to the nrling party in Mexico.
For many years, the country has been
governed by the PRl, the lnstitu-
members.
leaders must go
General Motors, Ford and Chrysler
æked permission from the Chilean
. HONEYWELL IS AT IT ÀGAIN
WRI FACES
FINANCIAL CRISIS
.
Chan ge Agents.new,home, 674,
Prospect Ave., Hartford, Conn.' (203)
247-19"t2.
PRISON NOTES
Any book which begins,"The prison
system as it exists in this country
must be abolished," should be useful,
but llomen Behind Bors: An Orgonizing Toot By Resources fqr Com-munìty Change ís much more valuable
are
than that. Among its 56'pages
i
articles by and about women prisoners,
descriptions of various grou ps provid-
ing prisoner servÍces and prggram¡
and resources in the form of books,
articles, films and tapes. lt is an in^'
dispensable handbook for anyone
working with prisoners. lt costs $1.75
and is available from: Resources for
Community Change, PO Box 2'1.066,
Washington, DC 20009.
The struggle for improvement of
conditions on Death Row at Florida
State.Prison continues with 43 of
the 60 þrisoners in that section of
the penitentiary signing a petition
which'went to the state's governor.
"We believe that people are taught
Another hunger strike was planned
from an early age to view women as
to begin December 1 with promise
easy, passive, sex symbols, personal
of support from many prisoners in
property; those early childhood lessons
the regular population. This is a hisare the basis, we believe, for forceful
toric event, possibly the firsi susrapei" The above is only one of a
tained nonviolent struggle involving
series of interesting quotes in a dup
Death Row prisoners. Letters êxlicated letter sent out by an brganizapressing support should go to the
tion of prísoners asking support for '
warden at Florida State Prison,
Starke, Florida 32091 and to Governor their cause, Prisoners Agains't Rape,
lnc. You can contact them by writRubin Askew, State Capitol, Tállahasing
Box 25, Lorton, Virginia 22078.
see Florida.
lmprisoned draft resister Bruce
Baechler has been adopted as a
prisoner of conscience by Amnesty
lnternational. Meanwhile a support
comm¡ttee for Bruce hæ,been formed
in this country. The contact person is
William Sâmuel, 1'20 Maryland
Avenue NE, Washington, DC 20002.
All too often we neglect to,publicize
the positive results of a nonviolent
campaign such as the iRS reversal of
the sale of the Bromley home, and
the government's backing down on
applying the Trading With the Enemy
Act to the AFSC action in shipping
civilian goods to Vietnam. Another
recent and significant accomplishment was the release of Professor
Enrique Kirberg from political imprisonment in Chile. Kirberg's free
dom resulted from a tweyear pro
gram by members of the Stamford,
Connecticut area group of Amnesty
lnternational, especially the tirelesb
efforts of the group's chairPerson,
Mrs. Gertrude Rosenblum, who commented on the release: "There exists
an international sense of outrage
over the ipcreasing violatign of
human rights, including the use of
torture, by governments, but when
people throughout the world sPeak
out to express theii concern and
protest, as in the case of Professor
Kirberg even the most rePressive
governments are inclined to take
notice.t'
Prisoneis in the Southern Ohio Correctional Facility at Lucasville are
working to establish a program for
busing visitors from various Ohio
cities. They are asking for donations,
including used buses. Contact Mr.
James
X Branson, Jr., President,
n lnc., 2467
Hollywood Ave., Toledq Ohio 43620.
Shabass Transportatio
Other prison support efforts in dire
need of financial aid are the Prisoneis'
Union,1315 18th Street, San Franciscq California941O7, and the Lewisburg Prison Project, which has filed a
class actíon suit in court to shut down
the worst section of the "hole" in the
Federal Penitentiary there: Contributions should to to ACL Founda-
tion of Pennsylvania, earmarked
"litigation Joräan v. Ârnold," 1103
Washington Ave., Lewisbg rg Pennsylvania. Bgth these are tax deductiblp.
Writing in fioniiiton, a Canadian
prisoner publication, James M. Smith
commented,."Tlìe only persons who
have the true meaning of what it is
like in a prison are the prisoners them.
selves, or a person from a concentration camp." This is a vital point,
verified by such recent ex-prisoners
æ the late Jimmy Hoff4 former
Federal Judge Otto Kerner, änd most
of the Watergate criminals. Any
prison project of publicity or support
which fails to take into consideratior)
the views of the prisoners is almost
certainly bound to
-Larry Gan
fail.
wtN 27
REVIEWS
ALL THE LIVELONG DAY, The Meaning and
Demeaning of Routine Work
Barbara Garcon / Doubleday & Company, lnc | 1975 I $7.95
It wos the posltive things I saw that touched me the most.
Not that people are beaten down (which they are) but that
they almost olways pop up. Not thot people are bored
(which they are) but the ways they frnd to moke it ¡nteresting. Not thot peopte hote their work (whieh they do) but
thot even so,,they try to make something out of it
This book was written with artistry, love and a desire to
be truthful. lt is not easy to edit interviews. Barbara Garson has a playwright's sense for what to include and when
to cut. Rather than remove herself from the narrative, she
herself is right there too, as a participant, telling you her ,
own unguaided feelings and mature reflèctions. ln reviewing her book, I want to enter into the dialogue.
'4
'
The themes described in All the Livelong Day are consistent
with what Staughton and I found in interviewingfor Ronk
and Flte. Through a variety of scenes, Barbara Garson contrasts an active union with ineffectual unions or non-union'
ized situations. She illustrates wage disçrepancies between
men and women,'skilled and unskilled, permanent and
temporary, bonus and non-bonus, high and low ends of the
pay scale. She has workers who must earn, ãnd some who
work to add a second income to the family or fqr something
to do; some are young,and aimless. She touches bn the
frustrâtions inherent in management's prerogative to run
the plant and the demoralization which results when the
union is unresponsive to its membership. But this book is
not abstract sociological or political analysis. lt is about
human beíngs. And it expiesses the worry that human be'
ings are being pushed beyond human endurance.
THE MEANING OF ROUTINE WORK
Barbara Garson believes that division of labor is primarily a
device for controlling the workforce. Even though ¡t is not
always most effçientin getting ciut production, assignment
of specific tasks to specifip individuals enables supervision to
check on who is doing how much and to know who is
responsible for errors. lobs are reduced and simplified so
that they can be performed by low-paid and easily replaceable workers. Skilled elements are eliminated as much as
possible so that skilled workmen do not knów more than
management. However, even in the most automatqd situ&
tion, individual iudgmént or adjustments are needéd to keep
the machinery operating smoothly. When the job becomes
"too fast for the human nerves, too insulting for the human
spirit, or just too meaningless for the human brain to
comprehend. . .at that point, large companies start making
small plans for: job enrichment. . .lt only means rolling back
to the point where the job is doable;"
. . .AND DEMEANING OF ROUTTNE WORK
When jobs are fragmented and robbed of any skill, tl're
worker loses a sense of accomplishing anything. ,A process
of de"meaning has taken place. Barbara Garson was fas28 w.rN
.
ttt?t,Jlrtii''ti;ked.on
ALL THE LIVELONG DAY
"¿..
cinated by thê numerous privatei devices which people used
to inject.meaning into otherwise'meaningless work. They
race each other or try.to synchronize or syncopate their
rhythm with that of others, or see if they can do it with'
their eyes shut. At úorst, they merely "blank their minil"
during the hours at work. So rnany iobs, she found, are incompiehensible to anyóne who has not worked that job. We
don't have the images or words to convey what a person
does at work. So even a man's wife doesn't know what he
does. He goes to wc¡rk with his luchbox full and he comes
home
- tired and hungry.
Rout¡nã work is ãemeaning in another way in that it asks
less of us than we are ôapable of doing. I am sure it must be
a common experience to feel as I have about many jobs:
they haven't invented the ,machine to dg it yet so they hired
me. Barbara Garson describes a clerk who found an error,
not her own, and the conflict she felt: if all they hire her to
do is check columns, why should she get behind in her
productign to point out something which could v4¡tly affect some poor guy's insurance coverage? She reþorted the
one job I had to find mysetf ùanting to
dress well, very uncharacteristic of me. Why? I aske{myself.
Because it was the only way I could assert my own sense of.
dignity; if nobody else cared about me, at least I could
shôw I cared about myself. lt gave me a new insight into why
women in officer get so dressed up.
"Demeaning" affects people's after-work as well as their
work lives. They give up inj-tiative. Their goals are personal,
not
shaSed.
Vlhen you work doy in ond doy out ot a scientifìcolly
manoged job like typing stud or pocking PinçPong paddleq
you certoinly feel something Ìs missìng. But the constriction,
the listlessness, the obsence of that spork comes to seem llke
a notural part of your chorocter, lt doesn't feel as though
you need a revolutÌon; it feels osthough yóu need Geritol,
WORKERS'CONTROL
Barbara Garson gives one example of an informal work
group which has as its goal getting out the payroll and,dn
the process, includes a woman bringing her four'year'old
granddaughter with her to work, an office oarty at lunch'
time, 4nd someone hastening to correct her error so people's
paychêcks won't come out wrong. She proiects this as an
ideal insofar as a goal of accomplishment is shared and
achieved along with assistance to one another in many nonjob concerns:
. . ,They shore o notion of what's important in the world:
work, education, family, friênds, weddings, bar mitzvahs,
and, obove oll, children,
The women themselves have orranged their office tlme
to encompass the important things in life, lncludetl among'
those things is gettìng out the payroll.
The closest experience I have had to workers control was as.
a member of the Macedonia Cooperative Community (where
Community Playthings were originated). I felt that it didn't
matter whether I wæ scrubbing potatoes or working in the
laundry or in the shop. lt was all part of building the whole
to which we were all committed.
"The most often repeated lament," Barbara Garson heãrd,
"was that of being'used,' being'treated like a machine."'
People need to work and work well, she is convinced. At
:
TALES OF BEATNIK GLORY
Ed Sandeis / Stonehill | 1975 | 274pp. /
$S:95
of
Ed Sânders' memoirs of thè earlv 60's in New York Citv
flash and spaikle. His stomping grounds stretched from tbe
depths of the lower east side tô Washington Square and Ée
recaptui'es them well. lt's a,tough funny scattered book,
bursiing with word energy. Noivnuch plot really-but an accumulation of far-outchãracters and far-fetched anecdotes,
wrapped in irony and love and garnished with a sharp eye
-
-Alice Lynd
Nøtion.
,
ln some ways, Nock reminds'me of Paul Goodman.
They were both anarchists who identified their anarchism'
with old'fashioned conseryatism. Both believed that Ameri:
ca had been bet-ter offunder the Articles of Confederatiorl
than under the ðentral government established by the Cont
stitution. And both believed thãt any kind of state was bad
for.civilization. As Nock put it,Jrthg law is probably the
.i
most
sordid, disreputable, and depraving institution,in,the
for äðtait.
Oh yes, and it's fiction. Right here on the còpyright page cou.ntry."
we're t'old, "The events and piople described hérôin"arefið- -ln other ways, Nock w¡ìs more like H.L. Menokeni He
yas 3l iconoclast and a master gf ryi{, aphorism. To undertitious." ihiestruck me as weiid .but whe¡ I got into the
book I could dig it. Ed's observations are'purigent enough line his alienation from the worldlìe lived in, he caf led his ',*
autobiography The Memoirs of o Superfluous Man. Howitt no *òn¿uifí, ã¡àñ,i use ieal nir.i. fãr tñàs, soln-'
ever, unlike Mencken, N_o9k was not nasty. He didn't call
clined, the Uook lenJs itself to the Who ls Realiy Wñó Came.
people the uncivilized majority qr the booboisie.
Itoùí¿ rvirrle"itt"eiñiá gtltuinrst. DreamJ'of rh; .
P,idlltv
His
¡nterest
centered on the libert¿rian remnant who paid
got
intrepid reviewe"r spillÏne all. iiut as I
more.into the book
I reaíized I knew ait theie people àr niùrU. none of them- attention to him, but he did not denounce those'who igì
noreo.nlm'
Maybe these incidents rea,ly happened or maybe they
This book
rpiáng fuli-blown from Ed'ó merhedrinescurr'raLiáü. I
i¡ l oollection_of seven essays. Six'of them
published
were
first
in 1935 as Our.En_erny, the State,ãnd.
sirsp"õt it's a bit of both.
---'Th;i;ñrt""tiÀlnä
is rhar with äccurare srrokes he cap- 1!e,sèv9¡th^is the-litle essay-from the19i8 collècüon on
tures rhe täng of the eia. lf y"ou were on tne sceie ti.À,-J"n Doing,the Right !!.ing qnd Other.Essoys' Together.they give
if it wæn'i eiactly Ed;s scerjä (l wasout in sun rianiiräã1, a good nic.t-u19 of Nock's political thdory. Because he wrote
in a beautifully clear style, the essays are all interesting to
the book is sure tó have lots of reverberationiior vor. "
read. Because he was a good observer of human nature,
Where were vou when vou discovere d Howt? Wheie when
most
of the ideas are sensible. And because anarchism has
(Did
you
they executed Ca-ry1 Chessman?
think they'd acbeen neglected since the depression, du.ring America's 40ìlaÍty ao it?) Wheie during the Clbaí missile crisis?
Eâ Sandei's is a special [in¿ of beatnik in several respects. year fascination vyith centralized socialism, many of Nock's
ideas still seem ncivel.
{s editor of Fuck You, A MogazÌne of t¡e Arts (called in
t'dafe.
-: .
the book The Shreik o'f Revoíuilon), he marcheà at the iore . .. However, one element of Nock's thought is out of
His economic theories are based on the work of the 19thfront of the praobscenity forces. úó obligei here with
descriptionsbf a "group gròpe" and a feliother s'ex scenes. cêntury economist Henry G.eorge, whose oncepopular
theories iadicals have now discarded and academic
Theselstrike me asiepiä, äoubtless a mark of the success of
economists
no loriger bother to refute' Henry George
the sexual.,reVolution'fomented by,the beatniks
Èã i;;¡;;ró"rl"l'i"ìr'"t he's.a pacifisr and ipotitical ac- believed. that poverty could be elinlinated by'a simp-le
tiv¡st,givingthelie,tothemedialmageofbeatsässocially ! mechanism:.taxingonlynatu.ral resources, likeland.Most
he pointed ou1" t1x thinþs.people have created, like
unconpernJd àonothings. For me thã richest par:ts of the
Pklth|!t.
thev have built on their property, or the salary
piciurin[
book áre thàse
d.monstrations and pråårlrãlrir, ll]:
particularlythe'chronicËofloveandte¡rorol.,tf.t.,fNãrJfr¡, they.haveearned..Georgebelievedthewaytoencoúrage
to Washinjton walk fòr peace;'lponioiðlov ttã;Nâi¡onãl'- |r"glirc work and to discouragefnancia.l s.peculatiÒn was'
to tax.only.the unearned pa.r! of people's income-the part
Committeã for a Nonvioì*t Ciuihiri¡onJ' fj. i.jl, i;ïË ¡r
contrj_buted
by tho l¿nd itself, for exa¡¡ple, not by the
':
was and it was funny, touching and mad. tnclu¿-åã ;;;.ñi;
--buildin-g erected on it'
is the project's nonviålent discipline *i¡l ii not.rìo*
,,cetibacy
äarh," so typiiai ;liñ¿ r;-;i;h;;;;.-(whJu,on- --_li_]tlg beginning of this.centurv, Henrv George'r.ideas '.
to. libertarian radicals
wav to be both libertar- '; ' :
rrasr wirh rhe conrinentat watk starïin;;exr il;;'Ë *hïíi,
itÏ:l:d
ia¡ and.radical. Monopolists and1s.a
bankers had distorted the
judging from its iall, ñi, no nonviolent"dirriprinî iiuil.i-"'
' Ëá ir;Ë ;.';;úi;1, because of rhe exrens¡rðr*i'"i f,i, l1o¡f1rr.an economics of Adam Smirh_and gutted ¡r of irs
rhe socialist êconomics or the dav was radical.
u'"in'.-r.ñã*r;;; (ñ;;
l11i:iJ:j'.
but¿r-rthoritarian. The Geôrgians see.med.to be the only
ã"1ãv ¡i iñvrrã*î"ìiãî¡, vocabutary. I ber he
econom.ic school that was concerned both with human welwórás ttran Spiró Asnew. Here,s some of th" k;';;;;ti'*¡tf freedom' Noc'kls seneration of ribertarian
Iil::î-d
.
;¡;h;h s";;";;;ö'ñ;äü,;;'i"
il;ï;;;;
6;y';;;i ìi;;;;;;;iiã,;;;;,;; äL;;i;*;'li',*
"d¡;ã
u, vl ,
;lîhï;f,iï:,tb¡*iräïfäffifä'.r,,'';rïÉil,,,- :i1îf,,,;?ï,å?j,Hïisïiffi:.ï:T,i6ì,,,r,o
produced, and uncénsored. Free Life Edi- ¡,
ttrese'woiaiã¡tñi;Ñt;rr"';rrãñã.¿, ut it th; b;i:"
19n¡cie1!i9u¡lv
:i4äMorrisï,|"iåiäff
OUR TENEMY, THE STATE and
Doing the Right Thing¡'
Aberlf
ay Nock
/
"On
Free LTfe Editions, 41 Union Square
/ 148 pages l'paper1ack, $i,.95
West, N'ew York 10003
Macedonia we had a sense of being used but not ab-used. lt
was a good fêeling-perhaps the way an athlete feels-óf
partici-pition'in añ rn¿àriãking larger than anything one
could do oneself, sweat, tiredness, having breathed fully and
deeply. I think Barbara Garson would agree that feeiing a
part of a larger meaningful whole is also a basic human
rhe
hi,.,....'';,;;
å:ïî,'ll:"i"ï,:i;il,:lxili"1î:'jJl;:l;:ti'
Nock's life and work, and his bibliographical essay at the
end is agood guide to related books. Finally, including the
essay "On Doing the Right Thing" under the same covers
with Our.Enemy, the State was an inspiration. lt provides
-
Arberr Jay Nock (1870-1e45)started
l"t:::i|;i¿ffJ"iï,,"i:lå,::i',",l:l;'.fl',;:Ìffiililåï1å'fl
Episcopalian minister in Virginia. ln 1910, at the age of
\
_H"nry A"r,
40, he left his family and the Church and went to ñew
York to work as a writer. Early in, his new career, Nock
Alice Lynd is the cùauthor, with her husband Stoughton,
wrote an editorial for the Notion that denounced president of Rank and File: personal ifistor¡ei Uv W;;ti;¿Ë;;- 7
Wilson for sending Samuel Gonìpers, the conservarive labor organizers'(Beocon, 1g74,
Íi.gi). M;;h M;;;;;'oiiijrnry
leader, to.Europê to drum up support for the first World
Eass are frequent contrìbutors to these pages.
a'
*
CL'.I[> COUNTRY SIORE
'
)'.t
.
Movement fof a New soclety, 4722 Bal-ll-. .'
morê Av€.,,Phlladelph¡a, Pa 19143. or
'.MISC:
call 215-SA+18q8, collect. Know of others?.
sproad the
word.
BUY.TCENTE NNIAL RECESSION BLUES?
... what thJs,econgmy needs ls an American
RevoluUon! PÉoples B¡centenhlal commlg
s¡on, wdsh¡ngton, Dc 20036.
.
.' Anyone interested ln'actlve in alternat¡vs
AMATEUR RADIO? Please wrlte Dwlght
E/nest, c/o WlN.
THE CONTINENTAL WALK NEEOS A
CAR3 Expôctod to accompany the'Walk
are two v€hicles: â truck (should ÞéW or
V¡ ton pafiel truck, van, or step, van'of
AmelicEn måko (chry.sler, GM or Fordl'
6-cyllndor stralght €riglne and automatic
trañsmlssion) to càrry equlpment' med¡cal
suppll€s, injuÌed or tlred walkers and foodi
D
¡ 0
trr lt llo a¡ livobl
Èut l¡rlid.lotowotúù
erttÙh.at forarL
'
lectior of wer pocms by Vietnrmvctc
". . .The nort eloquent ¡t¡te¡ncnt of
urh¡t lhe wnr i¡ th¡t I h¡ve ¡ecn firqn
its puticipmtr,- - Nqwtueck
PËTE SEEGER, OAVID AMRAM' BEV
'
...1....
.GRANTi THE HUMAN CONOITION,
'HAPPY TRAUM are.do¡ng a benefrt concert for the LiÞèration N€ws Señ¡ce, January 24th. ln NYC.
l6
further detalls, or
rñont Ave., NVC too27,2L2-
'
ì
NY Í0012, 2!2-677-5455.
'
.PRODUCTS
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WOMEN'S. LABOR. FOLK AND O]IHFR
Þoutrtcnu REcoRDs' s€nd stampr Eroao
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l'oster of DOROTHY DAY ; Photo bY
Bob Fitch, showing Dorotlty Day conr
fronting potice on a farmworken picket
line in Califomia' 1973. 17" x 22".
\
NONCOMPETITIVE GAMES fOT ChIIdf€N
and adults. Play togeth€r not agalnst each
othar. Fre€ catãlog¡ Famlly Pastlmes, RR
4 Pèrth, Ontarlo, canada K7H 3C6.
,
óHÀNTI
PUBLICATIONS
REVOLUTTON AND EQUILIBRIUM
by Darbara Deming ". . .a se¡ies of
VEGETARIAN TIMES: ThO ÍnA9AZINE Of
tho oantter culslne' Subscrlptlons: t5¡/t ¡9
sh¡dies
sues]Sampte 75d' vegetarlan Tlmesr c/,owlÑ, PO àox A31o4, chlcago' lll 60690.
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.i
Looklng for Reglstor€d Nurso lnt€rostod ln
Prsvontlvè,Medlclne, Health Edücatlon,
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now ln Appalachlañ county of Southbâstern
Ohlo. Wrlts or'call Bruce Ashley, Adams
Brown Medlcal Cèntêr, Rt. I, Box lO, West
Unlon, Ohlo 45693. (5r3549.2346 ot 547:
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..
8ls€xual fom¡nlst people lnto radlcal soclal
change, nutrltlon-vitality, personal liberatlon. dêd¡cated to hon€sty an
r€tatlonshlps. FBS Communlty, Bx 609,
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/
Land Trust household lnto femlnism, muslc,
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I
Got some sklllr ¡n layout, darkroom, type
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cslty lanF¡¡tp.
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FROUTAREDON
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THERE ARE 84 WAR GAMFS
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AND ONE PEACE GAME. SHANTI!
*
*
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Noncompetitive
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WAT NOll PEOPLE? A ¡ou m¡8t
zine on ¡oco¡d. Twclvc ¡ingPn with
(
EOUCAT.ION FOR A SMALL PLANET.
Soc¡ål Concêrn-Global Perspoctlv€. Centsrs
¡n: US-Europe.-Afrlca-Latln AmerlcF
Asla. BA D€gree. Friends World Coll€ge,'
Hunt¡ngton, NY 11743. (516 549-lrO2.)
GooiL Fethor;llrmi I Remcmbe¡;
tlncle Scm;Oifro¡d Gløer¡ lVorling
?ìcoplc Gonàa Riæ. . . . .I-12" LP, 85.(n
,
TIIî AUTOBIOGRAPHY OFMOffiUR
IONES, Mrry Hrnir Jonc¡ un¡ ¡l?
whcn ¡trc got itwdvcd,wlth tlre gcrt
Ddtlmo¡e & (xrio Råil¡o¡d udkq¡t gf
tt??. For ¡æ¡dy 50 ycrn ütð¡c¡f,tcr
Mothei Jone¡ o¡g¡ni¿e4 rgitrted and
wont to jeil on bch¡lf of Amc¡icC¡
wo¡ting Þcoitle. In old rç ¡lre wrotc
the $ory of her cn¡s¡det, in vivid md
..:.hordcøer,82(N
..
Condi
møing and muricelly.rhh
rt¡t€ment floving ott of the daily livcr
6f s6¡fting peoplè Songr Thin8¡ Ain't
lVhrt Thèy Uæd To Bc; l¡nie'¡ f¡nie;'
Orulic'r So¡rg Chdn Rcæüon¡ Fecl '
"like a collection ofjewels, o¡ch
cønplete and b¡illi¡át in itself." -å¡ällúen ltteeWy. (hblist¡er¡ list price
, 93.95).
Grck tcxt tr¡t¡þ
ing gtq¡p in a
'à novel,
)
New Mldwest Rssearch lnst¡tute seeks unsslltsh, soclally-cìrnsclouq non:carearlst
MA-PhEr'MOVEMENT economlsts, polltlcal'
sclentlsts, êtc. MUST b€ able to get grants
or ralss tunds. Saml-scholarly studlos on
war-peacg reconverslon, etç. READ Gross
and Osterman "Th€ New Professlonå|5"
pp. 3f77., Stúds To;kel "Worklng" pp. 52ï
527¡ 537.54O, Claudla Drslfus "Rådlcal
Lltestyl€s." Mldwest lnstltuts. 1206 N 6th
st., 43201.
'r
th¡rç
Accompmying
tion Thc debut ¡.ecord of thi¡ q¡t¡t¡nö
uniþn leeder. IÞba pcnt nc¡dy
in pdron for-hi¡''qrcd¡üon' In m¡I.
ing at mtiw¡¡ ryecch in luræ,f .9lt
....-:.. .... : WCt, E3,S0; cloth, tZS(t
, yern
I
Beyerly G¡¡i¡t and Tlre Huni¡n
VALISAÑDa¿ûßS by Eugpne Victor
Dcb¡ ln 1920 ove¡ 9ü1,üt0 Americ¡n¡
.WASII US ANDCOMB ttÍ bY Barbar¡
,Demin& Five sto¡ies and a fragment of
OPPORTUNITIES:
á
à
of nonviolent action urd it¡
possibilities . .my preoccr¡pation ove¡
the l¡¡t ten yea¡s" (Publisher's list price
Solldarlty Coll€ctlvø has a fr€e t¡st of
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..'...mltcoc¡,81.95
bdlotr for convict
No 9653 ln thc Atl¡nt¡ fcdcnl pcnl
tenti¡¡y. He wu Eupnc Dcb¡, formçr
læo¡r¡otivc û¡cmu,rnd fonncr nllùry',
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THINKING LIKE A WOMANbY I'eatt
Fritz, witl¡ afteru'ordby BaÉara DeíÈ
in& þah's ûnt booli just publ¡d¡ed by
1YIN Booþ bf essays written orer a ten
year period of stnrggle and ehange They
corer the radical antiwa¡ rnovenrenq
the rtnrggle for co¡¡munity control of
NYC scldools. and the qrowth of the
women's mo¡emånt"
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THE POL|T|CS OF NqNVTOLENT
ACTION is an extraordiharily valu'
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I .¡'¡'Ì I I I l¡'x': I I t I
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Win Magazine Volume 11 Number 43
1975-12-18