Win Magazine Volume 11 Number 17

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33

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stuffand it was kinda hard to say it to pee

ple here who are just really feeling such

joy

after they've been thinking of practically
nothing else but this day for the last ten
years. My mom says,that everyone çlse feels
pretty much the same way as I do. I now
feel very guilty for putting such heavy
thoughts to an event that definitely warrants
endless celebration and

I also just started

thinking about the fact that everyone who
comes back from a visit to North Vietnam
cannot stop talking about the Vietnamese'
tremendous joy of lifê and optimism in the
face of all odds and how this was the base
fo¡ so much of their incredible persevefanc€.
How hard it is to be optimistic when all
you've ever lived in was the belly of the
beast?! Well
'so

I'm feeling pessimistic and al-

guilty about it and I shall stop,

cease

and desist immediately. If the Vietnamese
could be optimistic under bombs, at least
I can be without them. -DIANE BECKER

*

¡r

Feliz Libe¡tad ! M ! ! More power to the
Vietnamese! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !@$%T&*! Right On!
Hurray and thank the fucking lord they
finally did it! Actually don't thank the fucking lord. More power to jncredible human
strength.ând perseverance. Less powet to
the corporate war machine ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !
Good Grief I just realized that I really never
believed that I would see the day when the
US (etc.) was out of Vietnam to say nothing
about Cdmbodia. A FAR OUT day ofjoy
for the Vietnamese, O,nly aside from my
absolutely dying of relief that American.
bombs will no longer be falling on Viet,
namese villages (and more important, villagers) I also have a very sad and depressing
¡ealization that although this is a tremendous
victory for the Vietnamese and in many
ways a welcome defeat in one ba{tle against
the imperialist war machine and-a greaf impetous to continue to wage those battles, it
is not nearly a defeat of the machine itself.
So although I am absolutely flipped out
with happiness and total support fo¡ the
Vietnamese in THEIR victory, I'm also really torn about people here hollering "we
won! ! ! ! ! !" all over the place. I hope I'm explaining it right, I'm really confused about
it and I feel ter¡ible about possibly sounding
like I'm putting a damper on an absolutely
arîazing feat. I mean I'm not trying to say
that we shouldn't celebrate the Vieinamese
victory but that victory can't be ours
(Americans) until the machine is actually
defeated and will not be just turning its
missiles at the next ta¡get for its wars (the
middle east next?); But I'm sure that everyone realizes that and that I'm just being a
.

cynic, I was just thinking about all that

New York, NY

Thank you for your timely Indochma
special IWIN, 5lll7Sl. I especially ap
preciated the articles by Tom Cornell,
Jim Forest, and Staughton Lynd, Some
of the other,articles caused me to wondeÌHow can the public understand what peace
is about when people in the peace movement rejoice at the military victory of the
Provisional Revolutionary Govemment and
the military conquest of Cambodia?
With the PRG military d¡ive now success
'ful people will point to the "success" of
armed struggle. Twenty-five years of armed
struggle in Vietnam has resulted in millions
dead, tortured, and maimçd, and held back
a peaceful struggle which might have ended
with real human success. We in the peace
movement need to be clear that armed struggle cannot be successful in terms of the total
human situation, and that any armed victory represeñts a setback to the end of of
wa¡ and the creation.of peacemaking inótruments and institutions.
As events unfolded it seems that the US
was better prepaied to accept a military defeat than to risk a possible electoral defeat.
In the past several weeks the PRG engaged in a massive military d¡ive which led
to still more destruction in life and suffering
for millions of people, The victims were
again the Vietnamese children, women, and
men who were pushed and pulled, punched,
shot, starved, arid in a variety of ways
mangled and killed. The offensive repre
sented a major violation of the Paris Peace
Accords and hopefully will be protested by

all people who sought a peaceful resolution
of the Vietnam conflict. There are some
who cheered the advance of the pRG
forces-I consider such a position as prowar, as that of those who urged the invasion
of North Vietnam and Cambodia.
I'm very disappointed when IVIN, a
pacifiit magazine, uses the term libe¡ation
in association with military campaigns.
It is relatively easy to be opposed to
war when the military advantage is seemingrepressive side (the bad guys),
but it is just as important to be opposed to
war when the military advantage swings to
the more sympathetic side. To do otherwise
is to support the concept of the just war.
Are pacifists to be relegated to the ¡ole of
campfollowers of armed struggles? Not to
protest the PRG military violation of the Paris Peace Accords is to make hollow ou¡
peace work of the past several years.
What is to be done? We need to be co¡rcerned about the fate of third force peoplé;
hopefully they will be able to play an active
role in the úork of reconciliation within
Vietnam; hopefully a new set of political
prisoners will not take the place of present
political prisoners.
In the US we can work to send humanitarian aid to both South and North Vietnam.

ly with the

It

is again

timely

to press

for unconditional

amnesty in our own country. And

it

is es

pecially important for us to mâintain

¿

visible peace movement which speaks out.
for peace on all occasions. -ED LAZAR
Cambridge, Mass,

I'm inclined to âgree with the position of
Tom Cornell and Jim Fo¡est about the end
of the Vietnam war. It would ¡eally have
been something to rejoice about, ifvictory
had come by nonviolent means.
It is not fo¡ me to criticize the op
pressed for taking up the sword, but.I caft
close my eyes to the consequences of vie
lence, History is ruthless on that score.
Violence breeds future violence. Have the
rockets and missiles of the North Vietnameþ killed no innocents? Is the PRG a
stranger to the machine gun?
The problem for the pacifist stillro
mains the same, How to combat oppreÞ
sion, and how to combat oppression norr
violently?
'Ep FEDER
Bronx, NY

I am incgnsed with Paley's communique

IWIN, 4/24175], complete with battle
cartographics, dotted lines, arrows and
shaded

territory.

I am incensed with Dave McReynolds
who, lome months àgo at a seminar o4
pacilìsm ànd socialism (in DC), excused
the bodily and psychological oppression of
gays in Cuba with the oid "but look at
everything else that's changed" line. This iq
akin to asking black people to support
apartheid.in South Atiica because the
standard of living of black people in that
nation-state is higher than that of blacks in
other African nåtion-states. If you a3kgd a
black to do that you would be açcused
rightfully of supporting þenocide and
suicidal behai¿ior by black people. Yet gay
people "should look at the total picture"?!
I don't feel like being told to commit,. ,,
suicide for socialism anymoÍe. I don't feef ;l
'
like looking at battle maps fìom Southeast
Asia and reading Paley's rehash of the pious
doublespeak of people whose strategy for
"libe¡ation'l (rvhat a jokp!) includes the
rocketing of cities, the taking of ter¡itories
and the establishment of states. lt's OK
for the PRG or GRUNK to kill babies and

not OK for LBJ or RMN to kill babies?
Obviously, it isn't. If you can't co.
operate with the US system you can't
cooperate with other violent (physically
or psychologically) systems. There is a
scale on which violent behavior against
human beir.rgs can be measured. The Saigon
regime, the PRG, North Vietnam and the
US are all at the same place on this scale..
It is tptaliy impossible to speak of either
"liberation" or "pfotecting democracy"
while killing people and get me to beliçve

Freedom of Information?

President's Wl N program-whiclí the

best.
Despite. all this thanks fo¡ one of. the
only mags I can read these days without.-

t;?tt"trtJ*:it:

This is in response to your lette¡ oi l2
March requesting access to any information
this Agency may have pertaining to you.
A thorough search ofvarious files and
indices located th¡ee CIA documents which

1975

1

I Vot. Xl¡ No. 17

5. The Spirit of Terror is Born I Murray

Bookchin

leaders have contributed. ln that the
i1

May

!

tons has been acquired-cheap-þy ¡¡s
pacifÌst commune which publishes
WlN, a magaz¡ne which takes it name
from Workihop in Nonviolence and to
which several welf-known ant¡war

Dear M¡. Cakars:
This letter conperns doublethink and
doublespeak on the Left, a phenomenon
that doesn't seem to get as much "coverage"
in the alternative medla as does doublethink
and doublespeak on the Right.

..

Given the waste-not-want-not
flourishes with which President Ford
launched his "Whip lnflation Nqw"
program, it is only fitt¡nÈ that a sizable stock of those little red WIN but:

cooperate with these struggles by dispatching more reporteri and workers tç them?
These are the struggles we can learn from

Pukins(toomuch)'

undersisned.
\¡
r'

Recy-"híng

you any mofe.
'fhere are dialogical revolutionary struggles going on. If the WRL and the WIN
edito¡iai collectìve want to save their reputations as both nonviolent and revolutionary facilitators of change, why don't they

contain your name. Two intra-Agency
rflèmoranda, pertaining to activities on behalf of the anti-war movement are being
withheld in accord with exemptions (b)
(l)-and (b) (5) of the Freedom of Infbrma'tion Act. The other item, which contains
your namê irì a list of individuals, is denied
in¡àccord with exemptions (b) (ó) and (b)
(7 ), of the Act. Mr. Charles A. Briggs, Chief,
Services Sta[ made the decisions regarding
the frst two items; Charles W. Kane,
Director of Security, is the denying ofücial
on the other item.
As provided by the Act; you may appeal
these decisions to the CIA Info¡mation Revibw Committee, within 30 days, via the
-ROBERT S. YOUNc
Freedom of Information Coordinator
'
Central lntelligence Agency
Washington, DC

magazine once labeled a "quack
remedy" for. i nfl ation-has been
abandoned. "WlN buttons are agaín

fashionable;" its subscribers were told
in a recent letter appealing for funds
to help pay the nfagazine's debts. The
letter included a free button and reþorted that.extras could be obtained
fgr five cents, plus postage.
The unspoken hope, we suspect, is that
they will help whip insolvency better.
than they helped Mr. Ford whip infla-

tion.

-Editorial in the
St. Louis Post-Dispatch
Sunday, April 27, 1975

9. Louise Michel:. "Angel" of the Paris
Commune I'MârionLeighton
12.The IWW Rolls Oq..,l Croig Ledford
15. America's Decentralist Dean / Mild¡ed

J.
1

Loomis

8. Changes

20. Reviews
Cover: Drawing of Michael Bakunin
(1814-1876) by Phyllis Hochberg,

STAFF
M¡ris C¡kus . Sus¡n C¡k¡rs. Chrrck F{lc
Mrry Mayo. St¡s¡n Pincc' Frcd Ro¡cn .
Murr¡y Roccnblith .MutñâThomå¡cs,
I

UNINDIC.ÍED
CO@NSPIRATORS

coülî ..
r
gorûty
R-r¡th O..r. R.lDh DlOl.. ¡tl.n
.Jlm
Frltt.
Ltty
Ofa
For¡¡t¡
L.lh
Foldy
S.th
N.ll t{¡worth .E.l l{..Lmün o 6.r¡sl Hadammñ
Karlr Jav. MaTtv Jarar. lad(y Johiloi
N¡ncy Jõhn¡on a P.ul Johnroi .Alllron KiFl
Ctaþ-K.r9.l . John KyD.r . Ellot Lln!.t
Jrcl¡¡on M¡c Low' O¡vld ilcRrynold¡
O¡ulrt Morrlt .Matk Morlt rrllm Pack
Td Rlchlr.Ë.*lgr¡ Rooó.nlo. Nrncy lOIn
Ed StndÍr oUU.ndI Schwaflr. Art Ullkou
Atl.n Youn¡. lrv-rly lYoodw¡rd ':.'
Jrn

larrv.

'000

..

.

York 12471

Box 547 /
/ Ncv
Tolcphmc:91+33$45t5 -.

$1"t,699.44

$5,000

1,

Lrrìca lalyllla . Jatry

Lynm Côtln . Ann E avldon . Dlana O¡vltl.'

R¡fton

0

¡

$15,000

$20,000

$25,000

130,fl)o

$35,000

f4o,ooo

145,000

WIN l¡ publlth.d wt kly .xc.pt lor¡th. llr¡t
two wrakr ln J.nu¡ry, tha lart waa¡( ln Mtrch,
tha llrit w.lk ¡n Juna, tha la¡t two.wrkt ln
August, .nd th. llr¡t two watki ¡n S.pt mbar
by'th. WIN Publlrtilng Emplr. wlth th. rup9ort
of tha War R.¡l¡tar¡ Laagr¡G Sub¡cr¡ptlm3 ara

ll1.0o par y.¡r. S.cond clr3r po3tagta p.ld at
Naw York. NY 1OOOI. lndlvldu.l wr¡t r. .r.
ratpon¡lbla tor oplnlon¡ axpr.tfd tnd ¡ccuracv
ol fætr glvan. gorry-m¡nu¡crlÞt¡ clnnot Þa Þ
turñad unl.t¡ accornp¡nlad by a ralltrddragd
it¡moad anvalopa.
Prlnt.d ln IJSA

2 WIN.

wtN

t

To European anarchists of the late nineteenth century, the ruling classes seemed more firmly in the sad- :
I

Anarchism ls st¡rr¡ng agin, both in the Uniæd States and abroad. lt is ono.of the
least upderstood and cortainly one of the most maliglred political philosophies.
Yet it has, and continues to ovoke a deeply pasionate fervor from those who cm'

bnê it.

People can live peactfully and harmoniousty togother without "benefft"-of
government. They can control the things which afrect their lives. These concepts
have exçitod many since a coherent expression of anarchism emerged in the middle'

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of the tast century.
This country has a rich background in the anarchist movemdnt which has been
lost or purposely destroyed in the periodic purges of iingoistic patriotisrn. Europe
has maintained a waning movemeni,which has shriwn new life and force, particular. \
ly in France, Germany and the Netherlands, in the last ten years.
Anarchism has many facets lt is not immune to the hair-splitting and angel*onthe-head-of'a-pin type of disputes,that afflict political thought So, it is difrcult to
flrsent an article or analysis and say, unlmpeachably: "This is Anarchism!"
We are avoidíng that trap by reaching into fullsome literature of the anarchist/
decentral¡st/self-management movement and pulling out a few ælections in.history,
biography and a touch of theory.
First, a preview of Murray Bookchin's forthcoming history of Spanish anarchism. '
Spain was onc¡ the home of the most dynamic anarchist culture in the world. lt was
crushed aftér the Spanish civil war and by the continuing repressioh of the Franco
regime. However, Spanish anarchists still give a l¡ttle kick from time to tlme. They.

essay

There were other men, however, whose desire to
provoke led them to terrorist actions. These men were
not ignor,çd,Often. they came from the lowest strata
of the working class and petty bourgeoisie-true
Desherødados, whose lives had been ciippled by poverty and abuse. A few like August Vaillant, who exploded a bomb in the French Chamber of Deputies,
were members of ânarchist groups. The majority, like

intcresting.

of the World have atways avoided pblitical tabels. lVobbties over tho years have reiterated tl¡at what you call yourself isn't important
ìUhat's important is tlrat you want to take çontro¡ of the means of prdduction.

/

-

Ravachol, were soloists.
They were men who called themselves "anarchists,"
but belonged to no group, for the word had by this
time beconíe a synonym for "terrorist." This rep.u_ta-. ;
' tion was the result not merely of earlier bombings
but
of a new emphasis in libertarian circles on "propaganda by the deed."
The disappearance of the Bakuninist lnternational
after the Viviers Congress of 1877 left behind small,
isolated anarchist groups all over Europe which lacked
any strategy for revolutionary change. These meh
could oþpose nothing but their writings and speeches
to the entrenched power of the state. The growing
Socialist movements of the time were utterly repellent
to them. Authoritarian in structure and reformist in
goals, they seemed to deal with the pedestrian spirit
,
of the age by accomodatídg iher¡se{yes to it. lt was ai
this time, in a night of defeat and gròwing hopeless- ' -. .

ihe lndustriãi Workers

That's what really
And finalty, Ralph Borsodi;'quite an institution, in himself. Borsodi is an American pioneer in ælf-management and cooperative living.
ln the future we'll continue to pr¡nt snatch'es from the past, repoits from the
present and predictions for the future of
-Mufray RosenQlith

n

with uncomprehending indifference.

haven't given up.
Women have beed prominent anarchists from the starL There is nothing ryp¡cal
about any of them; but Louise Michel is even less typical. Therc has not heen much
written about her, io we thought you might ffnd thê brief sketch.of her life and her

counts.

I

Spir¡t of
Terror

dle'than ever. Ãn oppressive a.tmosphere of bourgeois
egotism had settled over life like the grime and sgot
from the factory chimneys. Evbrything seemed tb ac.
quire a dull, gray, tasteless appearance. Men With "i".
sensibility wele rôpelled by ihe smugness and banal'rjù
of the age. The spirit of revolt, blocked by the ñrassive stability of fìn de siecle capitalism, began to burrow into the underground of this soc¡ety.
RímbauJ's credo of sensoiylerangement, Lautrec's
provocatively "lumpen" art, and the flouting of middle class conventions by Wilde and Gauguin reflected
the compulsion of writers and a¡tists to provoke the
bourgeois, to cry out against the deadening conõpläcency of"the period. A literary and artistic anarchism
emerged which included men like Barres,'Mallarme,
Valgry, and Steirrlen, in whom generous i.deals for the
lib'eration of humanity were marbled with á furious
anger toward bourgeois mediocrity..
Their effect on the social life of tlie time was virtually nil. At best, the bourgeois ariswered with
scandalized outrage, but more commonly he respo¡ded

:

anarchy.

t'r

that a bold act in Russia illuminated the'way.
On March 1, 186,l, on the banks of the Catherine
Canal in St. Petersburg, two young men, Nikolay
Rysakov and lgnaty Grinevitsky, succeeded in
assassinating Czar Alexander ll. Rysakov and
Grineúitsky were members of a small terrorist organiness,

I

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BY

MURRAY BOOI(CHIN

This orticle ls on excerpt from Murroy Bookchin's
TheSpanish Anàrchists: The Heroic Period, 1868"1936; Free Llfe Editions will publish the book sometime in the sprlng, 1976.
WIN 5

Drawlns.by Kathe Kollwltz.

they were successful. The duel between a handful of
terror¡sts and the massive Russian state fascinated the
ryorld, virtually bringing the Czar to nervous collapse.
The assassination elecrrified Europe. When shoitly
afterward an international èongress of anarchists and
left-wing Socialists convened in London, one of the
main toiics to be discusses was "propaganda by the
deed." The delegates concluded that:,,ideed performed against the existing institutions appeais to the
masses much more than thousands of leaflets and torrents of words. .

."

There was much discussion on ,,chemistry.,, lt wai
resolved that "the technical and chemical sciences have
rendered services to the revolutionary cause and are

bound to render still greater services." Hence affiliated
groups and individual supporters were asked to ,,devote themselves to the study of these sciences.',
Among the supporters of this new tactic was a
young Russian prince, Peter Kropotkin, who had
broken with his class and entered the anarchist movement. Although temperamentally the very opposite of
Bakunin, Kropotkin shared the deep humanity of his
predecessor. Despite his aristocratic lineage-or perhaps because of it-he had spent two years in the
dreaded Peter and Paul fortress for his ideals. His
dramatic escape and his distinction as a geographer
gave him an international reputation. By thé time of
the London Congress, Kropotkin had become the outstanding spokesman fc¡r "anarchist communism,,' a
theory he advanced with great ability against the
prevalent "collectivism" of the traditional Bakuninists.
Bakunin, it will be remembered, believed that the
means of life an individual receives under anarchy
must be tied to the amount of labor he contributes to
society. Although he is to receive the full reward of
his labor, the quantity of what he receives is determined by the work he performs and not by his needs.
It is not difficult to see that Bakunin's view of work
and reward is anchored in a belief that insufüciently
advanced technology could not provide the means ôf
life according to individual needs.
Kropotkin does not differ with Bakunin's overall
visíon of anarchy. He believes that anarchy will be a
stateless society of free, decentralized communes,
joined together by pacts and contracts. What distinguishes him from Bakunin is his insistence that
directly after the revol¡.rtion each commune will be
capable of distributing'its produce according to need.
"Need will be put above service,,' he writes; ,,it
will be recognized that everyone who cooperates in
productíon to a certa¡n extent has in the first place
that right to live comfortably." Underpinning this
view is the conviction (naive ¡n its day) that iechnology had advanced to a point where everyone's
needs could be satisfied. The famous communist
maxim ("From each according to his ability; to each
according to his needs") would be the rule for guiding

\

distribution immediately after the revolution.
Kropotkin, it has been claimed, favored a purist
anarchist elite and rejected,the Bakuninist delnand

for a close linkage between anarchist groups and large
mass organizations. Actually, this is pot quite true. in
a dispute with a number of ltalian anarchists who advocated a strictly conspiratorial type of organization,
the Russian insisted that the "small revoluiionary
glogp" has to "submerge" itself in the "organìzation
of the people," a view that closely paralleliBakunin's
organizational ideas.
6 WIN

The difference between Bakunin's and Kropotkin's
organizational views turns primarily around the issue
of "propaganda by the deed.', As Max Nomad observes: "That tactic had not been in the armory of the
Bakuninists; they beiieved that the masses *.ré èrsentially revolutionary, and hence needed no terror¡st
fìreworks to stimulate their spirit of revolt. All that
was ne,cessary, according to Bakunin, was an organization of conspirators, who at the proper momenl would
capitalize on the revolutionary potential of the masses.
That view was no longer shared by Kropotkin and his
friends. lt w-as.replaced by a sort of revolutionary
education of the masses through acts of revolt, or
propagonda by the deed. Originally that sort of propa_
ggndo, as fìrst discussed at the Berne Congress oi thi
A n t Ì-A u t ho r lta r io n lnter natio na I ( 1 8 76), ieferred ro
small attempts at local insurrection. Somewhat laterafter suçh actions had proven to be quite ineffectualthe term was applied to individual acts of Ðrotest.,'
None of these ideas had any significant effect on
.

Spanish anarchism until well into the eighties, when
translations of Kropotkin's works were made available..At this time, ltalian emigres in Barcelona, many
of whom were anarchist communists, began,to,promote the purist approach to organization and em-

the importance of terrorist actions. ln facf,
the harsh controversies among Spanish anarchists cíver
the new ideas and tactics greaily accelerãtã¿ the breakup of the Workers' Federation, a ,,legal" un"ion started
in 1881, which foundered from the 6eginning, torn
p,f a¡jze

between pressures from radical workeri and govern.

ment repression.

When the once-promising Workers' Federation dissolved in 1888, its place was taken by a strictly anarchist organization and by ideologicaliy looser íibertarian tra_de unions. Tþe former, thè Anarchist Organizatíon of the Spanish Region, was founded at Valencia
in September, 1888, and consisted of several libertarian
tendences, mainly anarchist communist in outlookThe base of this movement was organized aroujrd thé
tertulio: the small, traditionally Hispanic group of
male intimates who gather daily at a favorite caie to
socialize and discuss idea5. Anarchist groups were
usually larger and more volatile. Like the iertulÌonos,
they met in cafes.to discuss ideas and plan actions.
Actually, such groups had already formed spontaneously in the days of the lnternaiional, but the
new Anarchist Organizatiorl consciqusly made them
its basic form of organization. Decades later, they
.
)v9re to appear ín the FAI as grupqs de afìnidod
(affnity groupsf with a more tormãl structure. The
great.majority of these groups,were not engaged in
terrqrist actions. Their activitrjs were confìñeã largely
to general propaganda and to the painstaking butlndispensable job of winning over inhividual cõnverts.
The union movement, on the otherhand, focused
its en-ergies on economic'struggles, generally taking its
lead from libertarian union offcials. A number of ihese
offcials, anticipating the death of the Workers' Federa- '
tion, had decided to retain a loose relationship with

each other. 1n,1888, they formalized this as apact

of

Union and Solidaiity of the Spanish Region. With the
revival of the labor movement,in 189,l, ihe pact of
Union and Solidarity convened for its î"rrst congress in
Maroh, atûacting socialists as well as anarch,isti Although the congress was held ín Madrid, the new organization was primarily a Catalan movement, influenced by anarchist collectivists and by militant syn-

dicalists.

,

'

The Pact of Union and Solidarity was ill-fated almost from the start, for it emerged at a tirn'è when terrorist activity in Spain began to get under way in
earnest. Although there had been no lack of òombings and assassination attempts in the eighties, they
were isolated episodes, occurring ín the background
of a larger class struggle between unions an{,.employers. The þombings that opened fhe nineties, however,
were quite different: they exploded across the foreground of the struggle and were destined to take on a
chronic form in Barcelona. The first,of these bombings
occurred in the midst of a general strike for the eighthour-day which the Pact of Union and Solidarity had
decided to call on May 1, 1891.
The strike began peacefully enough with a large
rally at the T¡voli Theater in Barcelona, followed by a
street demonstration down the.famous Ramblas to
the Civil Governor's palace. On the following day,
however, it began to take on seriout dimensions. Many
factories closed down and violent clashes occurred between workers and police. Characteristically, the
government responded to the situation with a declaration of martial law¡* The next day, an explosion rocked
the Calle de la Canuda. A bomb had gone offbefore
the building which housed the Fomento del Trabojo
Nacional (literally, the "Encouragement of National
Labor"), a euphemism for the powerful, notoriously
reactionary association of Barcelona manufacturers.
The strike was broken by violence and treachery,
but from that point'onward, bombings became a commonplace feature of labor unrest in Barcelona. They
were invariably,followed by arrests and by beatings of
imprisoned militants, yet the explosions themselves
did very little damage. Generally, they were set.off at
places or during hours when they could do minimal
harm. to people. Apparently, the.intention of the "terrorisis" ryas to frighten ratherJhän kill; indeed, ít is
not certain how many of these bombings were caused
by anarchists, who were protesting against the real injuries inflicted by the authorities on imprisoned labor
militants, or by agents provocateurs of the police.
With the repression of the Jerez u'y'rising, however,
terrorist actitivy reached a turning point: the garroting
of four anarchists in the main square of the Andalusian
city incensed revolutionaries throughout Spain. On
September 24, 1893, two bombs were thrown at
Martinez de Campos, the ófficer whose pronouncement had paved the way for Alfonso Xll.;Martinez,
who was now Captain General of Catalonia, miraculously escaped serious injury, but the.explosion killed
a soldier and five civilian bystanders.
The police quickly apprehended the assassin, Paulino
Pallas, a young Andalusian anarchist, whoìad prospected in Patagonia with the famous ltalian anarchist,
Errico Malatesta. The Andalusian was tried by a court
martial and sentenced to execution by a firing squad.
From the opening of his trial to the moment of his
death, Pallas's behavior was defiant. Before the bullets
claimed his life, he repeated the ominous cry of the
south: "Vengeance will be terrible!l'
The warning became a reality before the year was

out. On November 7, during the opening night of
Barcelona's opera season, two bombs werb thrown

*ln Spain, this was colled a "stote of war," Here,
houe consìstently transloted the expression os "mortial low," which essentiolly denotes the some condition: the substitution of civil government by military

l

authority.

from the balcony of the Teatro Liceo into a gilded
audience of the city's most notable families. One of
the bombs exploded, killing twenty-two and wounding
fifty.
Panic grippecl the bourgeoisie

of the city.

Unleashed

to do their worst, the police closed all the workers',
centers and raided the homes of every known radical. ,
Hundreds were arrested and thrown ínto thc dungeons
of Montjuich Fortress, the m'rlitary prison overlooking
Barcelona's port area and working class distriatsfrorn
Montf uich hill. Five anarchists, although obviously'innocent of the Liceo bombing, were sentenced.to death
and later executed.
The real assassin, Santiago Salvador, was not discovered until two months later. Salvador had been a
friend of Pallas and was determined to answer his cry
for vengeance. After failing at a suicide attempt on hþ
arrest, Salvador succeeded in escaping the brutal tortures which the police ordinarily inflicted on-political
prisoners by pretending to repent his act and feigning
conversion to the Church. For'nearly a year his executig¡ was.stayed while Jesuits and aristocratic ladies
pêtitioned the government for a commr.iiation of sentencej When the young arlarchist finally stood on the
scaffold,'h.e abandoned his deceptiön and dieS,with '

the cryi "Viva la anarquia!"
Salvador's death was followed by another round
of bombingsj arrests, and executions. To quell ihe
anarchísts with a more effective counter-terror, the government established a new unit, the Brigado Social, .
composed of specially assigned police ruffiaris. This
new boily of police was manifestly awaiting an opportunity to throw itself on the anarchist movement-indeed, on all oppositional groups in Barcelona-and
there are strong reasons for suipecting that it manufactured a provocatíon of its own three years after the
Licea bombing.
On J une 7 , 1896, while Barcelona's Corpus Christi
Day procession was wending through the Calle de.
Cambios Neuvos into the church, a bomb was thrown
to the street from a top story window. The probè5sion
was led by the most important notables of the city,
men such as the Governor of Catalonia, the Bishop of
Barcelona, and the new Captain General, Valeriano
Weyler y.Nicolau, whose cruelties in Cuba two years
later were to earn him worldwide opprobrium. Yet
w¡th this alluring bait at the head, the bonb was aimed
at the tail of the procession, whose,ranks consisted of
ordinary people. The explosion killed eleven and
. wounded forty. The assassin was never found. The Corpus Christi bombing, however, provided Weyler with
an excuse for rounding up not.o¡ly anarchists and
labor militants, but Republicans 4nd ordinary antir
clericals. Over four hundred pêoplb were thrown intor
¡l'
the Montiuich dungeons and left to the mercy of the
Brigodø Social.
When revealed in the press, the tortures to. which
these prisoners were subjected produced a sensation
throughout the world. One of the victims, Tarrida del
Marmol, an anarchist of a distinguished Catalan family
and director of Barcelona's Polytechnic Academy, re. ported his eye-wit¡ess experiences in a book, Les.lnquisiteurs de I'Espagne, that caused a shudder of horror north of the Pyrenees. These tortures were so
severe that several prisoners died before thei could þe
brought to trial. Men were forced to walk for days at a
time without rest; others were hung from cell doors
for hours while their genitals were twisted with ropes
and burned. Finger and toe nails were pulled off and
WIN

7

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1"Iîi:^9:rtjles inflicred mercilessty ail over the body.
rrt-tengtn,_after
spending the great part of a year in ihe
19r_tgÞ ninery were broughi to triat ín the
?jl:on
sprtng of 1897. Of twenfy_six coñvictions,
eight received death sentences, an¿ the r.riinlníniå.t."n
were gìven tong terms ín prison. s. ;b;i.i;¡; innocenr
wefe the convicted men that fìve were actuaily ac_
quitted. Nevertheless, the vindictive Canovas iegime
acquitted prisoners re-arrested and transported
"had.the.
ito
the African perral colony of Rio d'Oro, the S[anish
'equivalent of France's Devil's lsland.
.rn Barcelona
_Weyler's attempt to crush oppositional sentiment
backfired completely. Not only did he
fail to extirpate the anarchists, bút u ,urriu! protest
rolled in from Europe and South America. Mås mãrtings against the Montjuich tortures and atrocities were
held in London,.Paris, and other cities. Leading figurei
all over the continent expressed their outrage igaäst
the barbari tie s of Espag n e .i n q u Ì s i to r ia l, OesIìtJits
shortcomings, the closing years of the ninetäenth cen_
tury were a period when men could be genuinely
angered by visible evidence of injustice.
. E'nally on. August 8, 1997, only a few month5 after
the Montjuich rrials, the terrór reáched itrã premier
personally. Cancvas was cornered on the
teirace ofa
mountain resort in the Basque country by Michel
Angiollilo, an ltalian ánarchisr, and shbrío àeìth. nl_
though Angiollilo was garroted for ttre issasii-nation,
an.u¡successful attempt by the anarchist Sempau to
k¡ll Lt. Narciso Portas, one of the Civil Guard bfficers
who had presided over the_Montjuich atrocities, ended
in quite a different result. Despitã the fact itralh¡s -assassination attempt occurrredlonly a month after the
death,of Canovas, the Montiuich atrocities had pro
cluced. such a profound reaction of shock that n'o judge
would convict Portas'would-be assassin and he was

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The life and self.avowed motivations of Louise Miitret
can help us to understand in psycho.social terms a
neglecteil type of historical female revolutionary style.
ln recent works on women's history, three "types"
have received the bulk of investigation and att€ntion:
suffrage pioneers, important socialist theorists, and
spokeiwômen for new lifestyles (sexual liberation, alternatives to insitutional family, etc.).
Yet the "mini'stering angel" role of women's act¡vism has not been dealt with, aside from middle and
upper class social workers like Jane Addams or
Florence Nightingale.'However, even in ra$ical and
socialist movements, the motivations of many
charismatic women speakers and writers seem to have
been of an extremely self:sacrificiaf nature. lt ¡s ¡mportant to recall that Victorian.ahd late-Victorian female
socialization was extremely imbued with religious expression 4nd image, which, combined with other faciors of self-perception rooted in Victorian female
childhood socialization, created the mentality of the
'j
Joan of Arc style revolutionary.
Louise Michel's charismatic style ¡s an extreme of
this type of female activism. Much of the strength of
he¡: aÉöeal to other revolutignaries and tg the Parisian
poor rests upon her total identification with and.
ämbodimenl of "La Vierge Rouge" (The Red Virgin)
as'she was popularly called. Not only was she an extreme exemplar of this development in her self-image
and her identification of self with the Social Revolu'
tion, but also in her later conscious articulation of and
âdherence to the ideology of anarchism.
Louise Michel was probably the best:known, popu'
lar speaker on socialism'and anarchist socialism during
. the 1880's and 1890's, until her death in 1905.
Through her speaking missions, she reached literally
hundreds of thousands of French ånd English people,
introducing them to socialism. Attended by hundreds
of thousands Òf Parisian poor, her funeral in 1 905,
was the second largest in French histoiy unt¡l that
time, second only to Victor Hugo. Yet tôday, since
her approach to ihe world often seems so melodramâLic to the modern mind and sinie male socialist
historians are usually more impressed by vast bodies

, The men who performed these anarchistatentados
(as the terrorist

acts were called) were not cruel or unfgeling like Weyler or portas, *t o uppurrntlv relisne¿
the-ir brutaliries. The originai bombines oi 1ágl an¿
1892 had been relatively harmless acti; they were ob_
viously meant to shatter bourgeois complaJency and
p¡gvokg a spirit of revolr among the woikers,
nôt

clairn life. The lethal bombingsihat

followeí*"r. rractions to the barbarities of t-he police ,ná iÈ",trt..
The otuntodos had devetop e¿ tråm õpià-b;;;tr, inro

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despe.rate acts. of vengeance. Despite'the tãrriüte price
they took in life and suffering,,these terrorist acts

served to damage'rhe facade óî Spanish sãuãinrãnt ,n¿
reveal the cgld despotism that tay betrinã Canovas's

mogkery of parliamentary rule.

The anarchists had been goaded from a generous
humanism into. a vengeful relrorism. This bilan ãirf y,
as we noted, when the lnternationals, almosimortaliy
.wounded by the Serrano repression; established an
lrvengtng Executive Nucleus.', When the Cordobese
began complaining franricatfv ló tñe þäeraf
lection
Lommtsston about police repression, the answer
it re
cetveo ts signiï¡cant: .,Tak-e note of the names
of your
g9r;gcu.1or1.f.or rhe. day of revenge and justicã.; Ac_
tually,.the "Avengi¡g Executive Nucleús"
and the
Lordobese section did very l¡ttle to even the
score; the
government and políce ínvariably
came out ahàad.'But
a rtme would come when the names collected
bv
police woutd be marched ¡v tné liiis piåpur"ili the
*,r¡,
gpponents; then, rhe firing squad of tire
Ëilaneã
- -'-"o- woutd
-"be echoed by those of tnJfÁ1.
8 W]N

'ArucEf'of
rhe 'PnRis CoMMUNE
"'l

released.

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LouisE Mickel:

of theoretical quibbling than with actual relationships
with the oppressed, she is virtually unheard of.

,e'-7

Morlon Lelghton ls a member of the Rounder Records
collectlve, Thls ørttcle is exerpted from a longer plece
ln Black Rose, No. /.

by Mnnin¡r Leiqhron
Like many of her female contemporaries, Louise
Michel often seems more like a pious nun than an
"emancipated woman," as currently' defined. Pauline
Roland-(a Communarde of 1848), Nathalie Lemel (a
fighterwith Michelin the 1871 eommune).and Louise
tvîichel identified themselves rigorously wifh ttreir
cause, and refused to distinguish their pu.blic
from their private lives. Devotion to the people, extreme physical deprivation, sexual asceticism and
moralism, and humblq and quiet lives (often as
"spinsters").were not.atypical of such nun'like revolu-

lives

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tionaries.
Whereas the rnale radical tradition in 19th centuryFrance was often dominated in word, spirit, and deed

by extreme rationalism, women revolutionary leaders
embody a new kind of spiri.tual b,ody which tends to
be self-consciously transcendent, verging on. mystícal

in character.
Louise Michdlfs radical activities did not begin untíl . '
,she was 41 years old, during the Paris Gommune
. r
1871, which she considered the turning-point'ln'her '
life. Just prior to that time, she was merely
:, '
instltutrlce, spinster elementary school teacher ín.
Paris. True, sire had been involved in various.radicaf or- . , .:ganizations and intellectually radical groups in
t
1860's; but she had also 5ung fairly regularly in
.':. ,
choir in her local Catholic Church, up u.ntil.the Com- ;'
mune when she became violently anti-clerical like most ' '
other Communards.
She was born as the illegitimate child of the servant
in a family of rural nobility. She was educated and
raised as part of the family, a not uncommon'occurrence if the father or son were.implicated in thsservant
'
child's paternity. For man/ yeärs, the future

of :
another

the
the

' '

.

Louiæ

Michel was called Louise deMahis, the family nume ôf
the household where Louise"s mother Marianne seryed.'-'' '
Louise and her mother remained with the deMahis' un'
til the death of the head,of the family and the sçlling
of the estate, at which time the old family servant
her illegitimate child went to Paris. There Louise's èx.
ception-al education in music, the arts, and literature
stood her in good stead in supporting the two of them

and

with teaching iobs.
Lo'¡rise remâined

with her mother, caring for

'

her,

worrying about her, until her mother's death while
Louise was imprisoned in the 1880's. Later in life,
Louise's only companions were devoted women friends.
As a schoolteacher, she often lived with other women
teachers when she first left her childhood home.,ln
later years; after her mother's death, she lived

with

wlN

Draw¡rig by Kathe Koilvriitz.
)

e

uhe

younger women tike Marie Ferre,
"rri:i: "!..!:1, of Louise's
younger.s¡ster
martyred, fellow Communard
Theophile-Ferre: Never did she'expérienãe similar intimate.and caring relationships with men.
All her experiences with men seem to have been
to.tally idealized. Her inspirational poetic muse from
adolescence was Victor Hugo, who in rãiuin i¿ealize¿
her and immortalized her iñ_á poem of tribute. She enjoyed similar relationqhips
wìth prominent iia¡cats or
men of letters like Kroþotkin and Henri de Rochefort.

It

entiiely unlikely.that these contasts, which
were the source of much of her creative energy, were
seems

ever complicàtbd by actuat physical contact.
Once the Commune had been declared, Louise Michel

found her element. During the Commune, she was
literally tireles¡ usually not go|ng home or sleeping for
days on end. She attended rneetings of many oigan-izations, working with all people, commiting hôrsel-f to

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l'glp¡lg others, all the while carefully trañscending

identification with any particular group. To have 6een
a partisan of one particular organization would have
been inimical to her style, herbwn ideology at that
time being very amorphous and vàgue if juáged in
terms of traditional intellectual developmeni.
Constantly during March-May ,l871, until the Commune was frnally defeated by the Versailles forces,
Louise lived with the threat of death looking over'her
shoulder, often consciously seeking to expole herself
to the most dangerouq extremities. She gather'èd up the
wounded and bandaged them on the baatlefield. . .ìne
went under fire to rescue a cat. ..under fire also, she
read Baudelaire with a student. . .near a barricaáe, she
played the harmonium in a Protestant church at
Neuilly.
. During one night of heavy fighting, she paid a midnight visit to the grave of a forñer cióse wäman friend
at a.cemetery on the hêights outside of paris. Vividly
she later described the eitraordinary event in a lettei.
to her fellow Communard, Theophiie Ferre. She had
felt there in the cemetery the presence of heiold
friend, as i:f distinctions between life and death no
longer had any meaning, as if she had perceived a time.
lessness of the moment,'wherein past, 'present, and
future merged. She had experienéed íife on aíother
plane. Only onè other time does she record a similar
tran,scendent experience and that was in extreme old
age, after she wa3 hit by an assassin's bullet and believed herself to be resting on her deathbed.
Ç9ui¡e Michel's revolutionary mystique should not
be dismissed as atypical of the examplei of other
women leaders of the Cìrmmune. Louise Michel,
thoroughly steeped in the phantasmagoria of thä
French romantic tradition, and a trerñendously imagina_
tive poet and novelist in her own right, obviouily wãi
more conscious of living through a èeriain ímage or
mystique than many other women are. But eveî here
one cannot be led to depict her as a ,,phony,'or a
"crackpot;" her mystique was her life and iñspiration.
. During the c_onfusion of Bloody Week, May 1971,'
which saw the final slaughter of the Communárds by
the Versaillesé troops of the Third Republic, Mariañne
Michel was arrested and was to be shol in her dadghter's
stead. Louise rushed to the detention center, buru-ly
saving her m_otherts life. Two trials followe¿, U.foru
Louise was finally sentenced to exile in New Caledonía
for her role in the París Commune.
All of Louise Michel's later life, from her exile at
age 41 until her death at the old age o,f 7S is deeply

t

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hand, obscure, theoretical discussions or implications
of her ideology did not interest her. - :.
Louise Michel's anarchism was a non-dogmatic radical ideology in that, for all its emphasis on the principles of decentralization, anti-Statism, and antiauthoritarianism, it would never statically impose itself
upon a popular uprising with emergent radical impliôations. As during the Commune, there was'rló distinction
betwêen her life, needs, and emotions, and the lives,
needs, and emotions of those oppressed around her,
whom her ideology served.
ln the Victorian period, the values.of the religious
establishment were inþrained in a female's self-image

colored by her involvement in the Commune. Thereafter, she believed herself to embody the Social Revolution and behaved accordingly, living always in uttqr
material deprivation on what little she could borrow
from old friends or earn by her writing and speaking
engagements, niost of which she gave away.

,

H9, ide-ology, loosely
.lggely
defined during

_

described as anarchism, was
her years in exile. Here again,
she always stated that her belief in anarchism wãsthe
result of her perìonal political experiences. Louise
Michel's.relati"onship to her ideology was a total orfe;
it could brook no hypocrisy in heipersonal life nor

New

I became an anorchist when we were exiled to
Coledonio for our activitÌes in the paris Commune, On
the State's shìps, we were sent wtth affictive ond'..
def.amgtory.cgndemnøtions, to which we were
solutely indifferent, hoving seen thot, obeiyinq our
consciences, we would hove been uiminoTs tõ behove

ab;

ry countless spheres toword new suns between thè tvyo
eternities of the post ond of thë future, olso preside in
I

ourselves

otherwise thon we did: rother we reproach
for not being more vengeful; sorrow in certain circum-

f

stances is treoson,

Always, ìn order to bring us to repentance for havfoulh¡ for liberty, and for protection against
!1tO
"great malefadors" es us, we were put into-coges
lìons or tigers
For four months on the ship, we could see
but sky.ond water and occosioiotty thewhite soil of
b9ot, li-hg a bhd's wing, on the hoVlzon-that
sion of flatness wos startl¡ng. There, we had ølt
tlme in the world tg think, îocked by the
rhythm of the woves, beiis tifted ¡ní¡nitàtí inïã
dþto1ce.9r gxpelled all ot once to the immense depths,
the shrlll whistltng of the wind tn thg sails, the veisgt
groanlng under the swells; there we'were i¡ke servants
to the elements and the idea was magnìfted.
Eh b ¡ e n ! t h e fo rce o f 14 pa r i n g' t h i n g s, e ve t s,
!.t
-co
men. . , Hovlng seen our friends
¡n lne Cõmmune.energ-eticgryl throwing their lives owoy, so honesf anâ so
fearful of not betng odequate toîheìr taSks, t ropidly
come to be convinced that honest p"opt" ii po*",
*ttt

such
lik:e
nothing
-o
impresihe
gentte
tne
'

entlrety. to make way
ond free, under the heovens.

foia new world, happy

any compromise with alternate political modes.

ln some respects, Louise Míchel's representatiohal
relationship with her ideology, colored the very nature

of the ideology itself. While absolutely intoleranû of
reformist groups and reformist political measures; (she.
refused nomination by a women's group to run for'
political offce because she belíeved thaï electoral re
form could not promote or aid in making a thoroughgoing revolution) she was nonetheless dogmatic only
in the senie that the "dream," the new world, the,

Social Revolution must never be compromised. Destruc-

tion of the old order must be complete in order to allow
for total construction of the new. But on the other

yet unknown will follow, ls it not common know-

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ledge that what appeors as utopia for one or two generatlons will be reallty to the third generotlon?

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Only anarchy citn render mon ethicalty dwore, since

only anarchy con mitke him totolly free, Anarchy therefore meons the complete separatlon from the hordes
of the enslaved ond true humanity. For every mqn partlcipat¡ng ln power, the stote is llke the bone upon
which the dog gnaws, ond it is for this reoson that he
defends the state's power.
lf power makes one feracious, egotìstical, ond
cruel, serultude is equolly degroding; onarchy then
will mean the end of the horrible mìsery ln which the
humon roce þos always lønguìshed; anarchy alone will
not become 0 recommencement of the old suffering,
More and more, it ottracts hearts tempered for the bot-

tle for truth ond ¡ustice.

'tV¿f inii ïiãiõiittton
formÌns ony sovernment
whatever was incons¡stent, thøt it doês-not open all
the doors to progress, and that the institut¡o'ns of the

remained
w.orld, these lnstitutlons form a single bloc whiòh must
dlsoppeor

the destinies of human beings in tln pternol progress
whìch attrocts them toward o true ideal, ever changing
and growing, I am then an anarchìst because only
onorchy meons the happÍness of humanity, In working
,for the ultimate good, the highest ìdea which con be
comprehended by humon rotionollty is anorchy.
For to the measgre in which ages will pass, progress

:

be as incopoble there øs the dtshoiesl'oie n[rmiùt oiã
thøt lt is impossible for ltberty ever to be alfied wlth
any power whatever,

post, which seemed to disoppear, octuølly
un/er changed names. Forged in the cháìns of the otd

I saw that the lows of attractìon which endlessly car-

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Humanity wishes to live ond odhere to anorchy in
the straggle against despair which lt must engoge ln order to leove the obyss, this struggle is the harshness
risen from the rocks below; any other idea seems like
tumbledown stanes ond upraoted weeds, $/e must fìght
not only with couroge, but qlso with logic. lt is time
that the true ideol, which is greater and more beoutiful
than all the fìctions which preceded it; should be
shown prominently enough for the dislnherited masses
no longer to shed their blood for deceptive chìmeros.
This is why I am on anarchist. -Louiæ Michel
almost from birth. As in the Victorian "respectable
classes,tt relígion was the great educator, so today the
values of the psychoanafytic establishment, the new

priesthood, operate as the dominant socializing force
'upon middle and upper middle class women of the
West, ln both instances, society encouraged a feminine
core personality to be constructed upon passivity, narcissism, and masochism-qualities viewed very negatively ,if possessed by "patriarchs" themselves.
Yet many outstanding Victorian women were able
to become extremely productive and creative members of society by variously balancing feminine personality components usually iudged only negatively

-

by society. For example, to relate to the wórld and to
one's ideology as a "vessel" is not tremendously different from the way a traditional mothçr might relate
to her offspring. Furthermore, the narcissism of total
identification of self with one's beliefs is quite apparent. lt is fur[her true that Louise Michel was terribly
masochistic in service to her ideology and to di5ad- i
vantaged people around her..
I am in no way belittling qr trivializing Louise
Michel's place in women's history. Her conlrihutiqns
to society and her vision of a new society are tiemcildously important in women's history, in libertarian
socialist history, and in French Revolutionary history.
However, I am affirming that Louise Michel's greatness,
o
is, so to speak, the potential greatness of Everywoman.
has
The male historical school of the "Great Man"
emphasized the distance from the experience of the
Man in the Street to the Great Male Leader. Further,
male historians often tend to have us believe ,that
Great Women possess unique, mysterious, male-affirmed qualities that consequently separate them from
the rest Of the hysterical, masochistlc, narcissistic, and
paisive women of their age. By implication they say:
emulate and strive for male qualities of strength and
you will be a Great Woman. ln opposition, it.seems
that Great Women, while'different from Everywoman
in their unusually important social, polítical, or intellectual achíevements, have not always achieved this
greatness by attempted "masculinization," but often

by extreme female psychological qualities.
ln summary, the richness and intensity of female
internalized activity (fostered at an early age by societal proscriptions or discouragement of externalized '
behavior allowed or encouraged in male, children) has
at certain times in history led women to perceive their
own self-image within the body social in terms very
disparate from that of their male revolutionary counterparts. Louise Michel is an extreme example of the
female "transcendent" revolutionary type. Her selfimage of identification of herself as inseparable from
her ideology further extend5 to the political beliÞfs to
which she self-consciously adhered later in life after
the Commune, i.e., anarchism.
ln politics, the identification of self with one's beliefs is intellectually compatible only with an ideology
that affrms the unity of means with ends. Thus, after
the Commune, Michel came to believe thaf no hierarchical or dominating politîcal structures as a means
could be compatible, even during a transitional or crisis
stage, with a totally liberatory, revolutionary end.
.

Consistent with Louise Michel's anarchism, the only
authentic revolutionary. leader must be óne whose,life
is one with her ideology and'gne'.¡vith those people
whose needs her ideology purportedly serves. The coinparatively greater psychic energy at women's disposal,
, caused by the comparatively greater intensity of
feminine internal activity, has allowed women revolutionaries of the "Joan of Arc" type greater imaginativeness and greater creativity in'outlining a multidimensional.relationship with the world, as well as
multi'dimensional ideologies to explain this relationship. lmplied in, or maybe inherent in, the female
revolutionary's approach to her ideology and revolution is the necessity for a more subtle awareness of,
and acting upon, different faceis of interrãlationships,
both societal and persohal, which often do not seem
immediately definable in traditional male, narrowly
rational, linear perceptions of the world.

IO WIN
l

-cÞ
l

wrN

1.1

Nineteen^se.venty-one was the coldest winter of rècent
years tn Chicagor Below-zero gusts of wind blew
lît_"l.l.S,[t lh...picket tine of Wobblies and supporrers in
producrs lncorþörated
.1!. jwy,ttrte. againsr Hip,
¡ust
west ol.the Chicago Loop downtown area. The Hió
Products workers produced,,youth-market" goodi
llKe oesrgn candles. They struck for better conditions,
!¡!,q u clear lunchróom and clean bathrooms, for
higher wages, for an end io intimidating compuny
practices like mandatory lie detector telts, for an end
to forced.overtime, and for the lndustrial Workers of
the World as their bargaining,union. The strike carried on for a good part of that winter, with the com-

Ì

lh/h/ RoL

The most enroging port of beìng unemployed, h9w-.
ever, is the feetini oÍ isolation-the feeling that nobody
cores, The bosses certoinly don't core. If they did they
wouldn't hove laid us off ìn the fìrst place, The sociol

N

workers ond unemployment cçunselors moy, os individuals, feel some sympothy for'us but to the bureaucrotic iystem that they serve we are iust o casç numbef ;
and when our unemployment insuroncë'runs out or itï
bv some technicolity we orþ denied food stamps or
other bentefits, the bureoucmcy is relieved of one more
clse to ptroceis ond'some money is soved, ' .' ' rå "
,

The US government' weakened considerably in internationallrade by the inflationary dollar, has not
U".n iUt. to deal with the depression. Labor Departr

pany trying to fire four workers. lnformational picket
lines were set up at Hip Products outlets as far away
as Boston and San Francisco, and a new strike song
was written in the snowy cold to Johnny Cash's ,,1
Walk the Line."
These strikers were the largely young, white, Chicano, and black workers who produce, for example,
!.!" 4rV goods at the local Kresges or Montgomery
Wards. Along with their sisters and brotheri in other
industrial cities,'they constitute the underpaid and
overworked backbone of light industry in North America. Jobs last in these small to medium sized plants as
long as the company does not change its marginal
marketing line and move out, until a businesirecession
starts lay-offs, or.until one worker here and there is
lucky enough to find a slightly more stable job or even
get an apprenticeship. Like the unorganized workers
in serv.ice jobs and heavier industries, they are mostly
semi-skilled.or unskilled and a good many highly.paid
union business agents will tell you that they ãre un-

,*.
È

again be profìtable.
As a revolutionary organization, the lnclustrial
Workers of the World seeks to include all wage workers.
Struggles like the one at Hip Products are imþortant
pot only in the vital light of their immediate gains for
the plant workers, but, also in their larger coniributions
fo the rest of the working class, regardless of industry
pr employment status. The strike at Hip Products prù
fluced some gains for the workers by the time it was
pnded. The cornpany itself has since gone out of busi-

Fess-once their line of products beiame outmoded.
But a number of the workers there continued their
membership ín the lWW, not out of any nostalgia, but
out of an obstinate recognitíon that struggles like the
ðne they waged at Hip would likely go on so long as
class interests dictated their worki ng lives.
Since the foundin gof the IWW seventy years ago,
the organization has held together on the notion of
building a class union, in which workers i ncreasingly
exert their economic power from the sho p-floor level
Croig Ledford is the General Secretary-Treasurer
the lndustriol l|orkers of the lMord,

l2

WtN

of

*

foresee unemployment rising fg¡. at
of this year, even allowing for liberal
duration
i"itt ttt"
itimulants to the business cycle. Depression-level lob'
oronrutt have been poorly administered at both the
iedðral and local levels. ln lllinois, funds aflótted the
unemployment offices were used to hire.more managers
in¿ Uboti their salaries, rather than to hire more fullrime service workers.
For years the IWW has advocated thé six-hour day
in induitry, with no cuts in inco¡e, simply-by.employing more óóople in the produclive pr.ocess'r'Such a demãnd can'unite organizations of both the employed
unà ttt" unemployõd. More and more, though' groups
of idled workers may re'open those factories that were
paid for over and over, but which are¡ot in use' ln a
North
þublished speech last December to a Chicago
bide public'meeting of the'unemployed, the Associatç
Editór of the Induitriol Worker, Patrick Murfìn, dis- -

rrntl""onotists

'

prganizable.
Assembly, industrial, and service production
workers create a vast wealth, only a small share of
which they receive back as wug"s. Organized workers,

who amount to only about20% of the US working
çlass according to AFL-CIO estimates, may receive a
slightly larger wage share depending on their industry
and locality. Unemployed workers are left to fend for
fhemselves or are allotted a welfare pittance to stay
out of the productive process until the employing
class, which owns, controls, and consumes the vast
surplu,s of wealth left after wage or welfare state payments., determines that their employment may once

,

cussed the possibilities of factory seizures:
This depression will undoubtedly cause the fqilure
of mony small ond medium sized production fìrms'

BVCRNIG LEDÉORD
to create a,different industrial socíêty run by workers
through their industrial unions. The iWW has been
reasonably flexible and adaptive to technologic4l, I
e.çonomic and political changes, to the poinútrâí it'is
the oldest.active radical labor organizatìon in North
America advocating militant jobãction and the worker

self-management of industry.
_ Much of the lWW.in the US, Canada, Great Biitain,
Sweden, and the Pacific is organized intb general membership groups or branches. The memberiof these
groups may work on a variety of jobs; they may be unemployed or retired. So long as they are meeting they
may ch-oose a variety of labor activities, from support
picket lines to educational meetings. As well, loóal
IWW members have become involv'ed in worÉplaià organizingor.shop workers have directly sought out the
lWW. Like at Hip Products. The scope of this article is
not to write a recent history of the lWW, but to show
how IWW's propose class union aption'to settle prob..
lems facing workers.
_

The Wobbly group in Tacoma, Washington produced

a leaflet in response to last year's oil crisis thatanalyzed

corporate and government complicity in driving up'oil
prices. The leaffet closed with:

lUe con't\ely on either government or the free enterprise system to help us out of this situation, The
only weøpon we woge workers have is our combined
economic strength. l|orking people need to come together on a well organlzed and massive front to back
eoch other up, Our unlons would be the togìcal way to

ao. Unfortunotely, most úiiìons prop up private enter-

1

Congtomerates will cut loose their yalleJ operotions
to consolidate capital tn btg facilities and mqximize
their profìts ilorkers in these plants do not hove to
''
iokieihe¡r unemploymenl tying down. They con oc' .
cupy their ptants and resume production as their own
bóíses. This is not as impossible as it may at f¡rst sound' . '
After oll, we do the same work every doy ond could
continué tu do it whether or not there wos o boss stand- :
ing over us, The tactic is widely used in Euro^Pe and has ,
úed mony iobs , . A growing movement.of such occu- ';'iations caí, ¿o much tô support itsetf with the help of ' ' ':;
'the
unemployed and of tenont un¡ons, Eventually' Ìt
can snoiboi to take in bigger and bigger plonts' This
would not c)nty provide work, but wotlld olsg loy the
solid groundwork for a new socìal order built not
aroun'd bosses or commissorst but around the working
class itself,
Leaflets, flyers, and speéchêi are all valuable educa-

|

irìse, The tndusiriat llorkers'of the )Aorld is one union'
'that looks beyond the present system of productÌon'
lfie ore orgon'ized to fìght the bosses right now, not
iust for riore and cheoper gos, butfor the whole works
'14)e

con continue to fìght these skirmishes forever'
Eventually, we ore gõing to have to put on e7/ ¡o the
fìohtlno Oi top¡ng the means of productlon (drilling
,'ns. ref¡nêr¡es, amnufacturing plants) into our own
há¡íds and próduce for use insteod of for profìt'
Lately, IWW members in several areas have been leafletting lócal unemployment offces. The 1975 depres- .
sion aîcompanied'by rampant inflation serves as a tool
to weaken ihe working class. Dollar wage gains made
ín the last several yeari have been lost in the decline of
real wages. Corpoiate profits, on the other hand, have
risen, añd mismanaged corporations like in the automobíle industry laið off millions of production workers
to buy time for the market absorption of gorged inven'

tional tools. They bring together'like'minded workeis

tories.

But the real story of the depression is in the unemployment offce line that winds intothe street, full of
iollis who canrt afford to buy groceries. IWW members
in New England distributed a leaflet that began:
Beìng unemployed can get to be a ¡eol drøq, Most of
us end úp bunim¡ítg off olour friends ond famlly-. We.
get discouroged ofler tromping the.streets d.ol .oft9r day
'toohing
forjobs thot aren't there, fle get tired of hear'
iig the same refrain: "Sorry, we dgn't have^gnytfl.nO
tõday; but wr'll keep youi appticotlon on fì\e." lt's no
wondei that we get pissed off,

'

and convince others. The leaflets quoted above are all
ãiem¡se¿ on a notion common to both Marx and
bakunin: that workers in an advanced capitalist
sgciety can not run industry until thêi are first con-

"''

'

slious'of themselves as a class, upon whom production
deoends. Still, the IWW is not just a propaganda orlaäization. Añ IWW member will likely carry his or
ñer opinions to work, qhether working on an unor'
gan¡zäd or already unioñized job. Lunchroom talk, for
instance, among any group of workers today may
cover a úariety óf economic and political questions' The
key questions, the ones that hit closest to home, howevér,'are those problems affecting a group of workers
WIN

I3

i

I

immediately in the plant. How is the lighting? Who did
rne. supe.rvrsor_yell at last? lf production goes
down,
will the lay-offs start this wee'k?
{!ere. are not rights to free speech or peaceful assembly. during a labor'er's working hours. The freedom
to hold a shop floor meeting of wãrkers should be a
basic,demand of the labor rñouement. IWW membeis
working presentlV in a Midwestern metal machinerv
plant pushed for monthly shop floor meetings of ilie
already established company union with the results
that immediate grievances and safety hazards can be
isolated immediately and immediately discussed.
Where IWW members have entered into organizing
campaigns, it has often been in spite of labor laws and
the legal denials of basic rights to wage workers. That
there is collusíon between politicians and corporate
managers is no nervs; that this collusion extends into
maintaining workers as a manageable, profitable class
is simple labor economics. Since, for example, the regional offices of the US Nation¿l Labor Relations
Board (NLRB), a body supposed to guarantee the organizing rights of industrial workers, are open only during the daytime business hours, any rank-and-file organizing committees or union óaucus gro-up must find
some surrogate for representation in routine Nl-S,B
matters. No boss would give a worker paid time off to
pursue a union case against him. Or, as with the NLRB-

l
I

I

conducted "representation elections," the laws are
constructed to management's advantage. When workers
in, say, a fast-food restaurant petition for an NLRB
election to determine their bargaining unit, the election itself is normally not held for six weeks or more.
And, even though the restaurant may have a high turnover rate, only workers employed at the date the election was set can vote. The restaurant management can
use the period in between to eliminate or force out
anyone it suspects of preunion sympathies.
W|¡9re the agencies are ineffective and. unresponsive,

ì'È

the IWW will simply advocate direct action by the
workers to eliminate the g¡ievance. The following is
from a newsletter issued by an IWW committee of
grocery store workers:

Next time you're in the store, check out the
schedule for the night shtft (l Z to Ð, Notice that
whereas normally at leost four workers are scheduled
för week nights, flve on weekends, ìt has been cut
bock a worker o night, The question to be raised is:
wìll this become the standard schedule, and more importont, will it set a precedent far speeding up the entire store?
Monagement certainly con't argue thot "so many
workers oren't needed onymore." You don't need access to the compony books to 5ee that the volume of
business for thot shift has been up markedly for the
Wst few weekq usually o reason to hire more workers,
Perhaps manogement intends to cut back on all
shifts this woy. , , At least until we gain legal representat¡on through the election, we urge oll worhers to
toke o dlrect action approoçh. Don't speed up. Above
oll, don't work.beyond o pace whìch is normol and
healthy for you, No one should end up slck becouse
monogement is too cheop to hire enough workers.
Let's take a solid and fìrm stønce on this issue, fellow workers, They may ignore our protests, but they
con't ignore us. l4)e do the work.

lr

ln 1975, the IWW is more than an idea based on
militant union action and workers' self-management
of ¡ndustry, but ne¡ther would it pretend to be more
powerful or influential than it really ís. There is a lot
of work to be done to organi2e the unorganized, to

j

ii

14 WIN

MILDRED I. LOOMIS

make the existing unions more honest, and to create
prodUctive work for the unemployed. Al.l of these
problþms can and are, to one degree or another, be¡ng
tackléd by IWW's. This article conta¡ns only a few
examples; why don't you dig a little deeper? You
probably need a union.

Years ahead

,

;

CONTACT:
lf you are interested in the activities of the lWW, get
in touch with the branch or delegate nearest yoú."Or
contact the general administratio n at 7 52 West Webster Ave., Chicago, lllinois, 60614.

IWW directory
nmrilnm

'

Dean

UZgl,

t

l.Dtt

Pf¡Il, dGl.trt , ?? Ec¡ù.rt StElt, htt¡to, Nrr yort

Brucb, D.vtd d.Vsr!r, æ¡.f¡¡r;
ltEb.r!ùtp
rut.llr¡t W.b!t ¡, Chtcl.o, tlttDl! 66ll,
t.ftDùom ¡f¿-íf¡:æf¡, ¡r¡¡tnri¡ ¡¡¡t¡õ
t¡rd FHd¡t ol mst e¡t¡
lo-!T w4llll, 9tDn!4t ft6 rmôrlu, d.t.ßró, Bo¡ ró6, Fortw¡ræ,r4!ll!¡
$ü¡r, trhrùm. 2lÈaa¿-Clll
Btrc¡¡. Vütb|,
N¡vl¡rt!ú Eq¡lmtü, Eo¡de, L1
!ùtÞ, ?031

Xrmt, Bq¡ið, Lr

rt

tt!rt!, Uüt¡G T!Ùq¡Értott rr

7?011,
??Ol?

Gttba¡t uGrr,

CllY, X¡8*XIRI: RrlDh llntctr ûll!!ltG,
Cltt, ¡ll!rut, tchDb¡r 8f6-ûi¡l-2õ?e

ru õlO, ?!06

.bf!túr, Gmn¡ taa;¡!a¡-

p!!t

'

¡,lltbot ?,
LE ¡Ì{GîON, XlùTUCtrY: Nmst Cotlt¡!, dal.S¡ta,3t6 Roe gtFst, ApertDc¡t S, tfiiDtt6, Kattucft .0$8
fPg_AñftI¡8, CtLtFORtftt: fiortæ XcDaatclr, '
ltt30 Trurc At@, bil!wd, C¡¡Uonl. oltlot, tcl.Db¡c ¡f3-67t-E3tt
f DIgO_ll, WlEOOlûn¡: nlcb¡¡l Ll¡ltrr, últcfrt ,.ll0 C¡¡trâlt Cor¡r't, I¡dm,.yt!IqÀN8 8

¡(err

602

at,th

Ste.t,

ry-b -1191i !Q Srlt !, d.lr!¡tr, lzG w€st fl¡æ¡, t{arüm, wtæo¡rt¡ CS?0E, tcrrpbom 004-2tt-r0ôE
M¡LWÀU|(IE, WISCþl{llIlf : John gchær, dolcg¡tc, 2e30 A North Bætù, Iriltm¡¡ü, Wt&
conltr

õ9212

-MONTRIÂ-L, QUIBEC: Ron stt¡.r, drlrgato, 20!

t¡ral, Qsr¡rc, Cil¡d¡

ltrut

NIW YOnX CITy BRA¡fCt: Ncr yorl ¡lctÞDot|tü

Brch

Roy¡t W.rt, Apat'tnüt

Cwr¡l

.

t, Èto¡-

!¡rmDenbtD Emcb,

Mo$lll l,lo!!,
Sßcr6târt; pO Aor õ?0, R¡do ^¡G¡
Ctty St¡tton, ilGr yort CiF f00lg;
t€lcDùom 2lZ-a??-3965
-OAI(LA¡ID, CALTFORNIA: Rtch¡rd EUtngton, d€tog¡tc, 6ttg ¡-rn Codtt, Ol¡"r¡, C"ulo¡¡¡¡ eaSO¡, trtGpào¡a at5-0!8-02e3
OBERL¡N, OBIO: D¡vo Burcr, delcg¡tc, c/o
Mcdt. WortdþDr ã0 Wclt ¡l@ln AyeNb, Oba¡ltn, Ohlo

t{øl

llÂlNl: ¡O 8o¡

Nr

t08,

Om,

¡rt¡t¡€ Oí?3
ÞORTLA¡ID-BRANCtr: þrürrid (þnr¡a¡ ttembesrhtD B¡eot¡, D.r Nol[, Bruch gacrct rt, PO Eo¡ la29l, Po¡ttud, Oragon Vl2li
Pl?IlBUKiH, PINIISILVANIA: Jultu Bcck, 600 Wô8t North, plttrh¡tù, D.ntrltlru¡s
15212. Rot 8¡¡rls, lll2 Btdre¡¡ gtr€Gl, Plttrùr¡¡fù, F?Mltlv¡¡¡¡ lú223
nrl,l !!4N, WASIfiN{¡IìON: Dør¡¡ lgTtG B¡tur, d.tGgeto, NB 63ô M¡¡do¡ Læ, ADqrt_
OROllO,

ment lll?,

A¡l¡Eu,

Wùh¡¡3ton 00161

R.ACII{!, WlSCONfl¡N: Uù Gor&D, delogatc, 9021 $p¡ttrg Street, R.cloé, WtccoDsln 53,l0z
RYE,TErAA: Frqd Hüæn,&t!g¡to, Bqr ?20, IVc,Tors ??t00, tllr¡ùona ?t3-6E5-¡8?õ
sAll FRANCII'@ EnANCBr.Sú Fruclm Bey Adc¡ Coûlr.t Momùc¡!ù¡D Erücb, D¡yld
f¡Dg; Broch scc¡rt¡rt, FO Bor ¡0{86, gü Frücle, C.¡lto¡¡lr Ol¡(X
SAIITA_
!O!l-: lr¡gu€ Nrlæn, dltrlatc, Bo¡ ?otl, Sôtrt¡ Rbn, Calttonts oõaol, tr¡!-

pàom ?dl-88?-tt8l

SEAllLl BnANC¡:

go¡ttl? cüc¡¡t t{.nbcr!ùtÞ Brùcb, 30e Frdera!
;út, S!.tt¡a, g¡rblllb¡ 0ClO2
gTOCffON, CALTFOBNIA: Rrd Wa¡th¡tr, dals!¡tG, PO dror t?l,.Stoc¡td, C¡¡ttontr

ó

0520t

riage, Ralph Borsodi set up his own business to coun- '.''
sel-búsineises in marketing and advertising problems.
Soon his clients included Duponts, the Strauss brothers,
heads of Macy's department store, and others.
A time soon came when Ralph Borsodi was moody
and depressed. Myrtle Mae pried for the reason. "ltls

EIMP[

cünt Oltr¡trtry Colnttt!!
oLDlAI,.!1N9 glli
Boù t¡!!, ôlrt¡te, 0 Cot'tor¡ Aw, tvrmü, OLhD,
Is9+ltJ, lltlud; Cn¡¡n trorr, d.húrt , lfo C¡addlrr¡ frt, Oltuñ, teuün;
Itìd&d
ElRIllIltrAI: Dü¡ t ¡l¡¡d, d.lt¡s!., ?Z w.¡ll¡tlo¡ Ro¡d, tr¡ldmnb, frselIbD ¡,
Eo3tl¡d
SEr!ütlrt¡ Ot¡uf [üru tGM¡tta
f, l¡U: E F¡y RorüDd, D!|.!¡t!, Eq f¡O tO ¡00 64, Xrfuii, 8nûo
smC¡gOLI: ¡¡|nu Erl¡rm; f,l¡lrltüw¡¡.tr tlg, q. 3 tr. 12t $, È[rrâo, gr.-

n*mc

ü.ttt t¡l|rc, ¡r.nt

*..

Atu, (ill.D ¡ttro
91, En Þæü, E [ll F?6, t t Þù6. a0-rlÈßel
mLær, lftr zl^L¡lllDr trl|h Lcy.tù, ólr.t¡t , gO Eos tO¡¡, r¡¡¡¡, *¡¡a, fr¡r
,

¡Ûl,

E VAI¡All ll¡Ál|D!. n D.&.qrr. ù¡.rú., ¡O Eq

TAflAI{lÂ: Ell¡ CnùrD,

3a

XãÉdt. tec.rtoo, T¡rnell, Aurtn¡¡

?¡!O

As a boy, Ralph Borsodi lived in a middle-ciãss family
iñ Manhattan. He was in private schools, or privately
tutored on tours with his mother, a concert iinger. At
l5 he set up his own apartment and endlessly studied . '
his favorites: America's founding fathers, especially . . :
Jefferson 4nd Tom Paine; the Bible and the Bagavadgita; John'Locke, Thoreau, Emerson, Tolstoy, Henry
George and Gandhi. ln his father's publishing business
he was delivery boy, proof-reader and bookkeeper. He ,
enioyed discussions with writers and authors; made
friends with Bolton Hall, a disciple of Henry George
and áuthor of A Little Lønd ond a Lot of Living. '
ln his late teens he helped form the Single Tax
party, and edited its monthly journal. He set up his
soap box on street corners and explained to all who
gathered the evils of the land monopoly and the need
for the public use of land-site value.

for

t¡rtürù

Â{lAM, OUAI:

mangled' and destroyed.
Rãlph Bprsodi wäs a forerurfner of theoçurrent
rebellion of young pegple agaiäst meaningless lives.
He too, more than 50 years ago, was repulsed by
creatures "made in the image of God" grabbing and
grubbing for comumer trivia which does not satisfy
any basíc need. His achievements-productive homes,
homesteading, communities, books and researcheshave influenced countless people. Alert and active,in ..
1975, his experiments in ethical land and money systems, are helping turn the tide towrad decentralism.

Myrtle Mae Simpsòn,'a Ka4sas.farm giri in'New'York
a career, worked for the Boisodi Publishing Col .
She and Raiph Borsodi fell in love. After their mar-'

ÎACþ¡IA BnANCB: Tr@D¡-OltEDle Geor¡¡¡ XGDb"r€Dlp Broch, Ottlllr [¡rùblt,
del!g¡t., 2116 8o¡tù S¡G¡lû¡; lrom, w¡!à¡!do! 0010!, tr¡GDùoN 2oo-tt2-ôtle
mRN¡O BRANCÍ: Torcoùo Cøür¡ I6!.¡!ùlD Bruc¡, c. JmU, Acth¡ Arub gac¡6tart, FO Dq 306, &¡l¡oo ¡, lbrc¡lo {, 6rrþ, C¡D¡ôr .
v Ncotltll, ER¡TAq OOLlrllB¡A-: J-.B.llc^trllrcr, del€8¡te, 1165 Woodr.d Drrr.,
tlooE 802, VüüyGr û, E ltlsh @lul¡btâ, CMda

dr!

'

individual could live the good life in spite of the
mechanization of man in our industrial society.
Expanded famìlies, communes, intentional com- ,
mùníties, and other natural ways.of lÍving which 't
contempora¡'y young peoþle are just now discovering
were demonstrated in successful experiments at the
time of the great depression by Ralph Borsodi'and \
written up in his Fligh¡ ¡¡sm The City, (Harper$'
1932). As our nation and thè world piunge intó
another depression, the solutions for our problems
which he set forth then are still practical. They are r
being applied by so many people that the. pub.lishers
brought out a new edition of Hight in 1972,40 years
after the first introduction of these (un)common sense

Fár in advance of most rebels, Borsodi saw how
the factory system plus Madison Avenue was degrading human beings. Marx and others were showing'how
...workers weie being exploited; Borsodi showed they
- rwere exploited as ionsumers too, thtiircreativity

lrDbûG ?rû-61?-6ttl
CXIC¡{¡O 8RANCtr: Chlc4o cüÛ¡¡^

FOU8îON, TEXAS:

ab-out the

icleas.
!

ANçBOnAcl, ALASXA : hn¡ 8t.rÍtù, ôtrßt , 20C Eoorlæc, ADètDr{rr Ah¡fr eefol
IOAîOll ERANCE : EoCü
Od.r¡¡ lfrEbrsluD E¡ücbr^Ucr Scü¡di, Bmà 8.cr.trt, EO Eor aõ|, C¡Dbrl*!,
^n¡ Iurchlætt! Oaf Sg
'BOltLDlR- OOIðRÄIX): Idh I'tæ!clt, d.lrlrt tloBorrf6,Eá¡fdò¡,
,
CotoÌtb !d01,

fclr¡¡on iæ-gr-3Go¡
P-U-!qAI¡, Nllf, lORl(:

of his time,.Ralph Borsodi was

frst dropout from the rat race to demonstrate how an

'

the busingss," he'said. "lncome is OK but l'm:in the
wrong iob. Advertising doês more harm than it helps."
"Surely, not," Myrtle Mae objected. "lt makes
goods cheaper-that's a service to people."

mryu,L

Mildred Loomis ls Eirector of Educatisn at the School
for Ltving ln Freelond, Marylond.
wtN

15

.. "fha.!'s what most people think," Raiph saiiI, ,,but
j,T,fl,1jy-j.l¡s isn'r úue ror. iot är"ã"ãliir¡rî.p*

,curany natìonal-brand advertising. Retail
and-whole-

sale advertising

which announces ind describes goods
to set new cusromers an¿ hotj ãtJ'.;;;-i;
ii.rv¡ce.
Bur narionat-brand advert i;i n;

L::iì"ï,il¿'vffi¡t< atñ;i

i;

; Jifi;"n iriorv.

il*;;ñåi

å'"

""'

They discussed it pro and con. Ralph showed her
ho-w the increase of .brotlds-toothpasie, cereals,

,

plumbing, everything-made it necessaiy for
_cl9thes,
.st9re.l.t9 provide mgre shelf room, storage, shipping,
.etc. "Nat¡onal-branb advertising-'8O% oi úl aaierilliing-is distorring people,s valuel mis-edubiiing mis
represe.nt¡ng tacts, raising prices and reducing prosge¡ity." To ease his mind, Borsodi wrote ouiând published these facte in NauónatAdverttstng rs pioi{ntty.
He probod deeper into a'ccepted notiãns attendins
,the b.o-om of big business, and came upon another
"myth"-that moss production of everything was
tnev¡tably more efficient and cheaper. Rafph Borsodi
saw that these assumptions of centralized'industry
app€arJo. be valid, but they ignore or cover up hiáden
costs of that process. Borsodf said, ,,Of course there
are economies of. producin g.sgme things by mass buy_
rng, mass producing, specializing labor meihods, etc.'
6ut these savings in producing are often eaten up by
the.costs of transporting raw materials to the cen_
tralized fac.tory, and the distríbution-advertiging
storage, selling, transporting-to the users. The reot
post to the consumers of mass-produced products
often ends up not less but morä than the'products of
small-scale, decentralized production in small st¡ópi
pr the homes of people themselves.,' All this
and more
porsodi elaborared in hîs 1926 book, TlTe DistributÌon

.

ri

society. Together he and Myrtle Mae çanned and
preserved fobd, kept careful records of costs and compared them with store-bought goods. Always a surpriSing saving. ln a few years they were eager to build
a new homestead from scratch. Two little6oys added
incentive for a "place of our own." On l6 wóoded
acres in the Ramapos, they buílt a stone house and
outbuildings-called it Dogwoods homestead. Ups and
fow1s, successes and failures, always living and iearning. On the third floor, in his study overloók¡ns the
pinesjlnd h.ills, Ralph poured his findings and fãelings
into This Ugly Civilization-comparing ihe sterility ãf
urbanism, industrialism and centralisrñ with the .
health, bea.ury, iusrice and freedom of proJuãiive living on small acreages.
The r.esponse was more than he expected- Letters ar¡d
peopl-e appeared on his doorstep, dsking ,,how
can we
get a homestead for ourselves?,; Â collä'pseA ,itv
in
thio asked his help. Dayron, rhe Gem df ttre-Nlam¡
Valley, was hard hit by the depression; banks were
c!g:qd, half of rhe heads of families wére unemployed;
children were staying home from sctroot wittréüt stroeó
.

I,ì

fr,
'&.

/

suggested the answer.

h 19?9 they bought seven acres north of New york
City. _Hardly knowing the difference between a hammer, hoe and hatchet, Borsodi tore down an Jd ,h"d.

built a shelter for chickens and goats, remodeled a '
cottage. Myrtle Mae revived her farm skills_her gar_
den was a triumph; she studied foods, body metabolism and health. "We're in.for a revolútion'in diet,',
she announced in 1920.,,No more white bréad, white
flour and white sugar for us.,'
Commuting on the,train, at work or on the homestead gorsodi pondered theplace of a modern, welþ
equipæd productive home in an industriati/"á
16 WtN

Borsodi.agreed to a US government loan, if control
and administration could remain i¡ Dayton. ilirable
d¡ctu-he persuaded federal officials to a small loan
on this basis. When those funds were extuusted, a
second, loán was reque'sted from the US government.
For the summer months, Daytpn Liberty home'
steaders gardened-no building with no funds-and
anxiously awaited a reply from Washington. Borsodi
would withdraw if federal control were required. Fac'
tions developed: fol and against government help,
which also meant for and agâinst Borsodi. To some
Borsodi was a prophet.of a new age; to others, a dictator. ln September the answer came; "Government
money will be advanced when and /, by rnajority
vote, the Liberty homesteaders accept direction and

building Melbourne University for the study and solv-

Dayton plan. Theie, friends joined in organizing and

ing of universal problems of living.

"The United States doesn't provide the soil for a de- i
centralist culture," Borsodi concluded. "Letfs test
the response abroad." He went three times to the Far
East. ln the mid 1950's he and Clare interviewed.and
lived with educators, government officials and cprnmon people in Chiná,Jhailand and southern Asia. He
reported in Chotlenge of Asio two Asias contending,
for dominance-the old Asia of family and village life,
and the new Asia of cities and factories
Ralph Borsodi counselled Asians not to abandon,
but to improve their family and village life, to develop
decentralist and domestic machines, instead of accept'
ing without question the monopoly and technology of
the over-central ized West.
On a second tour, from 1958 to 1962,'Ralph Bor'
lectured and wrote in lndian universities.
sodi
,
' As a studied,
guest of the Gandhian University of Vidyanagar,
Gujerat, he had all the facilities of an established

completion of theìr communityïnder federal officials."
An edict for sure. Until the actual vote, no one
could predict the outcome. When it came, it was
close-l2 to 10 in favorof federal funds. On a chilly
Fall day, a "wise manfrom the East" returned to Dogwoods homestead to consider next steps.

¡

I

-

jl

After his marriage to Clare Kittredge, the Borsodi's
lived' in Melbourne Village Homestead Community
which Dayton associates had built in Florida on the

universíty at his

ln 1936, Borsodi and friends had organized and
opened a School of Living for adults. A 40'acrê

Age.

.ln this period, Ralph Borsodi was asked bv his
tather to handle a land deal for him in Texas. Alone
and,lonely on the wide open space, he was *iiling to
sell his father's thousand'acresto t'he first biddef
t'H?ng on to that land, kid,,' advised the
hoìel clerk,
.._
"People are coming this way. iand is goini up. ln ten
years yoù can make a million on youi fatñer;s
acres.',
"But would we have earned it?t, asked vr"iiã nãi-pf,
Borsodi.
"Earned itl Don't be silly,,' the man said. ,,Take
wh{ y9y can get and don'i ask questioni.;;
New York City Borsodi asked his quesrion
Pr"_k
again. "Who owns the land on this island? Wtô ¡,
pocketing the fabulous fortunes that come from
renting-and_selling those few square miles on iná ün¿"r
whic.h 80,00Q000 are struggling to live_to u"itung"
goods for money? So manyleaions,,, he said, ;,whi
some people get rich without y-orkíng, ana wny míf
lions.stay pooreven rhough thôy woiíi! úhat can I do
to þlp change these soçial conditiòns?"
Bolton Hall's Llttle Land and a Lot of Livtng

the democratic control and development of the new
community. Financial supporters withdr,çw; homes
were incomPlete.

and coals. W¡uld Borsodi come to dírect a program of
helping families moved to hom'estead communit¡ãï ol
outlying land? Gladly.
Borsodi saw in Dayton the po6sibility of ,,homesteading and decentralism" becoming a national pattern, an educational movement, a cuïtural trend. He
abandoned hís work in New york City to eive full

atte¡tion to the Dayton Liberty Homesteids. with
Sjcial.ASency funds, an 80 acré farm was purchasód.

ramiltes-stgned up tor homesteads. Liberty Homestead
Association was formed to hold title as a giroup to the
land. Each family would have use-title of äne ãr two
acresfor a small annual.payment (instqad of land-purchase) and. there bu-itd

theii nor"'inã

to which they had full private t¡tle.

raisã

iñifi

rãã'¿,

When more mone)¿ was needed the project Com.
mittee suggested borrowing from the federal government. Borsodi demurred. ,¡Building houses isiot a
function of government,,, he offerõd. ,,Government
is coercion; it gets its money by toxing; by compulsion. We must ltmit government,to
þrotection_not
ask it to do our business,', Borsodi saíd.
' "To u.se government funds or find local money
from voluntary sources" became an issue. Borsoäi
worked staunchly for.nôn-coercive suppgrl Local
b,onds were issued and bought by busineis heads in
the city. Problems here too. Bond-holders wanted to
choose the homesteaders and direct the polícy of the
,

deve loping_com m un

iry.

Agai n Borsoà

i rt

i,

dionuä'-

Ramapo meadow became, in the next year and a half,
Bayard Lane (intentional) community. Fourteen at'
tractive, owner-built rock homes surround the School
of Living;-the school a slightly larger stone house with
its four acres of organic gardens, compost heaps and
small barns. Busy families, recently from megalopolis,
were becoming homesteaders-man! of them., in their
own minds, "building a new world." ,

On the world scene, World W4r ll developed. Borsodi
translated his ideas to â wider stage. He prescribed a
stable money in lnflotion is Coming; he urged families
to put their savings into homes and homesteads. ln
Prosperity and Security he challenged economists to
forsake their abstraction and treat economics in the
specifics of actual human beings pfoducing their food,
clothing, shelter and amenities. He said "it is not
'notíons'that produce; economics is really 'the management of hbuseholds' as the Greeks said; not juggling
figures called 'gross national products."' He exposed
the predatory ways in which many moderns make
(not earn) their livings; he called for an economics
"where people matter." Not many economists in the
late 30's'responded. One vital decgntralist voice was
influenced: Paul Goodman told a School of Living
conference in 1972, Prosperity and Security made a

decentralist

jg,

oìt of me."

Borsodi had a part in Agriculture in
Modern Life, by M.L. Wilson and O.E. Baker of the
US Dept. of Agriculture. ln a lively trilogue he showed
the advantages of organic, family-farming over commercial mono-culture and agri-busìness. "ln a few
decades," he said,."America and the world will wake

ln

I

g

up to depleted resbu.rces, erosion and pollution!"

The 1940's was idecáde of adversity for Borsodi.
Financial difiðûlties made necessary transferring the
Suffern School of Living to;the Loomis Lane's End
Homestead in Ohio, ln 1948 Myrtle Mae Borsodi died.
Ralph Borsodi was desolate, but not defeated. He established a linotype in the basement of Dogwoods
homestead, and iet in lead type with his own hands,
his experiments and conclusions on education. Daily
his ideas flowed into hot metal. Eventually it became
700 pages of Education and Living.

disposal. "

r.,

Unfortuhately Borsodi fell ill with dysentery, and
for months languished near death. His son Bill arrived

to hospitalize him, encourage him back.to health,

and
assist his return to his new home in Exeter, New Hampsh i re.

Fully recovered, then past 80, Ralph Borsodi undeitook new projects-impdrtant conferences on popula"
tion problems and Ecumenical Humanism in New England.

!

His younger friend, Robert Swann, long-time
pacifist and social activist came to Borsodi for help in
"1967.1n the Marti¡ LJther King movement in the
South Robert Swann had decided that the prime need
of the blacks vùas solution to their economic probleman ethical alternative to poverty and powerlessness.
"They need land of their own. Access to land is the
source of their survival and of their ability to dissent,"
Swann said. "How shall we help them to land and in-

'

dependence?"
'Oeligt¡te¿,

.

Borsodi proposed the land-trust for title
held by associations for the common good, and farnily. ,:'
payment of a use-fee-the plan he had proþosed atDay; '
ton and at Suffern. lt was organized with Bob Swann
accepting the responsibility to teach, demonstrate and
sponsor the land trust through the lnternational lnstitute of lndepe¡dence. A 6,000 acre tr.acÍ of land in
Georgia was the first.land-trust formed, developed as a
cooperative of, for and-by thepeople in that area." .
'
Borsodi organized and conducted a year's experi;
known
currency.i.
currency,
as
Constant
ment in a stable
'.
[see WlN, 11241741. Backed by and issued against 30
peanuts,
(wheat,
oats,
corn,
rye,
commodities
staple
oil, coal, metals) Constants circulated in lieu of dollars
in an effort to eliminate inflation. Constant currency
was integrated into the lnternational lnstitute of lndependence, and Borsodi went abroad the thir:d time
to-introdùce the land trust and new currency to leaders
in England and lndia and to register the lndependence
lnstitute a3 a non-national, non-profit corporation in
Luxembourg.
Nearing 90, Ralph Borsodi has shaped the three
"revolutions" he set out to influence in his life time-a
land reform, a money reform, and a new adult education. His work and goals are the core of the School of
Living for adults in Heathcote Center, Freeland, Md.
,

wrN

l7

IJJ I
I
I
,
tI

l

'

,

Þ:

ao

Tens of thousands of workers poured
into Washington DC the morning of
Saturday, April 26. The. IUD arrived
first, picketing the White House about
1 1 am demanding "lobs now !" and

AIR
a

Í

Eagle. ln February, the Columbia
Eogle steamed out of Long Beach

in listening to Hubert Humphrey, de
clared the rally at an end. The union

a cargo of napalm.
On March 14, Glatkowski and
another civilian crew member, Clycle

harbor and headed for Thailand with

McKay, seized the Columbis Eagie..
Holding the captàin and chief mate at
iresses on the field said it seemed to be
then-ioi¡ed the main line of the march
gurtpoint, Glatkowski arrd McKay anwhich formed at the Capitol and moved a spontaneous action by the workers
nounced that they were,seizing the
with the "militants" climbing over
across town, largely through the black
residential area, to JFK Stadium, where fences to get into the f¡eld only after it vessel becaqse the napalm was to be
was clear the crowd was supporting the used for an unlawful war. Ordering a
a heavily conservative group of
core of crew members to stay aboa"rd
disruption. A poll taken of workers
speakers were to address the "Jobs For
leaving
the
rally
showed
most
rally.
All"
of those they instructed the captiân to signal
leaving felt the disruption had been the to abandon ship. The lifeboats were
The rally, originally organized bY
lowered, and the Columbio Eogle reDistrict 37 of the American Federation only meaningful event of the day.
Outside, WRL and FOR members
sumed at full speed.
of State, County, and Municipal Employees, (New York), and by the United and others from the Mass Party,
The mutineers then broadcast pleas
for political asylum. Their message
Auto Workers of New Jersey, had been
Socialist Party,etc., had been leafeventually got to Prince Norodom
effectively taken over by the lndustrial
letting the crowd with material from
Union Department of the AFL-ClO,
Sihanouk, who was then chief of state
the Coàlition on the Economic Crisis.
and the demands, which had originally'
in Cambodia. Sihanouk relayed his
Everf radical group in the country
included an end of all military aid to
affirmation that they were welcome
was-or seemed to be--on hand with
South Vietnam, had been toned down.
in Cambodia.
material. As we moved along with the
Liberal trade union speakers had
En route to Sihanoukville (Komline of márch, under the CONEC ban.
been replaced by conservatives and one
pong Som), they spotted ship.s foJlowner a¡d with Charley King playing his
,of the featurèd speakers was Hubert
guitar, ít seemed 4s if every radical
ing them and were approached several
Humphrey. George Meany, confronted
group in the country was out to push
times by a US reconnaissance plane.
by tank and file militancy, and rêalizing its own line, far more interested in
The mutineers threatened to blow up
he could not head off the rally, moved ,
the Cotumb¡a Eagle and this persuaded
ripping off a possible recruit herä or
to coopt it through IUD'sponsorship. ' there than in building a serious coalitheir r'escorts" to turn away.
(Meany himself refused to speak at the
Soon after Glatkowski, McKay and
tion to relate to labor. lt was like
rally or to endorse it.)
the Eogle arrived in Cambodia, the
watching a massive and living creature
More than 30,000 workers, a great
Sihanou k government was overthrown
flowing down the street, being nipped
many of them blacks, had taken buses
in a CIA-directed coup, and eventually
on the flanks.by piranas.
and trains from New York and were
replaced with tfe proUS Lon Nol ln all, the day was a triumph for:
joined in DC by thousands of other
regime. As a result, exiles such as
labor, if not for the bureaucracy. lt
workers. The total that gathered in
Glatkôwski and McKaY riere Placed
was a peaceful, geod-natured assembly.
Washington was certainly close to
under house árrest. Their attempts to
But if the jobs are not forthcoming
renouncè their citizenship and seek
50,000, though the number that
the gentle chaos in the J FK stadium
passage to anothercountry were denied.
finally entered J FK Stadium for the
may well turn ugly. Despite all the
During the next year, several escape
rally was less than 30 o00. Half way
^+orts by Meany's meh to keep the
attempts were made, with McKay, and
through the program spontaneous dis'
stogahs only to the question of jobs,
hundreds of the signs-many 9f them
ruption began, starting with a single
an Army deserter finally getting away.
Glatkowski's unsuccessful escape atman who rushed out on the field wavofficially issued by participâting
tempts left him in poor health, and
unions-stressed the demand for mas
ing his union banner. The police, heavfinally, almost ayear after the hijackily booed by the audience, got him off sive cuts in the military budget.'
the field only to find.a woman had
-David McReynolds ing, he found himself on a plane with
federal offcers headed for the United
lumped in and was runníng around with
her sign. By the tim€ the police got her SHOULD HE GET TEN
States.
Back in the US he pleaded guilty to
under control, dozens and then hun'
YEARS FOR SAVING
dreds of workers, some of them waving
two charges at the urging of his attorKIDS FROM NAPALM?
the placards of the rank and file br'
ney, who encouraged him to plea barln 1970, Avlin Glatkowski was a civilganizations, had crowded onto the
gain. Glatkowski was thçn sent to the
ian crew member on the SS Columbta
field, and eventually mounted the
Federal Correctional lnstitute in Lom-

q.
Ð

l8 w

cflillllTl0llER$

dellve¡y.

Place your order now by calling
) 227 -3424

eollect.'

poc, California, to serve a ten-yeartblntence. A Glatkowski Defense Committee has recently been formed, whose

I

address is; c/o VVAW IWSO,1421

I

iurV in Charlotte, ñC, found H.R.
l-tatd^epal.lnd eight orhers nor guilry
in a.gt-miilion civil suit of illegaìly '
bar.ri ng antiwar demonstratorifrom
a
Billy Graham Day rally attended bv
President Nixon in 1971. _News óesk

PRISON NOTES

(Alvin Clatkowski,s address is

10096-1"16,C-1, K-Unit, PO ('W"; Lom-

Eddie Sanchez, one of the courageous

poc,California93436.) -NCUUA

resisters of the now defunct behavior

modificatíon program called START,

still faces trial on four countg of

TOO BAD!
"lt's a shatne. That whole parLof the
world (Southeast Asia) looked lïke ¡t
was going to be the world 's next oii

province."'
This choice quote on the Vietnam
.11
war is from Corbett Alle n, vtce prestdent of Global Marine Co., which unti
a drillíng rig

for

Mobil Oil Corp'oration offshore from
South Vietnam. Mobil Oil Corporation
is one of the dozén or so oil compaines
(mostly American) which since the
summer of 1973 have paid Thieu's government a total of $100 million for
drilling rights in the South China Sea'
Otheri inðlude Exxon, Shell, Cíties

;

Service, Sun and Marathon.
The ouote was oart of a storY in the
liloshingion Post April25 headed "Oil

Firms Ãbandon Vietnam lnvestments."

-fim

Pebk

,BIG MAG"
STUDENTS OUTWIT'
Twenty.six students at Caltech in Los
Angeles stand aboÛt a one-in-two
chance of winning most of the pr¡zès
in a massíve giveaway contest spon'
sored by the'McDonalds hamburger
chain.
The students too k advantage of a
loopholb in the contest rules that did
not specify that ill entry blanks had to
be handwritte n. Armed with a univer'

as--

Agitotor, 605 North Çumriings Street,
Los Angeles, California 90033.

Not all prison'äews is grirn. There are
many indicatì'ons that the hell of im-prisonment c¡innot crush the human
spirit and that even in prison, individuals find ways to develop and express their creative tàlents. ln March,
iazz singer Flora Purim, who is serúing

a stretch for possession of drugs, gavÊ
a concert to prisoners and guests in

the prison at Terminal lsland, California, the first time a prisoner in the
federal system has given a public performance. Another bit of evidence is
provided by the current art exhibit.in
the Metropolitan Museum of Art in
New York. Entitled "Caþti.vrc .AÍ, " all
the works are by men and women
awaiting trial in various New York City
prisons. Finally, there was the play at
Massachusetts Correctional lnstitute at '
lrJorfolk, co-directed by pri soner Mark
Frechette of Zobriski Point fame. The
play,'Stars and StrÌpes, was u ¿ru¡¿¡iJ t::
zation of part of the Nixon White
House tapès, a production which must
have given peculiar satisfaction to
those acting in it. One may hope that

sault with a deadly weapon against
prison offici als, and one count of assault
with intent to rnurder an inmate,
charges which could add four life sentences plus 20 years to his current sentence. The trial stems from a frame-up,
and is probably a reprisal for continued
political action and súccoss in opposing
START. Eddie's plight is particularly
grim. Now 26, he has'been in fail or
prison since he was ten years old. He
recently wrote: "lt has been very. hard
not to lose hope. And to tell you the
truth, I've just about lost hope of being
legally set free." Edd ie's only real hope
rests on publicity and support. ln
March, Laurence Holmes, a civil
the various governmeht officials,rùho
liberties lawyer from Wichita, Kansás,
viewÞd it.also..enjoyed themselües..
entered his case, providing sympathetic
Remember how Gene Debs ran fordhe
legal aid for the first time. The need
for funds is obvious. Foi more informa- presidency from A tlanta prison in
tion or to make a contribution contact: 1920? Kriss Worth ington,.a Wílmington College student, almost duplicatêd
Committde to Free Eddie Sanchez,
Debs' effort. Kriss was one of 62
912E,3157 Street, Kansas City, Mispeople arrested in the March 1 demonsouri 641 09.
stration at the White House. J ust beExtreme repression is coming down on fore he left for his trial in Wa5hington,
all Political activists in the prison at ' Kriss ran as a last-minute, write-in
M cAlester, Oklahomã. ln March the
candidate for president of the college
prison re-opened an old, rat-infested student government. When he called
dun$eon and filled it to capacity with from Washington he fouhd r,ut that he
1 2 prisoners. three
whites, three native had won the election. At ti' trial Kriss
Americans, ánd six blacks. Letters of defended himself. The resi¡i ,vas a
support are urg¡ently needed to-prevent hung
iury, with the poísil-,!liiy of a
further deh umanization and even pos- new trial in June.
--Larry Gara

{

j

five-year

IS.LOST

State Street, Santa Barbara, California
931 01 ; phone 805-963-9.1i9.
The movement for universàl and
unconditional amnesty demands that
all people who resisted the war in any
way be granted amnesty. lt is a struggle
to legitimize people's actions.against
the war. This includes Alvin Glatkowski.

April 15 operated

,

.

overseas sovernment can'

All for immediate exnort delivery in car- ,
load lots. All underlull maìufacturer's'
rvarrauty. Offer valid until May 30,
19?5, and will not be repeated. eaih on
(2 12

sible death of these men. Send letters
to Chuck Stotts,82093, Box 97, Mc- ,
Alester, Oklahoma 745Oi, or. write
Larry Gara, 2"1 Faculty Place, Wilmington, Ohio 45177 for a list of ãll the
prisoners in the holq änd others whp
'

should qet letters..
of
free
groceries,
foúr
lupply
The Apri,l, 1975 issue of The Cstholic
suppties of gloceries,'and
lhlgITgnql
feafures the se-cend D4y of
Agitotor
'1,B50
$5 gift certificareslo McDónatds. Nonviolence in Los Angeles, where
McDonalds officials who first conDouglass spoke just beforr his arsidered cancelling the çon test, have now Jim
rest for probation violation, an arrest
decided to go ahead with it. However,
whi ch happily did not result in any
to neulrali ze the effect of the ballotprison time. The paper rdstlufing the conpany will have to have add itional
prints Jim's talk as well as another on
two drawings. Every time a student
"Aggressive Reconciliation" by Ed
utins a prize, the compan y will award
Guinan. The Agitotor provides excelprize
the same
tg a n on-student-or at
lent coverage of the Westloast re{east to a handwritriê n entry.
sistance actions. ln good Catholic
-Straight Creek Worker tradition, the annual subscri p'
tion rate is on tv 504.. Write Cothollc
ANTIWAR SUIT
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:åiltî"ll"t,

speàkers platform.
The union leader.ship, confronted
by a membership which had no interest

leadership blamed the disruption on
"militants and crazies," but eye wít

.s¡ty computer, they ran off 1.2 million
-entry
blanks with each student's name
on no fewer than 40,000 blanks. Handwr¡tten entries numbered around 2.4
million, giving the 26 stu¿ãnli a probability of winning half the prizes.
.¡_The prizes includeive automobiles,

RflflM

CHA
SPONTANEOUS DISRUPT ION
HALTS MA,SS EC RALLY

1.

Ad from epiit eo, lgzo NEw voRK TtMES.

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WIN 19

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NOWHERE AT

HOME-LETTERS

advocated and carried out any policy that mainrained rheir
control or popularity. Berkman and Goldman kept the faith.
Like their contemporaries, the old time jazz-blues men

FROM EXILE OF EMMA GOLDMAN
AND ALEXANDER BERKMAN
Edited by Richard and Anna Maria Drinnon
index / iÍlus. / notes I g'l2.g5

*'à

|

320 pp.

'

I

and women, they were p-l1V!ng a song mo,st people didn't
want to hear. But that didn't keep them from continuing
their labors, or lose faith in the eventual emancipation oÍ

Emma Goldman didn't sing, and Alexander Berkman wasn't r"nti"¿ frám tyiann¡
:
too holon keyboards or alto sax. But,they both knew the
ln their ioint'letter'to their comrades in the USA on the
blues. They were kicked out of the USA in 1919 after goeve of their drportution thåy wrote, ,;W" ão noi [now-where
ing to^iail in 1917 for opposing World War l. About the same the forceq of reaction will land us. But wherever we shall be,
time, New Orleans outlawed liquor, closed dgwn its honky our work will go on until our last breath. fvf.V
Vor, toq
tonks a¡d banned most.ótree_t music. Jazz and jazzman
tinue your effõrts. Thrse arc tr/ing Uui ;;",í,rifrl iiñ;. "onbegan moving up the Mississippi in search of a market.
Clear ñeads and brave hearts wére never more needed. There
Berkman and Goldman went to Red Russia, and anarchism is great work to do. May each one of you give the beit that
as a leading force in American radicalism died.
is in him to the great stiuggle, the last strugg-le úetween
The Red Scare curtailed radical activity and the Bol-.,_ liberty and bondTage, betviãen Well-being aild povêrty, beshevik success in Russia converted most activists in the US
tween beauty and ugliness.
,,Be
and the rest of the world to Marxist-Leninism.
of goód cheei, beloved comrades. Our enemíes are
Goldman and Berkm-an-ho-wever, left the'socialist para- fightingalosing battíe. They are the dyingpast. W. ur. tf,t
dise" in December of 1921 after Lenin arid Trotsky masglowing future]"
-David White
sacred the Kronstadt sailors and workers, and that's when
FoR
BLow
BLow
their blups and this book really begin.
Distributed bv Red Ball Films
These letters rpun
of both activists
"oãúiif¿.;;i;;rr
European exile. The letters,
very personal literature, exhort, The issues of women's liberation and labor's rights are
scold, comf_ort, complain, and gossip. Great events and per- beautifully joined in the French film Blow for-Blow which
sonalities-of the day share space. with pleas for money, food, opened as a bene,fit for the New York Coalition for ln errurand. help for i-mprisoned comrades.
tional Women,s Day and showed sporadically at the Fîrst
Hounded from country to country, denied premanent Avenue Scieening Room and Bleeäker Street Cinema,
residence.permits or a passport, Berkman wrote his What is
t say ,,beautifülly ¡oihed,'because the pitfall of making
Communist Anorchism and edited the "Bulletin of the
the villains all males is studiously avoided. fhough iLitf,rRelief Fund of the lnternational Working Men's Association." workers at the ladies garment faôtory ur" wom.ñ, the ruthEmma Goldman wrote her two volumi autob¡ography. i.s rrpervisor leadinf the sleedup ií also a womán-other
Living My Life and My Disrllusionment in Russia, Amid sick- membärs of the supelvisory force are men. When a team of
ness and personal. tragedy
typical union bur.eäu
iry to get the striking *ò¡¡àn to
{otl.r activists living apart, wrote
each other several times a úeek.
"rats
vacate and charge that
the siïdow"n is fomentá¿"U i;;^g,tu.. .Tl. letters gíve a perspective on how and why they-pub- tors,', the team-consists of a man ond awoman And,înally,"
lished these works. Each succeeding letter is a piece of the
when workers in neighboring plants walk out in sympathy
puzzle of their lives. A love affair gone sour, comments on
and march in the strõets, it'iwomen and men togäth'"r.
the anarchist movement, or the growth of fasc,ism, it all gives At the start, as the cámera sweeps across the äws of
substance of what was until the publication of this book on- women sweating it out at their sewing machines, they seem
lv *etchy. coniecture of their last years.
a stultified masiof humanity. Their glowing disóontént over
Through the letters to each other and other cbmradês we oppressive working conditions is clirñaxed ty the unjust fìrshare their agony of a revolution betrayed.
ing of two workerl which prompts their deiision to'sit-in.
While "progressives" hailed Stalin as the sàvior of the
ln the course of eating, sleeping, standíng watch and, in
working class, and defended the purges and prison camps as some instances, taking'care of lhe kids, whom their husnecessary for the'defense of the "revolution," Berkman and bands bring to the plant ds a consequence of their own inGoldman denounced dictatorship, left or ríght. But it was
eptness, the women get to know themselves and each other
just so much pissing into the wind. The woikers they
for the first time and they emerge as the diverse individuals
propaga¡dized followed their socialist and communist
whom they are.
leaders in submitting to Mussolini's corporate state, RooseThe excellently cast nonprofessional actors are obviously
velt's New Deal, and Hitlers Volksgemeinschaft.
turned on by their own enthusiasm. The film, shot in color
This left them vocalists for a small band of unorganized around the city of Rouen, is the collectiúe effort of 100 uninternational freedom-loving revolutionaries. The integrity employed workers and a crew of film-makers. For those inand purity of their convictions is their legacy to us. While
tèrested in booking it, the US distributor is Red Ball Films,
opportunists stole the "revolutionary" stage world wide and PO Box 298, New York, NY 10014.
-Jim Peck
20 WIN

o

DearAme
by Karl Hess

IS ADDRESSED TO ORDINARY AMERICANS \ryHO
ARE FED UP WITH BIG SHOTS AND BIG
BOSSES AND TI{E BIG DISASTERS OF

BIG GOVERNMENT AND WHO \ryANT TO
MOVE ON TO SOMFTHING THAT IS
DIFFERENT FROM.BOTH STATE
CAPITALISM AND STATE SOCIALISM.
IT IS A PASSIONATE BOOK, SIMPLY
\ryRITTEN, DEEPLY FELT, INFORMED
BY PERSONAL EXPERIENCE BUT
TRANSCENDENT OF ANY SINGLE
PERSONAL VISION. IT IS A TOOL FOR
TRUE SELF-IMPROVEMENT; FULL OF
OPTIMISM, ENCOURAGEMENT, AND.
COMMON SENSE.
. ,, Karl Hess is an anarchist, aJiúertarian of the left, a tax
' resister with a 100% government lien on any wages he mighü
earn, a profes¡ional welcler who lives by barter and a man with
a great deal to say about this country.
In Dear Ameríca Hess discusses his life, especially his
development from right to left. He prciTides a,new prof'rle of
Goldwater, probing the contradiction between GoldwateCs
conservative ethic and his advocacy of. "a s1¡6nt nationalsecurity state."
But Dear America is more than an autobiography. It is a
message based on practical experience that prescribes some
radical remedies for many of our social and personal ills. He
presents his ideas on the decentralization of government and
business by gfving power back to the people, He highlights the

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by Karl Hes

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possibilities

of

snstaining

a

produptive. technotogy

in'iê.i

decentratizecl society through thecentering of"ownership" ahd '

government in lcrcal communities which, in turn, can federate
with others, anywhere, to accomplish mutually beneficial wor[.

wtN 21

,. For. Progress¡ve pot¡ilcs and Progress¡ve

Reilgron, senO Sr^dã ior ¡¡Chr¡st¡an¡ty Re-

Fji,i :ïs

ffitrtü0 ,i'rliìfi

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E0N0Rûil$

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"ln some ways, Nock reminds me of paul
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identified their qnarchism with old{ashioned
conservatism. Both bêlieved that America had
been better off under the Articles of Confederation than under the central government estab-

lished by the Constitution."-Henry Bass
"Nowhere can the reader find a clearer or
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. Murray Rothbard

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New Midwest research institutê seeks un-..
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Here we go again. .

A Iì'IN E AND CHEESÉ
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AT THE. HIGH TOR VIÑEYAR,DS!
Last J une we had a blast, in September we had a ball so
aga¡n.

l

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Find out for yoursclf why High Tor wines are qmong the most
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Can you use my books and måga¿lnes? I'm
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ARTHUR EVERETT JOHNSON! The US
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ThE BLACK ROSE LECTURE SERIES
1975t 5/23, Sytv¡a K¿shdan,,,.Culture and
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:;

t

Susan Reed!

ANARcHIsT LECTURE SER IES: M¡chaï¡i
fval gno Robert Bass, ..Semirogicar nnà{_
srs 01 everyday Life." Frèespace Alternâté
U, 339 Lafayette, NyC., May 23, I pm.

MNS/Life Center is offering a comprehenslve
and intens¡ve 2 week tra¡nln9 workshop fbr
nonv¡olence organ¡zers, May Z3-Juhe 6.
48l I Springf¡etd Ave., Ch¡ta.,
fen.lÊrn¡n-S1
},a.
(Phone

Oo,ñ¡ ,,

Sample the splendid wines of High Tor and taste chcese of fve nations. Tour thc winery and vineyards with the winemaker tr¡mælf. Father Tom Haycs Çnio,y the majestic beauty of High Tor Mouníain
overlooking the lordly.Hudson. (Nerr New City in Èockland County)
And this time we will haræ entertainment piovided by folksinger''

EVENTS

i:

*o,r.

-

':

E f b- Sor å tvto6.
rlt
v - cãrlr'lbu*ron
¡hme

î,1.,t*Frr¡,1;''*
i lr'')rlåil.jTirt,''

Up Against the Nukes, 6129174. How
to organize your community against
dangerous nuclear power plants, with
stories about those who have. . . . .,.

Money-Behind the Green Door,
12|19174. How Radicals relate to
'their
mone14. Also Philip Berrigàñ on
Political Prisoners and Tuli Kupferberg's Worst of Everything. . . . .
How We Càús World Hunger, 1110175.
Plus The Strange Case of Martin Sostre,
and an lnterview with Lanza del
Vasto.
Women, 1975,2120175. With Andrea
Dworkin, Ruth Dear, Karlalay,

Borman..,..

ri F{iL¡}r,¿Írr

,,,,

The Men's lssue, 4/1 1174. Already x
basic text of the Men's Libërätion
Movement.
.s0d

Other terrific back issues are 4lso still
available. "197 4 and 1 975 issues for
50( eash, orders of 15 or more2id
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