Win Magazine Volume 11 Number 4

I

February 6, 1975 / 301

'Ja

wHY TNDIANS ARE HOMELESS lN THE| R HOMELAND

CAROL EHRLICH WRITES ON MEN'S LIBERATION '
oeprÑse SPENDTNG AND rHE ECONOMY"(P4BI,l!!1. __,
ptus A HILARIOUS TALE OF MADNESS lN THE MILITARY

qEACE AND FREEDOM THR,U NONWOL?NT ACTION

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fr

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rv

fì
1.0.Sh¡rty

liriTo.¡lrtoo

l(yi¡ lldtldt

Kri¡ Hrtr¡lt

I

are known to but q,f'erv of the collective
mcml¡e¡s.
Wo rvish the working committee every
s_uccessr but at present niany of us are
d,ubious as to its worth and future. Thu,s,
though members of the collective may wish

to pàrtake of the latest.movement oûering,
of us do not so desire,.and, let me
aflirm once again, Black Rose is not in any
way a part of this or any other wofking
committcc or fþderation.
m.ost

úr,î#TTr:îss

'

I believe the wo¡ld food crisisto bè one of

the nonviolent
radical left. With ou¡ emÞhas¡s on what
Finnerty IWtN, l1llT t74l calls creative

our lives and our goals.
Fern's daily life was working tbr peace
in various spheres. She was to have bèen the
l¡rst student to complete the peace studies
plogram she put togethe¡ at New College.
She had bec¡l involved in trying to couñter
the militarism in high schools and in the
campaign against the B-l boinbe¡.
Seemingly evêryone who knew her was
greatly aft'ected by her. She was the most
loving person i hâve ever knowrr,¡urely,an
example of \Mhat people mirst bê like ,,afte¡
the,revolution" if we a¡e to'have effected
real, lasting change in the society.

t[

yott

unl

go on any longer
. take the hond þel! by your brother
every vlctory brÍngs anoiher
Carry Ít on; cany it on
Donations may be made.i¡ Fern's
memory to tho Ame¡ican F¡iends Se¡vice
Committee, 160 North 15 St.,.philadelþhia,
Wllen

PA

rero2'

the l2l26l7a

--.fr,T:,:l,t:il

issue of WIN contained a

let

ter from Judith Málina on an anarchist conference held in Cambridge. I cannot vouch'
for the àccuracy of the report as a whole,
but it did.contain one er¡or that is greatly
disturbiri!. Judith wrote that the cõ¡ference
was hosted by Btàok Rose. This is totally
false, Black Rosè nèver agreed to'host anything, though some members of the collective attended parts of the conference,
lV^e are not now, and never have been a.part
of any anarchist,conferences or working
cammittees.or whaüevei as a collêctive bodf,

It

iinportant th¿t this be emphasized
publicly, as apparently, some membèrs of
is

the working committee persist in. the falsehood that Black Rose is part.of their
coterie. A recent communication from one
Mer¡il Moss lists two people in Camb¡idge
as a¡ea contacts for the working committee
under.the name of Biack Rose who have
never been a part ofBlack Rose and who

,

Adam FTnnerty who obviously tinow what '
they. are talking about. I am just starting
oqt in radical nonvioíence and would ai
preciate concrete facts, tips, etc, about
how best to go about a struggle against
world hunger. WIN!
_R.S. WILLIS
Boulder, Colo.

.

It is tho ad reading: "Don't die without
will. l{ill forms plus attorney's instructions-$2 refundable." There follow a name
a

and, address,

The validity of wills is controlled by
separate laws in all 50 states. No single will
form is valid in all states, In fact, the will
form which the Maryland.gentleman advertises rhay no! even be valid in Maryland.

Unhappily, unless a will writer has legal
training, about his only recourse is to obtain the services of a lawyer.-JOE FELMET
lVinston-Salem, NC

with

supposed "nonviolent revolutiona¡ies" is

that they are often more "nonviolent" than
"revolutionary''; that is; they are more con
cerned with their "moral purity" than with
actually doing what has to be done to overturn the violent system which is capitalisrq
Lance Bélville's review of The Mother
and The Great AÍr Robbery in yóur t2l26l7 4
issue has given me another instance, another
example
The two plays were performed here in
Washington, and though I did not see the
latter ong the responæ la The Mother wæ
incredible. Not only was it an inspiration
and a lift to me for days but I heard of no

one who had seen

it-including

some

"noÞ

of those

of continued

capitatiet rule that the rulers always refer
to the "complex" natu¡e of events, always:
just happen to be the only ones who could
"solve" the problems facing the country.
That is not true. The only "complexity"
they face is the.complex tæk of holding
back the æpirations of the world's people
a¡ they become aware of the simple reality
that,the reason for the bulk of thei¡ prob
lems iests in one central fact tho owiership
of the resources, the factories, the banks,
the governmentq indeed, the w'irrld, by a
tiny minority ofcapitalists. If that problem
we¡e solved the key would be found to
solve the remainde¡ of the world's problemg
æzuming that avision of a just, ogalitarian
and clæsless society was constantly st¡uegled
for, æsuming that we tried to bring that
reality down to earth and live our lives and
æt in ways which reflected that goal.
Things are complex only when those
supposed rer¡olutionaries are divorced from
the livee of those.who are most oppre¡sed,1
by capitalism and thus most open to ând in
need of rerrolutionary ch'ange-Third.lVorld
people, working people, women. Ifthe
connections to their lives are deep, if the
movement is fhmly rooted in their hopes
and dreams, their frustrations and difrcultieg then the simple irclution can be found:
the rising of us all, the destruction of the
power of the capitalist state, the building
.

to the- hearts ofþeop¡e-to give up what
theydon't need. perhaps evin Saiyagraha.
lVe need more a¡ticles from people fike

The one problem I harre always had

am certain that the response

people in New York-with.a few ux."oiioi*
obviousry including Mr. Bélvilre*¡,rd
in;i;¡:
¡ng even a reviewe¡ for the IfI/ fi¿¡"r
*no
wlote a favorable revi'ew of it, was the
s11e. Whv then did Mr. Belville w¡ite as hé
-'
did, and why did wIN print his ¡eviewiobviously, ¡ don,t kriow. But I believe
a clue. i! Biven in one of his puagraphs" He
says "The wo¡ld in which Brecht sets his
play is not our world and probably hasn't
been únce the Civil War. Ti¡e issues in
Mother and Robbery
at heart the same,
but the fal¡ric in which B¡echt confronts
these. issuesjs so-hopelessly simple that I
sugge$ts."
It is a-major defense

non-threatening campaign against the
lbrces of greed, ignorance, bad fortune,
and wrong priorities that aüow hunger and
death to hold sway. Did I say campãign?
Maybe wrr would be a móre honest liord
to use. I personally desire this wa¡ to be
waged by nonviolent but socialistic means.
What I mean is this: the socializatíon of
agriculture and fuels.in the United Staies,
coupled with constant and varied appeals

I am an avid reader of People's Bulletin
Board. Infer¡ing that others are, I want to'
point out an ad unde¡ "Se¡vices" that may
in fact be a disse¡vice.

I

¡

tion, the non-existence of equal justice) are
all necessary tbr the pe¡petuation of US

.

could not identify with the solution he

simplicity we can presentä nonviolènt,

victim of one man's jealousy and anger, and
of a society's acceptancc of violence and
the Ame¡ican aflection lbr fìre arms. He¡
dcath has fbrced many of us to ré-examine

tremendously impressed.

îe

if not the mâjor task of

I know liêrn Newman's.fìiends will be sorry
to hear ol hcr death lll30l74. She was the

violent" types-who had not al$q beçn

imperialism. Of ,e.qual necessity to the ruling'class is the separation and division of
the people of this couñtry, the same people'

to whom you offer youf services. It is to
this:poinf that l,wish to"speak.
In your statement yor¡.spoke of the
70,000 draft resisters, deserters, and ribjectors, all of whoril are indeed sufferióg
an injustice. But what ofthe hundreds of
thousands of people in the samb categories,
about which thþ government has not"even
acknowledged (those underground)ïOf
equal iniportance (if not.more), what of
the estimated 570,000 yeterans with less
than hoirorable discharges? We cannot aÊ
ford to separate the forms of resistanóe to
the war that evolved ovê¡ the years of anti'

.

our common struggle.'Ëverjr opportunity
must-be seized and utilized to advance this
anallsis. We cannot allow the government
to structure the lbrms of our dissent. In
an otherwise beautitïl and meaningf ul
stqtement, you have täiled to do this,
' 'Tinally, I feel, and I am sure the other
B¡othe¡s and Sisters in resistanêe f'eel thàt
you ¡eed no pardôn for reaching your
deciiúon in the time that it took you, We
get stronger every day ãnd you
.Éro,w and
are certainly not the la$t. I speak as one who
has gone th¡u similar crises, ãs I did not
reach my decision to resist the dratt until
aftql I had gone thru much personal struggle.
_ With or without God, the people UniIõd_

use'

.'

";iå?,îitSä

Dear Dlvight Ernest,
I was inspired by your letter.io the S.S.S.
pubtisþed in IVIN, t2llLl74.'|oa ay
parently have done serious t\inking and
studying on the system of cohscrip-tion
and all that such a-repressive Systón ¡e¡>
resents and serves in this socieiy. However
I believe Jhat there is still roorn for growth
and development in you¡ anaþsis, The.evils Jhat you desc¡ib,àd (militarism,
domestic and foreign. economic exoloitation, covert and overt military intirven.

.

'

'\

CaqNever BE Defeated.

,T

war struggle,
Over half of those bad dischæges were
issued to third wo¡ld people-an extremely
disproport'ionate number. Ariyone with a
bad discharge has been punishêd for the
"crime" of resisting the oppression and
racis:m of the military. Therefore; when we
speak of amnesty and/or the lack of justice,
we must include all types of resistance
which certainly makes 70,000 people look
small by comparison, Tq focus only on the
people. that the government recognizes, allows the government to perpetuate the lie
. that ¡esistance to the war involves only a
relatively small number of "white middle
class" dr¿ft evade¡s. We only reinforce the
racist and class bias of American society
by distinguishing "political" and "mor¿I"
acts from "c¡iminal acts." Let us nòt do
the work of the government by.separating
.. ourselves fròm our comrades-yóur'brothe¡s
number far more than 70,000.
This ¿ll may.be academic since yotr
might already be aware of these realities.
However the essence of my criticism is that

we must always communicate, educate, and "!
organize around the importance of unity in

-_

-BOB MACFARLANE
.,. poughkeepsie¡

, -.

f. rvry-{r

Ny

Februäry 6,1975'lVol. Xl, Number 4
4. Why lndians Are Homeless in Their
Homeland I Pgt Porty
8. The Reluctant Patriarchs
Carol Ehrlich

complainr tl,ettgg, t?ls !.7.!1,

about WIN publishing so mäiy a;aicidò
about gays and what he calls "their whines
and complaints" is proof positive that no: i,¡
matter how liberal one may purport to be,
a screeching halt is called to liberal philos
ophy on the part of some when gay life
Styles are explored in \üIN and other conscionable journals of radical opiníon,
lVhat F, Tysen should realize is that,
basically, wê are persons before we-aré.- -'
male or female or gay, and each and everyone of us has all sexual drives built into
our psychic systems, It is social conditioning that prompts sexual preferences, and
not simply genitalia. For genltalia alone do
not dictate what practices of sexuality
should predominate ryithin given cultures,
American and otheruiise.
WIN is to be roundly thanked for þelp
ing gays and other oppressed groups get
thei¡ collective shit together.

.J.J. KAUFMANN

Honolulu, Hawaii

12. A Further Ntote on lntl4tion and the
Military Budget I Edword S.'Hermon

t
þ

14. Your Defense Dollars at Work
1

7. Changes

20. Reviews
Cover: Photo from Human Love in Að-

tion/LNS. Drawings from the'1972
calendar of the Taller Grafico de la
Cooperativa Agricolo del Pueblo de
Tierra Amarillo, in New MexícÒ.

STAFF
Maris Cakars . Susan Cakars. Chuck Fager ,

Mary Mayo. Susan Pines. Fred

Rosen t;'l

Mumay R"osenblith . MarthaThomases .

,.

i

UNINDICTED
CO.CONSPIRATORS

of socialisn
My gues is that Mr. SslviUe's poor rq
view came from his bei¡rg more "nonviolènt"
than rerrolutionary; from his ireing divorcad
from the tlay-today struggles. of the poor æ
he struggled to become a mot'e "nonviolent"
person That kind of"nonviolence" none óf
uscan

,," i,

i"

J?

Barry. Lance Belvllle . Jerry Coffln
Lynne Coffln . Ann Davldon , D¡ana Davles
Ruth D€ar . Ralph Dlcla. Br¡an Doherty I
Seth Foldy "Jim Forest. L€ah Frltz. Larry Gara
Nell Haworth rEd Hedemann. Grace Hedemann
Karla J.ay. Marty Jezer. Bocky John'on
Nancy Jöhnson'.Paul Johnson .Alllson Karpel .
Cralg Karpel iJoñh Kyper , Ellot Llnzer'
Jackson Mac Low" Dav¡d McReynolds i..'
David Morrls úMark Morrls.çJlm Peck
Tad Rlchards. lgal Roodehko. Nancy Roson..... '
Jan

LTFETT

ME SUBSCRIPTIONS-$

1

00

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be bothered by those would-be-humorous WIN
reneìval announcements and at the same time
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nonviolent social change by supporting WIN
Magazine. Such a demonstration of faith in

WIN at this time would mean far more than
year after year of renewals. Please consider
helping out ¡n th¡s wâ!:
-WlN

.

t.:..,..-.

¡r..,.,

Ed Sanders.Wendy Schwartz.

Art Waskow ' .,

Allen Young. Beverly,Woodwård

Box 547:lRifton / New York 12471
Telephone:91+339-4585 .
WIN is publ¡stled Weskly exc€pt for the flßt
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onv6lope.

Prlnt€d ¡n U.S.A.

2 WrN

wrN

3

IITHY INDIANS ARE HOMELESS

for continued occupancy because various design and
construction deficiencies resulted in cracked or bowed
basement walls."

PAT PORTER

IN THEIRHOMELAND

It

¡

Little

ment of Housing and Urban Development (HUD),
plans were laid in Washington'with little or no lndian
'rinput or control over construction work, and the rcsults have often been dismal. ln fábt, of the 232 nerr
or renovated houses on 22 reservations surveyed by"
GAO in 1971, construction deficiencies were found
in 187 (80%) and repair costs were running as high as
$3,500
'Somefor some houses.

tribes filed suit against government-approved
construction companies because of the poor housing
bu¡lt. The Housing Authority of Laguna Pueblo in
New Mexico filed suit in 1972 against the Building
'Contractors, lnc. for constructibn deficiencies ln i59
new homes. HUD approved the finished housing and
the company refused to correct the deficiencies; The
Ropebud Sìoux Housing Authority also considered a
sirnilar.suit against the Eaily Redwood'Gbmpany, the
contractor for the "Sioux 400" homes. HUD offered
,to contribute $F00,000 to fix up tlfe homes although'
over $3.5 milliòn was needed, according to the South
Dakota Todd County Tribune of May 4,1972.
Government policy is to givè preference to tribal
members when hiring and to tribal construction companies when giving contracts but because of lack of.
financial resources. few lndians have been trained in
constructiòn skillô'and there are only seven tribal con-

progess has beeri.made in improvinglndian

housing. ln 1969, 50,000 new units were needed, but
now, because of increased population and constant
deterioration of homes, 46,556 are nçeded. This.
includes units required for people wäñting to.return
to reservations and families currently living with other
. families and having no homes of their own. Repaírs are
needed for 24,000 homes.
According to the US Public Health Service, respon-

.

t

INDIAN

.

LANDS

BEFORE I^THITES INVADED,..

È""'
Cree¡

River

Perce
Klamath

t

Modoc

.1

I

Paiutê

¡

at
end
I

Ottowa

low¡

Alebrme
Coushett6l

.(Ù

Res.

sible for construction of most reservation sanitary
and water facilities, 7O% of the lndian people must
still haul drinking water, often from distant plaçes;
75% get water from potentially polluted sources.
77%have inadequate sanitary facilities, or.none at
all. On the vast Navajo Reservation, the size of West
Virginia, only 22% of the homes have running water
compared to 900/o of the US homes in general.
It is no wonder there is such an enormous gap between the health of lndians and that of other Ameri.
cans. lndians are plagued with infectious diseases
such as bacillary dysentary, which in 1972 occurred
49.6 times more among lndians tþan the general
, population; the rate for infectjous hepatitis was.10.7
times gre4ter than the general population. The death
rate for infaqts from one month through eleven
months was.double that of the comparable age group
in the general population.
lnnumerabíe examples of poor lndiån housing can
be cited. A 1970 Look magazine reported that the
Cocopahs, a small tribe in southwestern Arizona,
were living in mud, twig, and cardboard huts. This
situation exists despite the fact that all who are officially enrolled on the tribal list have been eligible
for federal assistance; as of 1971, however, only 85
of the proud people had done so. Now, through
government efforts 500 aîe enrolled, but màny others
still are not. Today, 410/o of the Cocopah families live
in substandard dwellings or are living with other
families and need homes of their own.
Although some San Carlos Apache families of Arizona have moved into new three-bedroom homes,
'there are still 300-400 families in small shacks wiih
dirt floors and inadequate sanitary faciìities, and little
protection from bitter cold winters. 77% of the housing is substandard.
On the Sioux Pine Ridge Reservation in South
Dakota, where the Wounded Knee take-over occurred
in'1973,610/o of the families live in substaçrdard houses
or need homes of their own.
There have been new houses built at Pi¡e Ridge,
yet a General Accounting Office report of 1971 said
those homes "may have to be condemned as unsafe

Unakalelt
lnd. Res.

,

INDIAN

Pot Porter wos o reporter for Wassaia, an lndian newspaper published in San Frønc¡sco, ond ìs currently
working with the Coalltion of Eastern Native Ameri-

?

a

LANDS TODAY

cons.

is evident that whcn housing had been provided.

by the Bureau of lndian Affairs (BlA), and the Depart-

Nearly one million American lndl ans-the nation's
poorest citizens-arè accustomed to having, r¡¡ost of
their hôusing needs ígnored by th'e government. For
instance, althou!h public housing legislation was
passed'in 1937, the government did not decidê that
tribes were eligible for public housing until 1961. And
even now, public housing serves low and middle income farnilies but unemployed.¡nd othel very poor
I ndians cannot qualify.

i

,'

stiuctioir companies.

I

There is also evidence of misuse of funds appropriated for lndian housing. On the California Hoopa
Reservation after floods in "1964 carried away lndian
homes, Congress appropriated $1.9 million for housing. Less than $500,000 was actualiy spent on housing
and land purchase. lt is still unclear where the remainder
was spent although William Finale, who was the BIA .
area director, made his records available for perusäl;
these records, however, could not account for
$1,417,000 according to the New York Times of
Sept. 14, 1969. lndians at Hoopa filed suit challenging
the Bureau's.use of funds.
ln the houses built at Hoopa, floors were unsteady,
roofs leakeC, bedrooms lacked doors, and tþe power
line was 19 miles away with no connection to the
homes which were wired with electric lights. The
homes were to be heated with petroleum gas, which
in 1964 cost'$80 a month, far too expensive for most

families. Because firewood was readily available'for
fuel, some homes had chimney fixlures installed for'
wood burning stoves, but most'did'not and some of , '
the poorest fãmilies broke out windows and vented
stove pipes through them.
While some tribes have gotten short-changed,
tribes with more political clout have managed to make
profits from their housing projects. On the scenic welltimbered Mescalero Reservation in southern New
Mexico, low-rent homes built 12 years ago were fall,ing apart by 1972 because of faulty construction and
over-crowded living conditions and were scheduled
for demolition and replacement. According to a HEW
official in the Native American Affairs offce, "The
government spent $29,000 for each house constructed,
but since the actual cost was only about $20,000, the

¡:.'

tribe made a profit of $9,000."
Another problem is that the góvernment has re-fused to allow tribes to decide for themselves how to
meet their housing needs. Typical low-income govern-

fnd. Res.
4 WtN

_LNS

wrN

5

for an increase of $260 million for public housing in
Ihe "1974 housing act in order to help HUD meet such

mcnt housing standards have bcen modelcd aftcr those
t¡f middlc-American surburban dwcllings. Thcy were
supposed to bc su¡tablc t
prior commitments.

ln a Decembe r 13, 197 4 strongly'worded letter to
Secretary Lynn, ten US Senators, including Senate
Maiority Leader Mike Mansfield, urged that the $15. '
million be used for 15,000 new housing commitrnents,
\
as the law intended
(Secretary Lynn is scheduled to leave HUD shortly
'for a new position in the Office of Management and
the
- budget, OMB.)
Uneriployed and other very poór lndians are still'
ineligible for public housing but must rely on the BþA's
smali $10 million grant proSram, mainly for repairs.
Prior to.the passage of the 1974 housing act' the
t
Administration actuãlly tried to eiract legislation which
would have terminated new public housing for lndians
(low-rent, mutual-help and the turnkey lll home'own'
ership programs), and subsidized leased housing built
öy local groups or private coritractors ¡nstead. This was
done despite the fact that Secretary Lynn himself said
leased housing would be unworkable for lndians.
Many lndians do not favor renting but would rather
buy their homes. Also, financing for houding construction is sôarce, especially for tribes. Outside
builders would'pften rather buy lanü than leaqq
reservation acres.
Government agencies other than HUD and the
BIA have no special housing programs for lndians and
have been generally unresponsive to lndian housing
needs. lndians with very low income are unable to use

and group necds and dcsircs, which vary widely.
For instancc, many Navajos object to rectangular

with lat roofs bccausc they remind them of
thc old dwellings <¡f their traditional enemies, the
Hopis. Sometimes, rvhcn they have had this type of
brrilding, Navalos haven't used it for a home. According to a TWA Ambassodor article of May 1970, writer
David R. Richardsobserved "small modern dwellings
and hogans side-by-side in the desert. The modern
house, we wcrc told, often is reserved for storing the "
familics' belongings, but the hogan is where the
family lives."
The hogan, considercd substandard by some non.lndians, is nevertheless very solidly built and is cool in
summer and warm in winter. lt is heated by a stove in
thc center of the circular structure with relatively littlc fuel. And as one Navajo woman put it, "A hogan
h<¡uses

.

is comfortable. lt is a womanls home, where she bears
her children, looks after her husbanö, and minds her
sheep. Why should I live in a house?"
Some low-income public housing has proven too
costly to families because of high eleictricity and fuel

bills. A 1970 National Council on lndian Opportunity
report discussed this problem:
There is a need at Pine Ridge for more types of housing than are now avoìlable through federal øgencies, . .
The guidelines call for woter ond se.wer development,
gos and oil buring furnoces, ond specifÌc square footoge.
Some people only wont o good shell with a good floõr,
walls, windows, and doors thot they con frnish themselves to reploce very inadequate houslng. They want
smoller houses thot con be heated with wood burning
stoves. Many cannot offord electriclty ond are ¡ìerfectly satisfred with the old traditional means of lÌghting
ond heoting, A choice could be ovailable to meet the
needs ond wishes of all people. The design would conform with the likes of the people who will be using

t'È
l

them,
,l

The policy of building cluster housing is often abhorrent to lndians. Russell Means, AIM leader, stated
in his defense testimony in the Wounded Knee trial,
"We will produce evìdence that the US has been involved in a concerted effort to destroy lndian culture
through cluster housi¡S. . ." He called the policy not
only non-lndian, but anti-lndian.
ln'1954, despite the objections of inany Mescalero
Apaches, 500 people were relocated from their
scatþred'dwellings to an area where BIA and tribal
offces and health and school facilities were located.
There have been complaints in recent years about continued government insistence on cluster housing at
Fort Berthold and Fort Totten reservations in North
Dakota and other places.
Scholars of Judson College writing on housing on
.the lowa Mesquakíe Reservation reported, "The
government has built houses close together for economic reasons but the people on ihe settlement like
being isolated from each other and from the tourists."
Recently, there has been some effort to accommodate to lndian desires. Tiibal housing authorities
on many reservations now go directly to ccintractors
to plan tribal homes. The resulting homes are often
more expensive than those designed ín Washington, but
are more acceptable to the people. Accommodat¡ng to
Navajo desires, some Navajo homes now have the living
room, kitchen, and stove in the center of the house, as
in the traditional hogan. And as of 1971, more than
100 new hogans were built in some areas.
.

6

wlN

be¡ ng

Neo-Ame ri can
þui

I

on n d ian

However, according to Reaves Nahwoosky, HUD
lndian programs coordinator, many houses still are
not what tribes want because of the strict, somètimes
unreasonable HUD housing standards, which die hard.
It was only in 1973 that HUD allowed fìreplaces built
in Pueblo homes and only'after the lndians were able
to prove to HUD's satisfaction that cooking over fireplaces was part of traditional Pueblo culture.
Until last year, the use of vigas, wooden ceiling
beams, a tradition of ancient.origin in the Southwest,
was prohibited; instead, steel brasing was used, vihich
was not as suitable as vigas and was more expensive.:s
Urban lndians also have suffered from unmetÎouiing needs. ln 1912 Grace Thorpe, daughter of famous
lndian athlete JimThorpe, testified before a House

committee:

l¿
I

It is criminal the things thot are happening to them (un
ban Indiani). They hove no ploce.to stay, no ploce to
sleep. Many of them sleep in cars or 20 or 30 in one
room,

granÍ..

The Chippewas compose 90% of the residents of
the Shunk Road area of the town which has for years
endured enornious health and safety hazardr r.rúlt¡ng
from substandard sanitary facilities.
Although lndian housins has been shockingly i¡adequate for years, betweeñ "1965 and 1968 fewer
than 3,000 units were built and in 1969 although the

1974.

However, thousands of the promised 30,000 units
were never completed. The reason given by'one HUD
official was "problems of coordinatiirg work between
ittã iã"nC¡"t iesponsible for lndian housing." Móuntains of bureaucratic red tape do interfere with
government-tribal efforts to get housing on reservaãions. Although HUD is respo'risìble for most home
constructioh, the lndian Health Service provides sanitary
ar¡d water faðilities, and the BIA builds some access
roads and provides grants for housing repairs and some
new housing, all of which requires enormous cooperation. (There is no satisfactory way to resolve interagency or agency-tribal conflicts s¡nce no mediating office is available.)
However, the fact is that funds for 4,000 units were
inpounded by ex-President Nixon and, although they
were finally released, these units and othe¡s were not
completed. At the end of FY ',74, of the 30,000 prgm'
ised units, 11,458 were unbuilt-4,900 of these had
not even been allocated.
At the Scottsdale National lndian Housing Conference in October, lndians asked HUD Secretary James
Lynn what had happened to the unbuilt urits, but he
gáve no satisfactory answer. When asked if th,e units

)

Because urban and rural non-reservat¡on lndians
were.not eligible for HUB-BlA low-income housing
progiams until'1974, they have had to compete wlth
other groups for assistance from the states. Consequently, they often received no aid at all. Many lndians did
not apply for aid through local housing authorities because they preferred to deal with HUD or the BIA
dírectly or because they were not informed about local
procedures in obtaining housing assistance.
On9 group representing several hundred Chippewas
from Sault Ste. Marie, a Michigan town of 1'5,136
plagued for over 10 years with chronic unemployment
(25% in Jan. "1974), journeyed to Washington this
year to apply for a 90% HUD grant of $260,000 for a
sanitary sewer and storm sewer project; Sault Ste. Marie
was simply unable to finance the project without the

stated need was 50,000 new lndian homes and 19,000
repaired ones, HUD Secretary George Romney promised only 30,000 units by the end of the fisc¿l year

il

t

ãould have been funded with FY '74 funds appropriated
by Congrèss, his answer was they could have; he did
not explain whY theY were not.
lndians were hopeful that the Administration
would méet more ôf their housing needs than before
when Congress passed a housing act this year which
continued public housing and for the first time in housins lesislative history set aside $15 million in contract
món"i for FY '75 and FY '76 for low and middle income lndian groups, including non-reservation and urban.

But although Congress intended that the set aside

funds would construct some 15,000 units in addi.tìon
tò the 30;000 prornised in 1969, it appears that Secretary
Lynn plans to use this money to build the'l 1,458 un¡ts
alieady committed and only 1,100 new units. This.
seems to be HUD's plan although Congress provided

the prograr-rl' of the Veteran,s Adm[nistration and
FarmersHome Administration because most require
financing from. private institutions' Yet many lndians
who would qualify have not applied because the
agencies have failed to adequately circulate program
information.
The Farmers Home Administration is just now
completing a special brobhure on its housing programS
wfr¡ifr w¡liUe ient to tribes. FHA provides loans for
leased hoúsing and individual housing for low and

rìã¿r. incomi

families.'

'

ln the Veterans Administration, one offcial saidt
"We send out no information from our central office
to lndians-local offices may, but I'm dubious. The
attitude here is that we are here to serve a veteran
when he wants to be, but we don't go out to the
street looking for him." Consequently in 1974; although lndians composed .5% of the 28,900,000 .

'

4

vçterãns eligible for guaranteed loans, less than .1%
actually participated in the program providing 300,000

'

guaranteed loans annuallY.
The VA also has a small direct loan prôgram givirig
2-3,000 loans a year; a lòan pr.ogr¿m for mcjbife
homes; and an acquired propertieiprogram in which " uny persons-even' non-veterans-are eligible for
houses a year whiòh the VA,secures.
15;0b0
'Last defaulted
summer, 120 Navalo veterans, some of whom
were World War ll "code'talkers" who relayed messages in Navaio which the Japanese would noi interpret, met with Senator Vance Hartke of the Sen¿te
Veterans Affairs Committee at the Arlington, Virginia
lwo J ima Monument to díscuss their unmet housing
needs. TheY said:
We hove no veterons' houslng on our reservation, ond
when we try to apply for loan guarantees to the Veter'
ans Administrotion we are shunted from agency to
ogency and told we are words of the Bureau of lndlon
Ãfa¡is. But when the (lnited Stotes needed code
talkers in thre war, or infontrymen or morines, they
didn't recruit the Bureau of lndìon Affaìrc, they re'

.

cruited us.
wlN

7

riThe Reluctant Patriarchs
CAROL EHRLICH

Men and Masculinity, Joseph H- pleck and Jack
Sawyer, eds.,
!ìnglewood Clifli, NJ: prentice-Hall, tSl4', $Z.gS.

And so the Round people, proud, stronq, ond independent, ottocked the Gods. And Zeuslur¡rnr¿
them.by cutting them in two. Now each iaf¡-p"r5on
c-ould no longer roll about with its four arms'ànd
fgyr leç, but must wotk upright on ¡ts wò leäs an¿

t

lift

n

its single foce ìn supplicat-ion
tnle
¡ts weoQness eoch holf began the seorch

eõai.',qnA ¡n
for its other

holf, so thot the twsin coutd be re-untited in-wholeness and strength.

Ancient myths die hard, and the Round people
described by Aristophanes in plato,s Syrpõ{¡i,
have come rolling back in Men and Masculìn¡tv,
a
collection of articles written larsely s¡nce lgíl
.largel.y by men involved in wnat"its piuriitiãn.Å .u¡l
"men's liberation." Although there are a varirty of
perspectives represented among the 31 authorí,
the
basic theme is that men and wõmen ur. *quullí i;
complete, equally limited by an oppressivé set'of
Iearned sex role behaviors. lf only men could become
qentle, expressive, interpersonally sensitíve_if only
women could become assertive, independent, strong_
then.our present society of crifpled haff-frumin,
would have liberated themselves. And, by extension,
they.would have brought abour rhe gdo¿'rã.iãiv.
Most feminists, I think, believe thãt sexism will
not be destroyed by the efforts of women alonà. Al_
though the maiority of men undoubtedlv will con_
t¡nue to resist any lessening of their pow'er, there is a

I

WtN

small
.(but hopefully increasing) number of men who
are retuctant patriarchs_men who are searching
for
ways to reject the privileges automatically conferred
- -'
upon them because they were Uorn mite.'
These are men who genuinely care about ending
sexual oppression so that women and men.çan one
day live.in a.:ruly^egalirarian runnrr. Ît¡e/iust, of
course, be sifted from the hip characters who drool
over the. presumed opportunity to lay ,,liUerãæd wom.en"; the opportunists who want to cash in
on
the.literary action; the movement males who see
,,tools"
politícal women as useful
for whatever brand
of male-dominared acrions rhey are prrt,ilÀ .1 tn"
moment; those men-cynical? frightened?
ierhaps an
unstable mixture of both?-who l-earn to ricite
t'he
ritual disclaimers so that the heat will be of iÀrr,
J
and the agldemic empire-builders who ,r" ã
eãád''
new rip-off in "men's stqqiË." (The pleck_iiwyer
bib_
,,an
.liography indicates that MIT haò
archival
"men's studies' collection." ln its own"*irniiuä
*ãv,-ifrl, ,r"r,
like the height of insensitive academic ,.í¡rm Wor:lï,:119]:r devetoped because ail of academia atready
t4løs

does so from outside the perspective of sclf-absorbed
malç-liberation." There is a political lesson here: the
personal is not self-evidently the political. People

reoresented here look beyond the circumfer,etrce of an
inäividual man's individual navel'
Another cause of the overemphasis on the personal may be the class and race characteristics of
most of these writers. As the editors state frankly,
this is a book by and for "males who are white, middle-class, hetqrosexual, and live in the UnitednStates."
It is, by and large, about relatively privileged men
who have become aware'of the personal costs bf the
"good life" open to them in a capitalist society. lt is
a-bout men who know that the good life requires conformity to the masculine role, and.whÕ-to extend
the capitalist motif-aren't buying it. These are men
who have learned that a man who is successfully
iäclalized into the twin role demands of "geíiing
ahead" and "staying cool" loses touch with other
valuable aspects of ñimself, such as gentlenei! and
,,
caring for others.
,t,
lnevitably, the reader becomes witness to the
inner iourneys of men who describe the relationships
of indìviduat men with other men, with women, with
children. We learn of the traumas suffered by males who
are good at sports/not good at'sports; males who have
erections when they don't want them, or-far worse in
our culture-can't have them when they want them.
We learn that the latter problem is called "sexual dysfunction." We read about men who cannot decide
whether to relate sexually to men or to women. There
are males who can't tal k to each other; can't cry, can't
love. We read approvingly of men who become involved

I o'{T"

must make the connections between their individual
problems and the inhumanity of our political and
iocial institutions. As long as we live in a capitalist
{
society, the stress on hierarchy and domiñance will
detr¡ment of most men'
, operate in some ways to the
in many more ways to thd detriment of most
- and
women. And then, once they have mad-e that crucial,
connection, they must decide what they are going tb
do to change the political economy as well as to end
the crippling effects of sexism in their everyday lives.
Yet, most of these writers seem barely aware of the {
power of institutional sexism, and relatively little
ipace is given to its discussion. As a result, any political-

ly aware reader has !o struggle with contradictory reac..tions of sympathy for the persgnal pain expressed by
these men, and anger at their apolitical self-ind'ulgence.
Here, for example, are some excerpts from the "Berke'
ley Men's Center Manifesto":
W.e'i os men, want to take back our full humonity' We
no longer want to strain and compete to live up to an
impossible opprèssive mosculine image-strong, silent,
cool, handsomb, unemotional, successful, moTter of
women, leoder of men, wealthy, brilliont, othletic, and
"heavy." We no longer want to feel the need to perform
sexçtatty, socially, õr in any woy to live up to an imposed
moie role, from a traditional American society or a
"counterculture,

Cl.twt

n¡dfi\4t'

b

awøtuil\'nþà/ 4

N\9-

t1LJlu

:i

"q,

"men's studies.")

_My impression is

(^r<

that the editors of lvlen and Mos(ir nor ail) of the men inihotogized

?!l!!'.ty,!n1l11v
th.is short (184-page)

.rn

ûlne,fr

volume do genuinely care.

l-or that reason, they should be encóuragedi and fo¡
that same re¿son, I feel a certaín ambivai-enóe about
cnttctztng Men ond Mqsculinity, Negative comments

may b-e ínterpreted as an act óf purË, Uvin ämuittered feminist. After all, a gogd'book_in'fact,-any
number.of good books-orithe subject óf iexísm,

q.ritt^e.n by_and for concerned men,'is
Ui¿lv neé¿ed.
The. Pleck-Sawyer anrhology ¡s a wet t_¡r,teíti"n.¿

start in that direction, but-ii is unbalanced inJ w¡th_
out scope.
. . Not only do most of the male writers assume sôme_

thing that cannot be assumed (i.e., tfrit mãn án¿
women are somehow equally oppressed_but, morè
of
that tarer), bur rhe focus is átrãrt àiiiuriu.iv'ån tr,"
pe¡sonal aspects of the masculine rote. perhaþs
thü is
because both of the editors are psychologistsl or per_
haps it simpty reflecrs what Barbaía rãtrl ããå
ãt'Û,u
three femate wrirers inctuded in tt¡e UoóÉ iäi¿ãOäli
,,rorã
male liberationists-rhat they are
ini.ir*;iü;
than political." Wharever thé reason,ìew oi;ñ;;;-"-

ú
in child care, but the emphasis in.three of the four articles is on the mon rather than the children, on men
gett¡ng in.touch with theih buried inner selves. We read

ót men in relation to work, but with the exception of

a provocative article by ex-sociology professor Michael
Si'lverstein, the articles stress the personal problems in'

volved in tying one's masculine self-image to financial
or corporate achievement. Of the three articles in the
section on "men and work," only Silverstein's questions whether men should want to be part of the capitalist political economy at all. lnterestingly, the male
author who most successfully describes the "fit" between masculinity and our.political economy (l.F' Stone,
"Machismq in Washington") is one o.f only two who

)

lfí ?

We wont to love ourselves. , ,lüe want to express
our feelings completely, , ,lile want to enioy.mostur'
bating without feeling guilty or thot masturbation is a
poor substitute for interpersonal sex' . '
lle ore oppressed by conditionÍng which makes us
only half-human. This conditioning serves to creote 0
mutual dependence of môle (obstract, oggressive'
strong, unìemotional) ond femqle (nurturing, passive,
weak, unemotional) roles. lUe ore oppressed by this
dependence on women far support, nurturing, love,
oid worm feetings. lle want to love, nurture, and sup'
port ourselves ond other men, qs well os women, . .
lAe believe that Humon Liberntion does not stem
from indìvidual or social needs olone, but thot these

wrN

9

are part of the some process, Ile feel that att
liberotìon movements are àquatty ìmportàrliiner"
¡,
no hierarchy of oppression. . ,
r1.e.eds

li
i

How are men to find their lost halves (and where did
lose theirs)? Our society must'become cooper_
ative. Profit-making must end. How? They don't s;y.
The Manifesto makes clear something ihat is dis_
turbingly present in many of the articleíunãì¿¡torr,
commentaries. lt is a patronizing attitude toward
women. There is an attempt ,doubtless inadvertent,
but nonetheless arrogant a¡d ugly-to tr¡viaiize tn.
women's movement (and, by extension, all other
movements) by insisting that ,"all liberation move_
ments a¡e eqtlally imporrant; there is no hierarchy of
oppression.'l Parallel to that, the very necessary
search of aware men for another way of life is raised
to- the. revol u tionary status of a,, I i¡ération ïävement." Or, as co-editor Sawyer neatly puts it, ,,being
a master has irs burdens.f ' lmagine thã i.eaðtiðn if this
solemn comment were translatid into a situation of
racial or economic dominance! lmagi.ne wt,itã telting
boss telling worker, slave-owñer teltine sìave.þ.lugk,
"Being a master has its burdens."

wgmel

i,
l

ll
.li

li

,

-LNS
op-portun¡ties for human development, That one_half
of the humon race should be dominont aiã the other
half suQmissive is Ìncompatibte with a notion of iree_
clom, Freedom requlres that there not be dominonce
and submission, but thot oll ¡ndividuals be free to
determine their own lives as equals.
Who could quarrel with the last two línes? But how_
evÞr they look on paper, their goal cannot be achieved
rn practice by anyone who holds Sawyer's basic assumptions. ln addition to the idea that men and
women are somehow equoily oppressed(at the same
time that men dominate womeni) Sawvdianá most
of the other males anthologized here seem io believe
that personally restrictive role demands are the most
¡mportant kind of sex-related oppression there is.
Further, there is a strange assumption that i;div¡dual
sexism causes institutiqnal sexism. Here is Sawyer

Another way of putting th¡s is in terms of,institu'
tional versus personal sexism. A man may.refuse to op'
oress the women he knows; he may share housèwork
änd child care; he may reiect every unsavory element
õf rnachismo. Yet, if he rnakes mQre money than his
iemale co'worker, or. is hired in preference to an equallv oualified woman, or is promoted because !1Þ has a
iåniilv to süpport, or qualifies for a i irreleúant height requirement, or is listened to in a- disàussion because he is a man, or sees that men âre fea'
tured in the mass media, or can pick up a textbook in
his high school or college class.and knoirv that all human achievement is asc¡ibed to h¡m, or can routinely
walk past,strangers withotlt beirñg whistled at,9r
oropositioned or fearing rápe, or doesn't havé'to cope
w¡ttl ttte horrors of trying to stretch.wèlfare pay'
ments so he and his children can'survive anotler day,'
or need never woîîy about the ¡ll effç$ts of contracep'
tives on his body-he is still part of a privilefed group.

again:

The.acceptonce of sex-role stereotypes not only
limits the indìviduat but olso has 6d¿ effects òn
society general$ . ,The yatn effect now is ta,helþ
sustaìn a system ln which private ,,vlrtues,' bècome

t

public

_LNS

ln the Ìncreasìng recognition of the right of
[workersJ
garlic!øl,fe eq.uolly ìn the offoirs of the wòrtd, thei,
1g

tlere ls both o_donger ond a promise, The donqer is
tlot lwgrlercJ might end up simply with an õqual
shore of the oction in the compeiitive, dehumonizing,
exploitative system that Icapitatistsl'hove created, -'
The promise is that fwoikeisJ ond
fcopitotistij night
wore together to creote ø system that providei eqial_
ity to gil and dominotès nó one. fnllrãiÁ"i;ri'rrrr_
ment hos stressed thot fworkersJ are'looking for o bet_
ter model of humon behavÌor thàn hos so fai been
cfated., IlilgrkersJ ore trying to Oecõme nimãn, ond
lcapitolistsl carl lo.¡he same. Neither IcapitalisísJ nor
lyvorQ.er-sl need be limitgd by work-roie sîereotypes
tlrat defrne 'approprìote' behavior, The present models
tor lcapÌtolistsl ond [workersJ fail to iurnßh odequate
ro wlN

vices.

lf the personal causes the polítical, then it follows
that all one needs to do is to idenúfy these säif-destructive behaviors and choose to eiúe them uo.
Presto! No more sexism! Thus, eve-n When Sailyer and
his co-edítor Pleck draw connections ,rong Caôitalist
institutíons, hierarchical behavior, and the ñåilul¡ne
role_(tor example, in their introduction to the section
"Tel and society") their only real suggestion for ac_
9n
uon, ts that men relect ,,getting ahead,, and ,,staying
cool." This is hardly an adequãte response to thô in-_
numanrty of our political economy. Of course, if men
get rn touch with their emotions, learn
to cry ánd to

expr.ess gentleness, reiect aggression and violônce.and

pnalrc ctom¡nance, do housework and care for children,
and.stop measuring theii self-worth by the size,of their'
DanK account, this will greatly enrich their lives
and
make th¡ngs easier and far more pleasant for those
who live with them. For this ieaion, sJli-ctrung, ¡s

worth the try.

As many feminists have pointed

out-l think,cor-

,

rectly-men are a privilege d coste. An individual man

may reJect what he sees as undesirable elements of h¡s
role;,but because he is male, tre wiil stíl¡ reta¡;-;ertain

privileges of his casre, even

if he does not iàitinàä.
be part of a group that by bírthright has
more power and is more valued than ls the loúer, caste_
l-le wíll

still

women.

r,,

Siiwyer'is only partly correct
For all these
when he writes: "The battle of women to be free need
not be a battle against men as oppressors. The choice
about whether men are the enemy ¡s up to men themselves." He is right when he says men çan choope
which side to be on. But that choice niust entail somè'
thing more than modifying inappropriate personal behavior. Sawyer will make no friends among the women
he wants to ioin by trying to lay equal responsibility
for their own oppression on them. Nor will women
take at face value a man who announces that hç "ioins
his feminíst sisters in a common struggle"'when th¿t
same man,relates how he dropped his first girlfriend
when he decided she was "simple'minded añd boring"
(After two years!), and criticizes another for becom'
ing "too debendent and weak" (Jeff Keith, "My Own
Mèn's Liberation"). Our only rational, self'protective
responsê is to find out whether or not he has ever discovered what women's struggle is all about' Until we
can be sure, women cannot be blamed. if we find it

nard to take "men's liberation" entirely seriously.
Those men who are reluctant patriarchs have an obligation to become revolutionaries. Now, then, how
dóes a white, middle-class heterosexual American male.
become a rèvoluti'onary? For these men, a revolutionary life sty,le has often meant a rhe-torical 9r gun-toting
machismoça radical-hip version of the "hairy chest
syndrome?' mentioned in Gloria Steinem's description
oî Ameriöa's belligerent political and. military elite
("The Myth of Mãsculiné Mystique"). As political
women know all too well, male'dominated Left organizations have tended to reproduce patterns of
áass and sexist dominance, and the editors and

writers represented here rightly reiect such a model.
But yhat they present as an appropriate alternative
model is not enough.
It is not enough because men must work simul'
taneously to chañge their individual relationships with
women (and with other men) and to change our
I
Ëolitical-economic system tha.t thrivqs on the power of
.a few privileged men over the masses of Americans,
both men and women. Changiñg ortrr political economy

will

be.

immensely

diffcult, and it will not come ab$t

through a fèw men rejecting the demands of mascu:.
linity. So, Sawyer, Pleck, and their male friends, "give
up power" over others. Then what? Outside their own
immediate circles, where it will undoubtedly make a
considerable difference, what differences can it make
in the lives of everyone else? Will it end American
manipulation of the.economies of Third World coun.tries? End our support of military dicta¡orships?
Prevent another intervention such as tJle one aga¡nst
the socialist government of Chile?rEnd the widening
income disparities between white men ánd everyone
el¡e? Destroy institutional racism and sexis.m?
It will not ch¿nge these and similar things, becauseto make an obvious point-most persqns in privileged,
positions do n others-even assuming that they are fully aware of the
extent of that power. And if they do not want to give
it up, it must be taken from them. Not from a few of
them, but from all of them; and not by individuals,
but by people acting together.
For thisrrèason, wherí we'lookåt whát has to be
,done to create a gônuinely non'hierarchical society,
telling men that their major alternative is to ioid a
consciousness-raising group is grotesquo. Conscious'
ness-raising is one important means to an end-the
'

end of pprsonal and social chånge-but itis not the
end itself. To act as though it is, is a copout.
Changes in men's lives aie usually quiet ones, so for
unheralded by the medio, savored prlvotely ond mnny
tìmes posslonately, These changes, . .have no lorg*
orq not

sule economtc or tnstiiutiònal foims: they

generally recorded in national ecÒnomic' or soclallrend data, lncreaslngly, however, men ore speakÍng
of thetr lnner journeys ond wishes, (Robert A. Fein,
'jMen and Young Children").
The Pleck-Sawyer reader has too many examples of
hip academics and gentle dropouts who are striving
for quiet personal change. One wishes them well. But
Pleck and *¡wyer, at least, should know that this
social system can easily accommodate a few reneþades,
especially if the¡e renegades confine their ãctivism to'
Getting iheir Heads Togèther¡.alone or in concert l
with like'minded men. And today,-torñorrow, in thE r
foreseeable future, nothing else has to change very
much.

.fL

_LNS '

wrN

11

recognizes the economic and political complexities of
both inflation and military spending. For this purpose
it may be useful to break down the potential coniribution of military spending to inflaiion under five sepa-

rate headings:
(t ) Potitical cover-up and deficit creation. l have al.
ready mentioned this above. Military costs are fre_

quently hidden from public view by the powcrful in_
of the military-industrial complex, for fear that
the rublic would not r,buy,' their boondóggles or
wars. An important way this is done is byiþending
without raising taxes accordingly, since taxätion b"y
inflation is less certain in impaèt and is not pínpointed to the casual expenditures. ln the cäse of
so.cially useful expenditures, the Nixonq Fords and
Mills don't hesitate to raise taxes directly and openly,
especially since the funds are usually raiied bv dtre .'
highly regre.sive payroll tax. This pótiticat
lactor, leading to deficit financing in an already
"ou"r-up
high
employment context, has been important auring ihe
terests

il

A Further Note
on Inflatíon and
the ilIílîtarg Budget
EDWARD S. HERMAN
Fran kl i¡ Zahn's.article-,, I nfl ation, M il itarism, and Maybe Revolution" ['12126174] adds little to a discussion'

t

of inflation. Our problems have'deeper ioots and more
corñplications than in Zahn's over-simplified picture
of military spending as the source of ail evil, änd his
account is also vitiated by a common but serious error
in analyzing the economics of inflation.
According toZahn, military spending is inflationary because "there is no increased supply of goods to
meet the demands of new purchasing power ihen
more money is put into circulation." What this statement ignores is that if the government finances the
military output by taxes thele wontt åe anv excess
purchasing power-it wilf have been taken away by
the government to pay for the militar,y drain. An important reason why the Vietnam wai outlays of 1965"1967 were inflationary was'the
Johnson administration's u-nwillingness to admit the rapidly exþandíng
costs of the war and to tax accordingly-thus a deñcit
emerged, and purchasing.power wasiieated in excess
of goods available in the market place. (This is a point
I made in my article of "lOl24174butZahn seems to
have missed the long section analyzingthe importance
of the Vietnam war in the 1965-'1975-inflation.) ln
brief, if enough taxes a¡:e collected tó finance mititary
expenditures, the simple view of the inherently infla:
tiollry effects of military outlays does not hoid up.
This.is-not to say that military expenditures may
not be^inflationary-they were not inflationary duríng
the 1930's, when there was mass unemployment, bui
they usually are in periods of war and relatively iull
employment. Critiques of military spending wiil Oe
more effective, however, if based on an analy5is that
Edword S, Hermon is a professor of Fìn(nce at the
lüharton School of the University of Pennsylvonlo.
12 WIN

past decade.

(2) The lagged output effect This may seem identical with Zahn's point, but it isn't. Tax increases can
reduce demand so that there is no excess ,,purchasing
power" or income. This is a question of baiance be- tween immediately created money demand and supply.
But clearly if the military absorbs resources for miisile. silos instead of public housing the flow of useful
goods will be less than otherwise. A billion spent for
education, health services, child care centers, or public
housing will increase the stream ofgoods that saiisfy
public wants; a billion spent,on thetevelopment of
the B-l bomber, or to add overkill to our álready
large fleet of nuclear-armed submarines, does not
directly contribute any goods and services to public
well-being. lt may actuàf ly reduce þublic satísfaction
by making people feel insecure-the public has to be
frightened into believing that there aie external
threats that cail for moie weapons.
, ,l
The reason that the B-1 is inflationary, thereiore,
is not that income (after taxei) exceeds ihe value of
c.onsumable gulput (unless a deficit is produced, as
discussed in [1]), ir is more complicatôd than rliar-it
is that there has been a reduction in the social surplus
left to.satisfy the demands of ordinary ciúzens foi improved conditions. ln recent years governments have
not had enough revenue via politicãlly feasible tax collections to expand (or even maintaini social services to

meet.the needs of a growing population, so that they
have had to borrow (i.e., run deficits)-so we are back
to the first factor, but indirectly. And workers have
not had a satisfactory growth of income given the
direct tax drain to finance a part of the wãr, plus the
indirect ínflation tai; so we have had presiurãs for
Toley wage increases in excess of productivity, with
further inflationary consequences. in brief, thé ãrain

military boondoggles has reduced the output
avaílable for constructive social expenditures jnd real
wage increases,.4nd thereby indirectly contributed to
incrêased deficits and more rapidly increasing'money
into_

wages, both acceler¿ting price increases.

(3) The'technology drain.This is really a subdivision

of the previous point (2), as it results in reduced increases in output with a time lag. The point is that
military (and its subsidiary, space) teÒhnology have
absorbed a large fraction of US. scientific and'engineer-

ing talent since 1940. There has been some spin-ãtr into.constructive, or at least saleable commercial output
(airplanes, jet engines, nuclear reactors), but the bene_
fits to the general public t¡ave been molqst and of

dwindling importance. Meanwhile, we have fo*regone
using thii tale nt directly for improving- technðlogy in .
the ñranufacture of steel, extraction of minerals, buildins of houies, protecting the environment, etc. The
raóid productivity advances and strong çompetitive
oärit¡ån of West ôermany and Japán are certainly connected with the fact that they have had almo*full use
of their: technoiogipal resources for improvement of
their non-miliary segtois. Our real output would be
verv much higher today if we had not suffered t'his
huie technological drag, a factor stressed by Spymour
Me'íman in his Depleted Society and other \¡/orks on
US militarism.
Ø) The corruption drain By this I mean both the
extiavagance of the Pentagon in purchasing bcjth excessively and at disadvantageous prices. The military
isusing'our money, but its extravãgance is mo'fe funda'
mentally attributable to a huge confl'¡cg of interest feedback system between politicos, Pentalgþn, and military
contractors-they interchange personnel, they fi nance
one another's needs (campaign contributions, location
of bases and arms factories, money allocations to the
contractors), and they work together to avoid public
scrutiny, to propagandize, and to plan for enlarging
their collective command over the national resources'
Skyrocketing prices and cost overruns are buiit into
this system of "bargaining" among this group of unin'
dicted co-consPirators.
(5) Milita.ry spendipg as part of a war system
Finally, a system in which the military are as'powerful asihey are in the US and where they play an important role in protecting and enlarging the.size of
ihe American "open door" imperium, is going to be
involved in a steady stream of wars. Counter-revolutionary intervention is easy and natural with huge
militaiy forces, and we may reasoçably assume that

,. this function is an importarit reason for their existence. An'appropriate ideology and socíal atmosphere
has been built.up in parallel with arms accumulation,

that makes their use not only "thinkable" but reasonable. Vietnam v/as not a "mistake," it yas an inevitable consequence of the structure of dðonomic and
political power and interests that rules the US. Since
wars are always inflatíonary we can say that hugg

military budgets mean inflation because they reflect
system'biaseð toward making war-despite !!e Or'
wellian propaganda of our leaders since 1945 that

a

more arms equals more Peace.
It should ñardly be necessary to point out that
large militàry b'udgets and wars, including little wars,
h,aüe a furthór greãt advantage to the business com-

,

munity that helps justify their expense;namely; they
arouse the patriotic fervor of ordinary citizerìs, divide'
the masses into hostile and fragmented groups, and
thus make them more "manageable." Nixon and Ford
are the political consequence of the Vietnam war'
The Potiticat Elonomy bf lnflation

It is often fruitful to look at inflation, not as a result
of deficits, military Þxpenditures, or a g-rowth in the
money supply, etc.,' but as a product of a set of
political ¿dbiiions or choices that define wlich and
how much expenditures are to be undertaken and

how they are io be financed. This vVill focus in on
who gains and loses from both outlays.and taxes, the
political compromises made in the decision process,
and the constraints that rule out or allow certain
policy options. ln such terms we can understald yhy
. äontrolt'torld be used successfully in World War ll,
whv (and how) they were used by Nixon and were
t..äpiuUl. to business in '197"1'72; and why they are

rqlpd out by Forcl and búsiness under the more severc
inflationary conditions of 197 4'7 5.
World War ll was belicved to bc a iust war by most
of the citizenry, and price.and wage controls werc
therefore not only acccptable, they were tied in with '
an excess profits tax and high income surtax ratcs.
I
Business liked price controls in 1971 becaúse wage
rates were increasing rapidly aúd the US competitive
position in world markets was deteliorating. .Devaluaiion plus cpntrols altercd this pictuie markedly..ln' ,^..
1974-1975 business, while suffering in many cases :.
from the recession, at least does not suffer from.thc '
international disabilities of the pre-devaluation era.
The inflation tax is being paid to the business com'
'
munity, even though ln ã iecessionary context in'
iurious to some sectors of business' Our inflation of
'1946-1948 occurred during a period of demobilization and reduction of military expenditures, and
félected the choice and power of a business cornmunity eager to fhrow off restraints and capture the
windfalls made possible by the pent'up demands and
high.liquidity built up during the war.
'
The inflation of 1965-1975 may be looked at as a
product of a special set of political decisions and
choices by John¡on:Nixon and the btlsiness esÇþlish- "
ment they represent. These may be'summarized as
follows: (1) Defeating the Vietnameie revolution was
regarded as important for preserving America's imperial structure. (2) The public, or at least an uncomfortably large segment of the public, would not agree,
and, as'notçd above, financing this ef,ort by. straightforward táies was therefore not feasible. (3) Furthermore, to get Roy Wilkins and the liberal community

to go along, it ryas deemed necessary to enlarge the
ffow of beñ.efits to the potentially antìwar comounities (blacks, labor, the elderly). (4) These benelits were and are financed largely by social security
taxes, which allow the lower srders to pay out of their
own pockets, without any substantial cost to'the business community. (5) lt was necessary to finance the
war and empire, in part, surreptitiously, however; by
borrowing and using the proceeds to buy weapons.
And since demand Ìvas not depressed by correspond-.

ing tax revenues, prices rose and the resources for war
wère released by biddiñg them away from the non'war
of reducing peoples' incomes
, sector. Thus, instead
openly by taxing them, their incomes were.reduced by
outbuying them and diminishing their ability to consume via ñigher prices. The 1965-1969 inflation tax
was to pay ior an unpopular war, whereas that which
we pay nów is a residual effect of past wars, external
events, and othçr factors-but it is politically accept- '
able bócause this inflation'tax is.pajd to business, so'
that its effective control is not deeñled imperative. ' 'r

re-

lnflation ìn the US seems to be in process of
drdation by the forces of an economic contraction.
But even the Ford adminisration is about to turn

'

'

\

i
É

.
':

.

'

t

'

i"

!'

r3

i

.:

policy around toward anti-recessionary actions, so . .

ihat óeflationary policies are probably not goirig to be
allowed to proceed far enough to bring inffation down
b a 5% rate in 197 5. I nfl ation control stil I would ap-'
'pear to require a new consensus centering in a wageprice-tax-expenditure compact, such as I outlined in
WlN,'16124174. The continued power of the miliøry'
industrial complex, the total failure of tax reform
during the last Congress, the disarray of the Demo'
crats,lhe disappe¡rance of the Left, the presidency in
the hands of a Nixon-who'doesn't-steal, make the
new consensus unlikely. The fact is that the US after
Watergate is.different
that wh¡ch preceded

in

it.

.i

'f¿

no essential respect from
i

wrN

13

?

BEAUJON, ABOUT $5,OOO IN U.S. CASH AND NET HERLANDS ANTILL]AN GUILDERS. THE EXACT AMOUNT CAN

YOUR DEFENSE DOLLARS AT WORK

BE ASCERTAINED.

RECOVENEO. THE BAG OF LT. GOVERNOR VAN DELDEN, WHILE.IT DID NOT CONTAIN ITEMS OF MONEY OR
DOCUMENTS, DlD CONTAIN HIS ENTIRE WARDROBE PLUS A NUMBER OF SMALL GIFTS WHICH HE HAD
enoucHr ALONG TO PRESENT Tg THE U.S. NAVY AS A TOKEf\l OF FRTENDSHTP. ALTHOUGH A SEARCH WAS
MADE oF THE AREA BY LANDING CRAFT AND THE HELIcoPTER, THE BAGS MUST HAVE
t
lr,¡rtlEOf nrELY SUNK AT NIGHI lN VERYTDEEP SEA'AS NOTHING WAS

talEn

The following oppeared exactly os we qre publìsþtng lt here tn the Jonuary lssue of
Armed Forces Journal. The Journal stotes thøt the ntessoge ls reol and it is pubtishlng
it now sìnce "the princlpaß høve tong slnce departed the posts concerned," wtN ts [ubllshlng it to lllustrote thgt no motter how screwed up we in the movement get, the ôp
pos¡t¡on ls in even worse
\

DEPARTM ENT OF STATE-WASH

I

DURING THE DELIC¡OUS EVENING.I\4EAL, THERE WAS A POWER FAILURE ON THE SHIP.THE LIGHT"S OF THE
,VCSSEI AND THE AIR CONDITIONiNG WENT OUT AND TÈIE WARDROOM WAS STEAMING HOT FOR SOME 30 TO
40 MINUTES, WHICH TIME INOLUDED BOTH D]NNER AND THE BRIEFlNG FOR THE NEXT DAY'S EXERCISE.,

NGTON, D.C.

'.

LT. GOVERNOR VAN DELDEN,
cAREFULLY ATTENDED BY
Âño I wERE
'ERY
FASTENTNG
BELTS, PLACINSOF LIFE
A.TTENTTON
SEAT
Tq
NOW
THE
OF
CREWMAN
WHO
GAVFåMUCH
THE
LOCKING
OF
DOORS.
öLOSINö
RITIO
HELMETS
AND
CRASH
JACKETS,

FROM:

AmconsulCURACAO

SUBJECT:

Report on Amphibious Exereise DORIA SALUTE ll carried out ¡o¡ntly by the Royal Netherlands Navy and
Marine Force, Netherlands Antilles and the United States C¡ribbean Amphibious Ready .Group. Windward

RES

lslands, Netherlands Antilles, November 7-13. 1970

DATE: Nov. t7,1970

I ACCOMPANIED MINISTER PRES¡DENT E. O. PETRONIA AND HIS DIRECTOR OF CABINET, MR. J. J. BEAUJON
ON A V¡SIT TO THE WINDWARD ISLANDS FOR THE JOINT U.S.-DUTCH NAVAL EXERCISE DORIA SALUTE

ll.

,

THE EXERCISE WAS A COMPLETE AND TOTAL SUCCESS AS FAR AS THE JOINT LANDINGS WERE CONCERNED.
THE U.S. AND DUTCH MTLTTARY FORCES ARE TO BE HTGHLY CONGRAIULATED. TH|S F|NE PERFORMANCE
WAS DUE TO THE EXCELLENT CONDUCT OF THË TROOPS WITH THE LOCAL PUBLIC. THEIR TRAIN.ING ANO
RECOGNITION OF PUBLIC BELATIONS COMBINED WITH THE ATTITUDE OF THE FINE AMERICAN AND DUTCH

t

YOUTH lN THE ARMED

SERVICES.

',

,

t

LOCAL NEWS ITEMS FROM SINT EUSTATIUS AND SINT MAARTEN HAVE NOTED THE SUCiESd OT TNE
LANDINGS IN BOTH NEWS COVERAGE AND IN EDITORIALS.
i

THE EXERCISE WAS NOT WITHOUT INCIDENTS. THESE WERE LATER DESCRIBED BY MR. BEAUJON AS BEING
T,SIIIJIPLY INCREDIBLE_A SEOUENCE OF ALMOST COMTC OPERA UNFORTUNATE I'IAPPENINGS,'. I MUST GIVE
MY OPINION, PRIOR TO RELATING THE INCIDENTS, THAT I HAVE NEVER SEEN SO MUCH JUST PLAIN€AD
LUCK HAPPEN TO ANY PROGRAM INVOLVING VIPS.

I

'1

THE MINISTER PRESIDENT, THE LT. GOVERNOR OF THE WINDWARD ISLANDS, MR. R.O. VAN DE,LDEN, MR.
SEAUJON, AND I EMBARKED ON A HELICOPTER. AT SINT MAARTEN AIRPORT AT ABOUT 5:30 P.M. ON
NOVEMBER 7 FOR A FLIGHT TO THE U.S. NAVY SHIP LA SALLE WHICH WAS LYING ABOUT 60 MILES AWAY
NEAR SINT EUSTATIUS. THE'BAGGAGE WAS NOT ADEOUATCLY SECURED BY THE ATTEÑDING CREWMAN
AND APPARENTLY THE OUTSIDE DOOR AGAINST WHICH THE BAGGAGE WAS STACKED wAS ALso ÑoT
PROPERLY LOCKED. THE RESULT WAS THAT.ABOUT TWO.THIRDS OF THE wAY ro rxÈ é¡IIp, õvcn iùe seï,
THE DOOR OF THE HELICOPTER BLEW OPEN AND THE BREIFCASE OF THE MINISTER PRESIDENT AND THE
BAG OF THE LT. GOVERNOR FLEW OUT THE DOOR. THE BALANCE OF THE sUITcAsEs oF THE PARTY WERE
.GRABBED BY MR. BEAUJON WHO HELD THEM UNTIL LANDING ON THE LA SAËLE.

i

TI..IE BRIEFCASE OF MINISTER PRESIDENT PETRONIA CONTAINED A NUMBER OF VALUABLE PAPERS OF
STATE WHICH HE HAD BROUGHT ALONG TO WORK ON IN HIS SPARE TIME. ALSO, AS MENTIOT.¡Eo gi-i¡i.
f.i,.

Consul Gencral: Harry M. Loftgn/
14 WIN

LIMITED OFFICIAL USE
CG: HlriL

,l;'

AI ABOUT 7:00 A.M. THE MINISTER PRESIDENT, MR. BEAUJON,
AGAñ Érr¡sRRKeo oru rnEHeLlcoPTER. TH¡s rlME wE wEBE

NEXT l¡ORNING

DEPARTMENT PLEASE PASS; Amembassy. THE HAGUE:
COMCARI BSEAFRON; CINCLANTFLT; COMPAI B RON
TRAINING.OFFICER, Cc 2d MARINE DtV; CAPT..NOW
CTC 44.9; CNO WASHDC

I

FOUND.

THE MIN¡STER pREStDENT WAS OBV¡OUSI-Y SHAKEN BY THE INC¡ÓENT BUT HE RÉTAINED HISCOOL..
. '. .¿..

shape.

TO

lN ADDITION TI{€RE ;wE RE TRAVELER'S CHECKS WHICH,' OF COURSE, CAN BE

For Dept Use Ohiy

EI

in

E

out

WE HEADED FOR THE BEACH TO VIEW THE LANDINGS.BUT AGAIN, DESPITE PRECAUTIONS, ADVERSITY
SinucT. THE HELIcoPTER PILoT, FOR SOME REASOT\J P,HOBAdLY KNOWN ONLY TO HIMSELF, INSTEAD OF
ÍAKING US TO A SCHOOL WHERE THE ISLAND ADMIN]STRATOR AND A NUMBER OF LOCAL ClT¡ZENSWERE
vT,aITIruc AT A sToP CAREFULLY PREPARED FOR THE LANDING, PUT US DOWN tN A.LITTLE.UFED AIRPORT
SOME M¡LES FROM THE SCHOOL HOUSE IN WET SAW GRASS ABOUT TWO FEET DEEP. I TR¡ED TO TELL TH
PL¡-OT, AS BEST I COULD OVER .THE ROAR¡I'IC HEL¡COÞTER BLADES, THAT THIS DESERTED PLACE
OBVIOUSLY NOT THE PROGRAMMED LANDING SITE. HE REPL]ED IN EFFECT THAT THIS WAS THE ONLY
PLACE HE KNEW T,O LAND ON THE ISLAND. WE WERE INDEED IN A RATHER UNCOMFORTABLE SITUATION
ESPEC]ALLY FOR THE MINISTER PRESIDENT. HE HAS A GAME LEG ANÐ WALKS WITH A CANE AND A
pRoNouNcED L¡Mp. IT WAS-ALSO PR-ETTY DAMPIN THATSAW GRASS AT 7:3ô lÑ THE MOffNING; AFTER ls TO
20 MINUTES OF STANDING AROUND (THE HELICOPTER HAD DEPARTED), THE ISLAND ADMINISTRATOR
ROARED UP IN A LOCAL TRUCK WHIEH COULD MANEUVER IN THE BOONDOCKS WHERE WE WERE LOCATED
I{E PRocEEDED To DRIVE US OVER HILL AND DALE TO THE SCHOOL WHERE THE LOCAL POPULACE
wAlTtNG AND WHERE THE COMMUNTCATIONS AND PRESS TENTS OF THE U.S.-MARINES WERE SET UP.

By TH|S TtME THE MINISTER pREStDENT WAS SHÄKING HIS HEAD lN DISMAY BUT SfILL MANAGING Tq

RETATN HIS CALM DEMEANOR. HE OUTCKLY SHOOK HANDS WI.TH THE LOCAL DELEGATIONS AND MOy.Eq
IMMEDIATELY TO THE SINT EUSTATIUS ADMINISTRATOR'S HOUSE WHERE HE CALLED FOR A STIFF BELT OF
SCOTCH WHICH HE OBVIOUSLY NEEDED TO WARM UP AND SOLDER HIS NERVES. HE LATER IN THE MORNI
MAOE A SHORT FORAY TO THE'CLIFF OVERLOOK]NG THE BEACH AND THE LANDINGS, BUT SPENT MOST
THE TIME AT THE ADMINISTRATOR'S HOUSE.

AT.,N ooN TH E PA RTY WAF HOSTE D TO A COPIOUS LUNCH N TH E F E LD K ITCH EN B Y USMC LT co L JOH N
DUN CAN COMMAN D NG o F F c E R OF rH E BA TTA LION LAN D N G TEAM G U ESTS NCL U D ED LO CA L OF FI
AN D U S. AN D D UTCH N A VY VI PS. MOH E U N FOR TUNATE NCI D ENTS WE R E Y ET TO coM E. A U .s. NA
NC LU D N G TH E IVI N STE R
OF F c E R H AD G VE N M E M osT CAR EFU L ASSU RA NC ES THAT OU R BAG GAG E
PR ÊS D E NT'S R EM AI NI N G WA R DR OBE BA G N WH CH HE A LSO HAD F IJ RTH E R o FF CIAL P AP E RS) WOU LD B E
DELI VE R E D F R OM TH E LA SA LLE TO T H E H .M .s. F RI ES LAN ON WH tcH WE WE R E TO R ETU R N TO sl NT
M.AA RT E N AFT E R TH E E XE RCI SE.. F o R SOM.E R EASON WH c H WAS NEV E R EXPLAJNFD, T HE BAG GAG E WAE
,D€P UTY
PLAC ED A BOA R D A LA N D N G CRA FT W H CH wAs TO LAN D MAJ G EN. C.A.'YO U N GDAL E
THE R
ON
L,
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Dlvrsl
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LAND N G c RAF T WI T H THE ABOVE NAI\jI E D V PS AN D TH E L L:F A T E D BAGG AG E WE R E ALL UÑ:
U N DE R E sTt
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CAMEF AS; EI-ECT RI c RA zAo RS, RADI OS ETC. W ER E RU NE D
TIME WITH THE R ESU T ÌH¡¡ SUCH
AND ALL ITEMS AGA N N c LU D NG Tt-l E M N ST E R PR ES D E NT,S R E M A N NG D oc U M ENTS AND WA R DR OB E

t

WEBE SOAKED.
FOR Tl-lE
BECAUSE OF THE'HIGH SEAS ¡T WAS CONSIDERED INADVISABLE TO BOARD THE H.M.S. FRIESLAND
pREStDENT
THEN
SENT A
MlNtsrER
siñr ¡¡nnnrEN AFTER coMpLETtoN oF THE EXERcIsE:THEFOR
coUP
OF
FINAL
THE
PARTY.
OUR
CHARTERED
PLANE
MAARTEN
A
TO coME FRoM SINT
UlË'dsÄðe rOB

inip'io

LIMITED OFFICIAL

USÉ
WIN 15

\q

ir1

THE DAY OCCURRËD WHEN THE PILOT UPON LANDING IN THE COW PASTURE AIRPORT OF SINT ËUSTATIUS
COULD NOT LOCATE THE PARTY AND PROMPTLY TOOK OFF AND RETURNED TO SINT MAARTEN. THIS
CAUSËD FURTHER DELAY UNTILWHICH TIMEAS HE COULD BE SUMMONED TO RETURN FOR OUR GROUP.
THE FLIGHT TO SINT MAARTEN WAS WITHOUT INCIDENT. THE MINISTER PRESIDENT, NOW BEING CALAMITY
CONSCIOUS, VERY CAREFULLY CHECKED ALL DOORS, THE SEAT BELTS OF THE PARTY,.AND ASSURED
HIMSELF THAT THE REMAINING SOAKED BAGGAGE I¡'AS SECURED. HE MANAGED THIS WITH A WEAK GRIN
AND A WINK AT ME.

O

-e

N

ALTHOUGH MR. PETRONIA AND I WERE SCHEDULED TO VISIT THE ISLAND OF SABA THE FOLLOWING DAY I
WAS CALLED EARLY THE NEXT MORNING AND ADVISED THAT HE WAS UNDER DOCTOR'S CARE WITH AN
INFECTED EAR AND OTHERWISE NOT FEELING WELI-. WE THEREFORE WERE NOT.ABLE TO COMPLETE THIS
PART OF THE PROGRAM AS HE REMAINED INDISPOSED FOR TWO DAYS.

coMMENT: THE LocAL pRESS cARRreb n srony oF THE Loss oF THE BAGGAGE. THIs sroRy sLtcHTLy
OVERDRAMATIZED THE INCIDENT AND LEFT THE IMPRESSION THE PARTY WAS IN DANGER OF FALLING
f loM THE AIRCRAFT, WHICH lN FACT rT WAS NOT. THE LOCAL PRESS COULD HAVE MADE A LOT MORE OUT
OF THE MISHAPS AND COULD HAVE CAST THE UNITED'STATES NAVY IN A POOR LIGHT TO THE DETRII\JI.ENT
OF U.S. INTERESTS. THE PRESS WAS REMARKABLY RESTRAINED. THIS RESTRAINT WAS DUE TO THE
DOWNPLAY OF THE INCIDENTS BY THE MIN.ISTER PRESIDENT, LT. GOVERNOR VAN DELDEN, AND MR.
BEAUJON.

I

HAVE RELATED CONSIDERABLE DETAIL IN THIS AIRGRAM. IT IS IMPORTANT THAT THE DETAILS BE SET
FORTH IN THIS CLASSIFIED DOCUMENT FOR SEVERAL REASONS. DESPITE A SEOUENCE OF UNTOWARD
INCIDENTS WHICH WOULD HAVE TRIED THE PATIENCE OF JOB AND IN WHICH MANY A LESSER MAN WOULD
HAVE LOST HIS COMPOSURE, I BELIEVE IT A CONSIDERABLE MEASURE OF MR. PETRONIA THAT HE

RETAINED A SENSE OF HUMOR:THROUGHOUT AND CONTTNUED HtS,cOODWtLL TO THE UNITED STATES. THE
SAME ATTITUDE WAS EVIDENT WITH BOTH MR. BEAUJON AND LT. GOVERNOR VAN DELDEN. IT SHOULD
ALSO BE NOTED THAT WHEN THE U.S. NAVY SHIPS V¡SITED CUBACAO AND I GAVE A RECEPTION DANCE IN
I!-lFlt
lgryoR, MR. PETRoNTA MADE rr A porNr, DESprrE Hrs HeÀvv wónk- scHEDULE, ró-cuÀnre n n
PLANE FROM ARUBA oN SATURDAY NtcHT To ATTEND. HË AppEARÊD To HEARTILy e¡r¡ôv HTMSELF AND
REMAINED UNTIL ABOUT 2:30 A.M.
MINISTER PRESIDENT PETRONIA* APPEARS TO BE SOLIDLY SEATED IN HIS POSITION IN THE NETHERLANDS
Arvo clves EVERY APPEARANcE oF BETNG so sluÃigo Èõnã'lor..lc 1ME ro coME. tT ts
1l1l!!.89
HIGHLY PROBABLE HE WILL ALSO BE THE GOVERNMENT',S MENTOR tN COMTNG MOVES FOR tNDE?ENDENCE
OF THE NETHERLANDS ANTILLES FROM HOLLAND.

tL

I

trie TTTHERLANDS

I

ANTILLEs HAVE TWo oF THE LARGEsT orL REFTNERTEs rN THE woRLD. rru noorrior,¡.
THEIR LOCATION AND FINE HARBORS ARE OF STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE TO THE UN]TED
STATES. IT IS MOST
IMPORTANT THAT WE RETAIN AND ENCOURAGE SUCH GENUINE FRIENDS AS
MINISTER PRESIDENT
PETRONIA, LT' GOVERNOR VAN DELDEN, AND MR. BEAUJON, ALL
OF WHOrt¡ ÃÀe rr¡OSr IMpORTANT TO:rHE

I
l

POL.ITICAL SCENE.

-1

ACTION REOUESTED: WHILE IT IS NOT KNOWN WHETHPR IT IS POSSIBLE, IT
IS HOPED THAT SOME OFFER OF
RESTITUTION CAN BE MADE TO MINISTER PBESIDENT PETRoNIA FRoM U.s.
NAVY FUNDs AND/.R oîùãå
FoR Hts FtNANcTAL Loss AND ALSo ro LT. coùenruon vaN DELDEN
Y.1-ggIJllt.YEftT_FUNDs
FoR-Hrs
SUITCASE AND WARDROBE. I HAVE NOT, OF COURSE, MENTIONED ANY POSSIBlLITY
OF RESTITUTION TO
rHESE GENTLEMEN AS lrwouLD BE EMBARRAsstNG tF sucH RETMBURsEMENT
ls lvoi pössr;L;. Åóütc;
çONCERNING THIS POSSIBILITY IS

REOUESTED.

:

LOFTON
rHe left tvro months after thís
was written

LIMITED OFFICIAL USE

COMMON CAUSE

FOR ROCKEFELLER

lCommon Cause is a liberal lobbying r.
group in Washington set up in 1971'*
its aim is supposedly "clean govern' rnent" and combatting the influence
bf big money in politics.
As the slime of the Nixon Administration oozed to the toP, "Common
Cause" filled American newsPapers

with

ads asking

for

moneY.

Through publie donations from
working people, Common Cause
claims to work for the interests of
Working rnen and women. lt has the
support of sections of the trade union
leadership.
As Nixon looked worie, Common
.Gause Iooked better. Many people sent
in their bucks as a way of regiStering
their disgust with watergate.
As it turns out, ene of those'people
was Nelson Rockefeller.
Rockefeller sent in a meosly
$45,000-not much compared to
what he gave Klssinger, Ronan ond rl
Morhouse-but gui.te a lot compared
"tb the frves ond tens sent in by work'
ing people.

'

picked by the Teamsters will be

aná "q:{',if 'J;:Tirllì, n", been suggested,

Repiesentatives Ronatd Dettums
Bella Abzug. Though'Dellums, himself; was not arrested,. he,was awarded
$7500 for being deprived.of h^is
speech rights. under the First Amendment when the cops removed
audience by putting them uncler'arrest,
- -,ri
*a, i m pressed that i so/o or
-the
award was for First Amendment
rights," commented Warren Kaplan,

. "oriJ ,.ru.'ur a îáir resolution to this
problem," Magrath said.
*
free sensitive
a referendum
îñ; i":f,oof
"oÁductãd
students and emtusrwãrt among
.his
oÑ..r to deteimine. the amount of

Statement.

'

hthile gne of the world's rìchest
men was being possed as VP, the or-

ìzation supposed ly ded icated to
fløht the influence of thls man and his

.

sì Ient.

Whose cause was

t9i,Xuå.'iå,r"*;,

$12 MILLION AWARDED

TO 12OO MAYDAY
DEMONSTRATORS

ln the largest award ever made in a
civil liberties suit, a six.person, inter-

racial. feJeral iury January 16 ruled
that í200 Dersons busted at a rally on
the Capitoi steps MaY 5, 1971, must

receive a total of $12 million damages'
They had been invited to the rally by

{

man-

I

I;'"îi$ï' ii' l;i{,li;,, R È Ë u'sË i i +G A r õRõ E R s'
i
;:Ï:l:i,'ffi
' The awãrds,
averaging $10;000 for "The American Government and most
other nãtions @k9_t!e law of war vqry
,each demonstrator, also include
viola'
government's
seriously," !1ys-9s Army.Training
for
the
damages
tion ðf the Fourlh Amendment, which Flm 21-42281 The new:film was proprohibits false artest and the Eighth ducgd to explain.in.graphic terms a
Amendment, which bars malicious soldier's responsibilities in warfare, ac- .
t9 frqy.¡Ookesm¿n. ' : :
prosecution.
' A sookesman for the DC corpora-cording
"After World War ll mariy fnembêrs
goverfl.n"eJ¡t of the German and Japanese forces '
dion iàunsel, said that the
','
,wliaÞpeal the award. Aciually, alwere brought to trial on chargg¡ of
.
the
war
crimes,"
durcommitted
made
having
most;il the 13,500 arrests
'
T

i

r

'

,
.:

film says. "The ac-cu.sed.oftgn claimed ':
revealed that he was'just following orders.'-But.-'

demo.

I

Atrorney

ìhis was ruled no defense.-.Those who'Íiij;
h¿d committed acts they knew, or
should have knoryn, were wrong, were
held responsible for.their acts. Con' .
victed. they were i4iled and, in somb

ing the three-day Mayday 1971

lt
oiñ i"-,-g;¡y tt'ål rãrrut
haîe been ruled'illegal.

'

was

General Mitchell together with spoker
mçn foi the Pentagõn and White House
,had met to plan thl governmentls

handling of

'the

gon

frtends remained

in the results to.rcad any clear

. the American Civil Liberties Union. äåir into them," said Magrath;
'
, attorney who handled the case during
-WlN Lãttuce Bureau
udge
before
of
arguments
J
six weeks
William Bryant. "l think^th^everq,:ï^ ARM' SA'S SOLDIERS MUST

lnterestingly, when Rocky's
nomination for Vice President was
neither testified nor issued any public

irp'port for boycottÌng head_lettuce

:,, :îli:T,ï å i:tî!:JJJ*it"i:Jif '
,Íhere are too many inconsistencies

r1i

being investigated by Congress, Common Cause was nowhere around. TheY

,

LETTUCE

demõnstration.

-lim Peck

ALONF

cases,

exeucted."

The same.fate awaits Amerlcan

militury tn.nïtto.violate international '

besiway to respond if ordered to do ,'"
A compromise decision to institute a
something unlawful is to ask ques'
"two-bowl" system of tossed salad
of
Minne'
the film says. But if this doesn't
tions,
the
University
selection at

Uni'
Magrath.
to
the
picked
Teamsters.
Magrath

work, the soldier must refuse the ordei'
sota was announced Thursday by
The narrator admits that "it takes
versity presiden! C. Peter
guts to stand up in this kind of situaThe decision was an attempt
. satisfy demands of groups preferring tion." What is not said is that one
reason it takes guts is that the Army _
lettuie picked by mlmbers of
that
itself has so far been'the only judge of
or
United Farm Workers
what constitutes an illegal order. lf the
by' the
Army decides the order was legal, then
system,
Under the new
said lettuce picked by UFW membg¡¡.-. the Gl is found guilty of unlawfully
will be placed in bowls labeled "'UFW" disobeying an ord-er, and is subject to
in University dining facilíties. Lettuce , court martial and a maximum sentence

i'

wtN t7
16

wrN

,

of five years hard labor and a Dishonc¡rable Discharge.
The fìlm was made as a result of
thé killing c¡f civilians at rhe South
Vietnamese hamlet of MyLai, according to Army Secretary Howard Callaway. "Oúr training takes into account
what happehed at Mylai and takes'in-

to account the seiiousness of

it,"

Callaway said.
As part of its new approach, the
Army says it is streising General Order
100, issued in 1863 by President
Lincoln, that said: "Men who take up
arms against one another i¡ public war
... .d<¡ not cease to be moral beings
iesponsible to one another and to

God."

NCUUA

ACTRESS FIRED FROM

ROLE IN "LENNY"

The process of raising Lenny Bruce
from the level of cult hero to post-humous superstar has begun. All over
the country his comedy records are
selling a film of one of his live performances has been released, and
Dustin l-{offman (another cult hero) is

playing him in a big-budget movie.l
There is also a pþy based on his life
entitled "Lenny," which is cuirently
being produced in Boston at the
Charles Playhouse. While the p,lay
glorifies Bruce's martyrdom and the
hatred of hypocrisy which caused it,
it appears that what has rubbed off on

I

"Lenny" 's producers

is one of his
least admirable qualities-his com-

plete disdain of women.

Ann McCurry was part of the
Charles Playhouse'1Lenny" company
when it opened on October 29,'1974,
earned good reviews ás Rusty, Bruce'í
wife, and was fired on November 5, because, as she stated, "an important
rnember of the cast" (not officially
identified by her for legal reasons, but
named by Charles Cohen, owner of the
theater, as Marty Brill, star of the
show) demanded her dismissal. Ms.
McCurry claims that she had been the
object of the actor's sexual advances,
which she had repeatedly rebuffed. Although she was given these actions as
the reason for her firing, when Ms
McCurry informed the producers of
her intention of fighting her dismissal,

the story changed. Suddenly she was

guilty of professional incompetence,
causing trouble backstage, and harming the morale of the company. To
refute these al.legations are two signed
statements, one from her agent who'
states that his client was being dismissed at the demand of another cast
member, and another from every member of the cast-minus one-declaring
that ín every facet of work Ann Mc- .
Curry's conduct had been excellent.

bden process. This process, according to.the
i.rational fortim, l; ñì;g; cumber_
and 9 to
some, and expensive to Ue óî value to
5, Boston's organization for wome-n ,oit'u"t"run| ff.,. g-rp plun,
to do
office workers; and a commirtee of
t,"o tt inerln ;"i;ll"i;;iñii
s¡tuation.
"ihird-w";iJ'
support has formed
supporting statements have

such. diverse groups as rhe
I1d:9V
5an
t-rancisco Mime Troupe

play.

cott

caling for a

boy-

ö";

;iiii; ;á;;;ib;;f

-

<¡f the
Vietnarn Era veterans uuort'iñr'åirAnn.McCurry's situation is.neither chãige review process.
The other is to
unusual nor unprecedg!1"9:-yh"J
i"iìiit" acrion;ith the oepãrtment of
'óäiàntr

makes it important is
11,f-e1e11ination not to simply resign
herself to
unfair dismissal, bur,to jeopardize

to creare regionat

Discharge
an ilñr, Boards. At the present,
there
her
iiä"lV one Discharge Review Board,
career by "Making trouble,,' i.e..fightíã""ié¿ in Washineón. DC.
'--î-Ë;hiü;;;iä;I¡tîs
ins-fo_r her r^ighrs as a woman and ã
or ure
worKer.
"-'åi ro,.,
informarion,.rhe Ann. ijiif,ilåy|,:hï
iìi"li,'lri3:J;j
C_om.mírree can be
àiiciarge for furure veterans]'(z)'ím*9gf?:tport
reached clo the second wou.9,^B1y-l!4, nesty fõr
all persons, miliiirl àri¿
'
Cambridge A, Cambridge, MA 02139.
ä¡u¡ií"nr, prnirh"d alring-ifró¡r involve(617) 4e1'1071.
-t]há second wave ;;;;;,iñ ìh;t; i;vf.r"üi, ji,äiil

LARZAC lN

revision of the Uniform Code of Mili:,:
tary Justice to make it meet constitu-.
tional standards'

TROUBIE

wRl
omcã trai tr¡; p.i;",¿i"LäË#
ü",,"
It

was recently reported to the

have been nonviolentlv

19¡l1ti1q

tne

J::;ïlì: ü'åii,fiphitadetphia,
il"J:i^iii",

i'ðö r.ror*' 15rh Streer,
Ëi. r'gibä, itüiiõä:'eãiä. -r,rncrus

ålå',fiil:',:ïil'lf Pffi."
problems. FAST EDD! RECEIVES FUGI_
Pleasantsand residenrsof rhe C.om- TIVE fnOnl jù-Sïö'Eãú/ÀRö
munaute de I'Arche had occupied a
At noon.on lan' 20 the Democratic
imuilãiorp ot r,ðrr", *ãifrilj'i
W::Xfu ll ll eX l'.'* iå',.ï:' [,i,ü!lî' rtt?fl i ffi i;,ij T"iå'l ; 1., j
;i?å'ìil3'1

are experiencing severe

j

the

residents or tr'r""oc.rpì.Jr'"u*i*üå" ii91 1n{ anslver.svmp-osium at
University of lllinois Ch.icago Circle
a group of soldiers
th;;.'ïË; Campus.
The three candidates present
"r;";.;
,*ðr" tåken away bur r";-h;;;î';"-"-'

i

f :*:,X',*# j3,.;îå:;î*,îiî;,''üi:*,,-ïiûliHf#::;e,?ll[[*"1,
has'issued u puuric itatáÄ#iir'li'¡i 3:-q-:1Y19 Y;lTI{Trf *hit9.
rac¡st' fan'rous ror the murder of Mark
plans to ã"pä"J
i"ã

ró;;d;;i;;;;;r-

r*rrk,.:riy;fsii¡:ilåîhï"Jtiäü{'!li,Til,|êr"J:¡i"lå:Y
of diverse teftisrs, decided.ro

*,e'Minist"ioíõ;.ffi'il#; confront
::l::rion Hanrahan with a bit of drama.
as soon as possibte. M";;;;;';;:"'
ä
; ; J ;,iiJ;'i,r *;,
þ;
o, âï:ll!;1i ii".?"'["[ :'3i; åio'*:,,
lqi'Larzac
:: _t "
to peasants-Les Truels du
âäi
12100, Millau, France'--.^. -.
;:::^irt" stage, six members of clRG:
senr ro

t

NEw

(pronounced "surge") c,limbed the
-l,VRl Newsletter

vEr cRoup FORMEû ìf,'Jrt?ii?i?äffiî,lH
i,lïì:: ll",¿.

ln Atlanta, Georgia, over the weekend lt was none other than the atrocity

of January "17-19,1975, a new organi- party's candidate Fast Eddy V (for

zation, the National Forum on the
Forgotten Vìctim of the Viqtnam
war-the Third world Veteran, is to be
prirharily a vehicle for meeting the
needs of veterans of the War in Vietnam who are Black, Chicano, Native
American, Puerto Rican, etc.
The National Forum established a
three-point program. Top priority of
the group is to make it possible for
Vietnam veterans to receive ample ,

benefits. Special emphasis will be
given to the needs of those Third
World veterans of the Vietnam Era

with other-than-honorable discharges.

The second set of priorities are
focused on the discharge review

vicious) Hanrahan. Amid boos, applause, anil cameras one of the group
proceeded to give a short politiðàl ráp'
wtr¡le another-went in seaich of theÌ",
winner to hand over the pink ribboned
scroll. Hanrahan turned his back on,
the award, and CIRG was swept off.
the stage, but the point had been made.
Hanrahan's speech was insipid, bu¡

ba¡rkruptcy of the Dçmocratic party
while Newhouse mocked her from behind.

Quinn Brisben was announced as
the Socialist Party's candidate the
same day. He is running on a platform .
of disarming the police and abolishing
rapid transit fares.
--.Lee Webster

LEGAL BOOK BURN¡NG
The Supreme Court 1/1 3 let stand
decision that books published in NoÉ[
Vietnam and other Communist coun- '
tries can be seized and burned if they

enter the United.states without speiific

Massive Cuts in the

that somethíng like demoõratíq '
socialist forms ¡eed to be introduced
into the economy.

TheCoalition has hired staffãnd
l9-t.!p gtrces at339 Lafayete Sr.,

NYC 10012. Write for full information on the coming Philadelphia conlerence.
-David McReynolds

,I

'

.
radicals,

the War Resisters League set up a Taik
Force on the Domestic Crisis at its
National Conference held the Labor
Dav'weekend' And with unusual

äi;ñii'i:ì'îili
n"';x;r.;l'.i!fl
qettlng up the tirst in-

ment that brought down the house.
Later Willie Reed, the Socialist .

inäiuntu,
'à'u.ie",

Canference,

formal consultations September !7,

abroader meetlng November l, a
äãioi national meeting.December I 4
Georgia, and.now P.lans
two day national meeting in

Au¿gét.

fronted in the context of full employment. And there has been generaithòugh not unanimous-agreement

The books were seized by customs
agents at NiagarãFalls and were later
" burned. Their total value was uñäer '

with the usual perception of

creating an embarrassing scène in

front of the large number of Western
and Vietnamese press correspondentså
witnessing the event. At one point, a
Saigon police official asked one of the
demonstrators, "Why don't you go to
the VC for peace?" He replied, "lt is
the Americon government'íhat is
supplying the funds for wan ln fact,
from every one of my paychecks is
token tgxes thot go lntg your own

' mlary,"

Saigon citizeps who witnessed trhe
demonstration were said tt¡have been

Beyond that, however, there hasîéen
generat agreements that the
questions
of racism and sexism must be coi--""
fronted and:can only be fully con-

North Vietnam.

E3ä[åfiTäSRßit

Military

,

demonstration from their ieeps across
from the EmbassY. After about two i'
hours, thq police blocked off traffic
from the street and began negotiating
with the dèmónstrators. l't isbel¡eved
that the police'were under-òrdúrs not
to arrest'the Americans for feafÌóf

Full Employmenr, Contröl of InRition.
-

government permission.
The justices refused to hear an appeal challenging portions of The Trading With the Enemy Act, which proh¡bits trad¡ng with several nations
with'out a license. US district court
judge Barrington Parker of Washington
upheld the law.
"The challenge was brought by
Susanne Orrín, who tried to re-enter
the United States after a brief trip to
Canada with three books published in

one dollar.
The Trading With the Enemy Act
requires anyone seeking to obtain
goods from listed "enemy" nations
to obtain a license. The license requires the goods be a gift so that US
dollars do not flow into enemy natioqs. Obtaining the license sometimes
takes several months.
Orrin said the law is basicallv intended for merchants. ln anv eúenl
she told the high court, it ís uncon-'
stitutional when it prevents individuals
from bringing books or films into the
country because it violates rights to
free 5peech and Prpss. -ñews Desk

and they were then deported to Bangkok. Thailand
ihe Saigon Police watchecl thq

Philadelphia on March 1-2.
Groups that have been involved or
had representatives present at the
meetings, include: Fellowship of Reconciliation, American Friends Service
9ôYnmittee, Women Strike for peace,
Womens lffiernational League for
Peace.and Freedom, Gray Þanthers,
Socialist Party, New American Moíe_
ments, Movement for a tlew SocietvPeoples Party, Narional lnt"rim Cã,{im.ittee. for a Mass Party, Southern
Chfjstian Leadersh ip Cónference,
Ulergy and Laity Concerned. Ameri_
can.lndian Movement, Fight ilack,
and with obser-vers present in the At_
l3nta meeting from the Communist
Pai,ty and Socialist Workers party.
_ T|" three primary thrusts of ihe
Coalition on the Economic Crisis aie:

,.

the,audience responded vigorously.
When the candidate pleaded for ppþple
to vote "qualifications not compiexiän',
a student familar with Hanrahanfs,:
record jeered r¡in that case you had better puliout of the contest.'i A corn.

-\

Worker Party mayoral candidate, challenged the symposium for at first inviting her and later withdrawing the invitation. Singer invited her on stage to
speak which she did. She spoke of the

.

very receptive, with only a small
number fearful to take the leaflets
that were being passed out.
.The demonstrators are: Louise
Bruyn and Paul Shannon of Boston,
Massàchusetts,,David Harris of Palo

Alto, California, David Nesmith of
Fremgnt, California, Al Hurwitz of
Det'roit, Michigan, Margie Kolchin of

Baltimore, Maryland, Ann Cohen of
Caiifornia, and Jack Nicholl
4{ faul Ryder of Santa Monica,
Pasadena,

california'

.

-rPc:..

AMERICANS DEMON.
STRATE IN SA¡GOÑ
Nine Americans demonstrated January 24, "|.975 for six and one-half hours
in front of the American Embassy in
Saigon, South Vietnam. They calldd
fqr an end to the US sponsored war in
Vietnam. The group held a large banner,written in Vietnamese and English

stating "Americans Want Peace in '
Vietnam / US End War Aid" and
plaoards demanding " US Governmenti
lmplement the Paris Agreemerit," '
"Free All Political Frisoners," and
(Ambassador) "Mart¡n Stop the LlES."
They also distributed over 1000 leaflets to Vietnamese passersby. The

'demonstration

bègan at 11:30 am and

coritinued until 6:00 pm. At that time,
lmmigration officials told the protestors
that they could return,the next day,if
'
tlìey agreed to return to their hotels'
One-half hour after retufning to their
hotel,.it was surrounded by police
jeeps, armed guards swarmed throggh
the lobby and the group was hustled
off to Tan Son Nhut airport under
armed guard. The demonstrators were
told that they had violated Saigon law

SPIRO IS MAKING IT OK
ln fact the former Vice President ':, I
who copped-out of an inevitable
.,;j
prison term by pleading guilty to in- 'ii¡í
come t¿x evasion, will wind up a

multi-

millionaire.

'

'.

So states his real estate partner,
Walter Dilbeck, in ari interview printed
in Parade Magazine January 19.

"During the Nixon Administrdtion,
Nixon hand[ed the lsraeli contacts ih
the.Mideast, and Ted (Agnew's nick-'
name) handled the Arab contacts. He .-i'
made a lot of important friends among
a lot of important þeople.

,

"The deal I made with Agnew called' Ì '
for me to pay him 9100,000 a year
for four years, plus one-third of the
profits of the first year, and half of the
profits of the other three. After four
years Ted Agnew is free to go on his

own.

l'What's more, he's go¡ng to end up
a multimillionaire.'l
So-no reason for Nixon to despair:
there might well be more than a Ford

in his

future!

-f

im Peck

l8 wtN
wrN t9

sbe her, right away. When Mabel Longetti's breakdown þegihs, mother is there with some reassuring words for her
daughter-in-law: "My son says, 'She gives me nothing.'

You're empty ínside."
These women are disþlaced persons, suffering from a
lack of identity. Scenes starts with Johan and Marianne being interviewed by a news reporter. Both aie asked to
describe themselves. Johan reels off his identity smoothly.
He is a professor at the Psychotechnical lnstitute and has a

{¡
SCENES FROM A MARRIAGE
Directed by Ingmar Bergman

AJVOMAN UNDER THE INFLUENCE
Directed by fohn Cassavettes
{,ftcr viewing A Woman Under the lnfluence and Seenes
From a Marriage, for their perceptions about the changing
state of marriage and our understanding of male-female
relations and roles, the aptness of the titles proved striking.
A lVoman Under the lnfluence used to refer to a person
down o.n her luck who had taken to drink. ln the liberated

it means a woman down on her luck from her
marital addiction.
And Scenes From a Marriage not only refers to the
episodic quality of,the script-line but to the fragmented
character of a man and woman's"relationship. A marriage
is perhaps óur society's most convincing and common
dramaturgy; a life of brief vignettes, calling forth all our
talents.of role-playing, characterization, style, pretense and
emotion.
A behavioral psychologist, usíng Video cameras, has
recorded the amount of time of interpersonal relating that
occurs between husbands and wives in a typical week. His
finding was that a couple spends 27/z minutes-yes, mindtesa week in conversation. The rest was spent mainly in silence
or, more euphemistically in this instanÇe, non-verbal commurrication.
Marriage cgnsumes us all in its grip. Those married measure their status and happiness by it and most singles either
find themselves f,efining their state negatively (not married)
or waiting for Mr. or Mrs. Right to come along. Even in its
death grip, we suirender lovingly.
Consumption. Normally a materialistic phrase. Yet it al- _,
soholdsamedical meaningin.theannalsofdiseàse(dis/ease?).
And it-is the latter usage that both women in these films
seventies,

È.

Ð

list of other distinctive attributes.
'grocery
Maiianne, by contrast, is nervbus and at a loss.

"l'm

married to Johan and have two'daughters" is her first response.
"l think Johan is awfully nice" follows. She returns to her,
motherly role and Bergman makes us, the audience, uncomfortable with her fumbling. As the film develops, we discover who is the truly strong person and who.is the furibler..
The diagnosis of non-identity fits Mabel Longetti. Her
hqsband, Nick, brings his crew of blue-collai construcfion
workers home for a meal after an all-night shift. As the mqn
enter and greet Mabel, .f im Turner says, "l work with Nick."
She, at a temporary loss to e*þlain her presencg, finally
places herself in his world by answering,"l'mMabel,l live
with Nick." Can there be'men who, after seeing these two
movies, will deny that women have been mistreated ataterrible human and social cost by universal convention?
Sçenes and A Woman will be viewed as "women's" films,
'
speaking more personally than any cínema to date about'
women's role and its crushing burden. Yet, for me, there is
a hopeful sign for sexual understandjng in both films; they
were each made by men, two craftsmen of film who are also
'
great plumbers of ihe húman psyche.
Bergman and Casavettes are vulnerable enough to accpte
their sex of committing crimes of humanity upon other ,
persdns, holvever unwíttingly or clumsily. By so doing, they
proclaim that "man-hating" need only be an evolutionary'
phase of the women's movement rather than a fixed condi,

.

tion.
The label of "women's film" however is wrong pec4¡.rie
these'movies also examine, by a Yin-Yang process, man'¡
iondition as both reflection and continuation of where
these women leave off. Nick (Peter Falk) is a working class
victim wþile Johan (Erland Josephson) is a white-collai cap'
tive of industrial society. They are both, unknowingly,
divided selves. Falk is an updated Stanley Kowalski, inar'
ticulate but inwardly seething, while Josephson recalls ,
Torvald Helmer, the unfeeling husband from lbsen's A'Doll's
House,

ln Nick's ltalian, worker world, the ma¡ is king, npmber

one.withall theanswers.Heisnoimaliciousorwickedbut
merãly an unreflecting chauvinist. When Mabel tçies dancing
with a black man at tñe mornins meal, Nick, betraying his
racism and his need te oontrol,' lells, ';That's enough, M.4bel,

suffer from.
Gena Rowlands and Liv Ullman are both being swallowed
,,
by converition, false expectations and other people. Theig vãr;ur rru¿ enough."
selves, in the early stages of each filin,.are so weak as to bè
She persistt uñd h. quickly puts her back in second, place,
,,Get your ass down!,'ttinen thé men leave, Mabel turns to
more the extension.of an overgrown "them" which has invaded their marriage and is forcing them to feed Ít and obey Nick ãnd, reffeciirìg her lovq and loss, asks him, "l didn't do
ifs commands.
anything wrong? Y.ou tell me what to be, Nicky. I can be
' Both women also share an inability to stand up to the
unittr¡nã.1'
- ãi lr¡uU.l cracks under the strain, Nick still cannot see
mother flgures in these.films. Ms. Ullman wants to cancel a
family dinner t9 spglg time wíth her husband but dreads. his error but instinctively knows that he has been wrong.
calling her mother. When she finally says "no," her mother ,,1'm lorry if I made a miitake and I did but I love you._
,'
cajoles her into changing her mind.
Relax anâ come back to me, he says, gripping her in his
,,pig"
,ishit,,as'one
Ms. Rowlands has án ltalian mother-in-law who is so
character actuglly
or a
arms. Call him a
strong and still knows what is best for her son 30 years
does but he is-frã
also alraid and in love with this half-cra7þd
later when he takes another woman. She remains.the hover'- *ãr"".-C""
iãtãiiy fr.f p ir if n" is a thirtyish construcing third party to the marriage. Her attention is showered tion worker whose whole upbringing and social role haVe
totally on,,her son, however, and not shared.
fr.pured him to be exactly'what-he-is?
She calls one morning.to tell her son that she has a pain
ni tf,. fìlm;send, Nickís response to Mabel's,."Do you
in her abdomen, causing Nick to panic and promise to come love'mé?,' is totally in character. What else but ¡'Let's go
,

20

wtN

clean up that crap?" Cassavettes' men don't gush love; they
find it hard to bare their souls. Yet the search fór love
gnaws away inside them and propels them forward, like
some unique energy spurce.
Johan's predicament is more fapiliar io tho¡middle-class
mores mcst cf ils share to some degree. He is outwardly assured but carefully hidirig a point of maximum vulnerability that, one pierced, is all-shattering. The thorough coolness then melts into confusion and powerful dpubts of identity emerge-a modern-day Humpty Durnpty.
His smugness and control will probably turn most women viewers off. A good friend told me her uneasy reaction to

.

.

directly with the war, the other obliquely. While neither
is a filmic masterpiece, both concentrate on the devastating

effects of war on the human psyche,
Open Season documents a tweweek hunting trip by a -,

trio of loud-mouthed friends ta the upper reaches of
Michigan. Ken, Greg and Art tal.k vaguely about being in a

,;

war; the¡r ages preclude any ond except Vietnam. On the

way they kidnap a philandering coupie ostensíbiy tcile unwilling slaves for the three, doing the cooking and washing
in their rustic cabin, Only later does the trio's purpose become clear-the couple will be given a compass and a 3G

minute head start, only to be hunted down the way one
would track a deer. As Greg says, "OrÍce you've hunted
men, animals just don't make it."
The Crazy World of f utius Vrooder is the story of a

the film, "l'wanted to leave''the theatre becausô of that husband as much as he wanted to leave the marliage."
When the lover whom lohan takes writes a lbtter of '
womanly sharþg to Marianne, she men[ions that he lacks
self-confidencð thougtr he ãppears capä6te. After losing
Paula, he is so totally lost that he tries to seducé Marianne
during their divorce settlement meeting.
Yet now the tables have turned! She, who in looking at
an old school photo album, exclaimed, "l don't know who
I am" and "l have never thought 'What do I want?' but always 'What does he want me to be?"' is now the one to
draw up the divorce papers. lt is Marianne who rejects his
too-little-too late advances as a cruel invitation to later disappointment; a straw she would have lunged for only
months before. She has come a long way by the t¡me the
film is half over.

,

i

Vietnam vet whose experiences over there have,left a
permanent psychic scar. He's a resident of a veterans' ho*
pital for mental cripples whose friends include victims of
both the First and Second World Wars (the continuity of
war$.futjlitv).'He had been trapped over.nþht in a bunker
with a Vietnamese woman and her dead child. During a
nocturnal mortar attack by his own ide he was gravely,
Wounded but thð woman died. Foi this he was illven a'

medal for "killing two VC."
During a conversation with a fellow patient Vrooder
says, "You've got to forget.what happened over there."
The other man answers "f{ow?" "How" indeed is the

'One problem-really a dangling question-l have with
böth films is sorting out where Bergman and Cassavetes lay
the blame for the terrible süffering these characters endure
ând !ive through. ls it with the instltution of marriage'itself,
w¡th mistaken ideas of love we have or, ultimately, with
family upbringing and its unceasing domination?
, , Though Bergman, himself fivotimes united in holy wedlock, cases some strong barbs at the stultifying effects of
m4¡riage, his gaze appears directed elsewhere. Census
Bureau figures would dispute that Americans are losing
faith in marriage. They are losing faith i4 sticking out loveless,relationships while affirming remarriãge as a remedy.
Juit a little more of the dog that bit you.
All the characters, at some point, exhibit misguided impressions of what it should be like on the,other side of "l
¿6":[and but they eventually adjust and both Nick and
Johan lose their hard defensiveness in the end. The culprit
thþn is the family. R.D. Laing and Jules Heriry would
heartily agree. The family is.a topic requiring at least
anopher article. lt is not an opinion I fully stìbscribe to
(since personal responsibility must be acknowledged) but it
is a thesis with clear merit.
last ''Scerie," Johan admits that he ii more com- !n lhewith
forøble
himseliand at ease because he has seen that
his prior hard exterior and driving force were masks he
adbpted to satisfy his father's very highest expectations; a
falpe identity chosen so that his parents inight beam to their
friènds and relations, "This is oür beloved õon, in whom we
,

are well Pleased."

Such pleasure.colng_s at such a high price: our selves and
sometimes our whole lives. Luckilyiin'Uottr films, we are
shown four. shaky but unbowed túñiuors. Lpot< íe an¿
learn likewise
Multaney

operative question. No matter how strong-or weak-willed
the indívidual; war will exàct its toll'on his mind. Some,
like Ken and Gieg and Ar! externalize it into mindless
slaughter. Others, like Vrooder, internalize it with, tragic
iesults. Either way, thé consequences to the survivors are

'the

,
'

same.

Maybe we as pacifists (or whatever variations on that
philosophy) can't comprehend how a person can pick up a
gun in the first place and shoot at another living being but
we must try.to help and understand those who have done '

this. We can't allow ourselves to reiect them just because .
' their views are diametrically opposite ours.
.f
Some of us went to jail rather than be trained to kill;
others of us copped out through'deferments (medical, educational, etc.), while still others were forôed to leave our
.a
native soil. Many of those who did go to Vietnam weren't
aware of their options; they believed the ruling class's ex-'
planation of stopping Communism. Nevertheless, as human i;: !í
beings it is our duty to aid our fellow creatures. We may
not agree with.them but we must help the sick, physical
and ment¿|. We can't afford to be supercilious, with the at,
titude that'!we knew this was going to happen" or "you
got your ælf into your own mess, brother." We must '
respond to thern, not as pacifist ïô iöldier but as persop .to
person, as one human being to
i,.'
Both films were "dumped" into cities around the coun-

another.

try-this means a strict one-week run, little publicity, etc.
Yet both films deserved better. Open Season is the weaker of the two. Tawdry and tacky-looking, iteven

attempts to make the penultimate connectìon between gun

-Tom

OPEN SEASON

Directed by Peter Collinson

THË cRAZY woRLD oF
Directed 6y Arthur Hiller

,UttUs vRooDER

By coincidence two films touching on our involvement in
Vieham opened within one week of each other. One deals

wlN 2t

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TIIE I,ORDTY HUDSON

eollected poems of Pual Goodman

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