Win Magazine Volume 10 Number 38

November 14, 1974 I 20d

*

T

A SEARCHING LOOK AT INDIA TODAY
CHINA AND IDEOLOGY
REMEMBERING THE S1EGE OF THE,PENT

PEACE AND'FREET'OTI. TH RU NONV'OLEI,ü ACTION

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would have been shocked senseless had

known that there is no such ten¿ertiäint,ggurnhlO between bull an¿ cow
Siraffei:
r.uDDtng, wind¡ng or swinging necks, and
lousltng with sideways blows of head and
neclc, constittttes the amorous
foreplay
practiced by two bulls before one oÍ ih"m
mounts the other. Sometimes groups of
three to six bulls,,neck,, togelher,'then
mount qach other indisÙimínately.
It isn't løck of femøle compaiy that
s.he

,

,

p_rompts such strønge performances. The
herd cows are usually present ín the back-

Barba¡a Dcming's thought [WIN, l0/10/741
that our sexuality is for full communion
with one anöther and our universe and
Andrea Dworkin's idea that t¡ansformation
of the male sexual model begins where there
is a congruence of feeling and erotic interest;
in tendernesq in selÊrespect and absolute,
mutual resþec! conf¡med my own recent
thoughts. I suggest that life's goal is this
urge for oneness and when we flow with it
we have our moments of ecstaiy. These two
a¡ticles were g¡eat Pôssibly their essence will
be the basis for the real revolution.
-THELMA BECHERER
E Quogue, NY
Reading the letters you published by Barbara Deming and Brad Lyttle It0lt1l74]
on gay love, b¡ought to mind a movie I've
seen many times: l4thales, Dolphins & Men,
a BBC Production (a very good 55 min. film).
Ken Norris, a scientist at U. Calif. San Diego,
speaks of the sexual behavior etc. of Spinner Dolphins-the information clearly sup,
ports Barbara Deming's views,
Are dolphins acting naturally or are
they more intelligent than us or both?

-MAL JONES
W. Tisbury, MA
The honest exchange between Barbara Deming and Brad Lyttle was both inspiring and
enliehtening,
Sexual libe¡ationists may be interested
in the following obseivations of Af¡ican
gira-ffes by JeanPiè¡re Hatlet (Aninul
Kítabu, Random House, 1967). But for the
species, the laù paragraph could desc¡ibe
the action in ahomo sapiens bar. Perhaps
women should be denouncing their oppre¡
-:

.

sors as

malechauvinist-giraffes:

Twþ4the twrld's tøllest anínto| hos ttw
clearly defined sørcs but usuolly chooses to
ígnore thøt fact, behavíng with all the "goy"
atìandon of the oncient Greelcs or the

nodern Gree nwich Villøgers
I received only recentl! a sentímentøl
valentine thøt showed.two enclantíng soft-,
eyed, long eyelashed gimfes l'necking" to.

gether

as

gimffes sometími)s do. The sender

grgund, watching with the somewhat bored
air of housewivei keeping each othq co¡¡t¡any while "the. boyd, play a somewhat
dillerent game thøn poken The cows however,'never indulge ín homosexuat behøvìor,
confining themselves to platoníc friendshini
and "sltting" wÍth each other,s Ltabies.
llhen a bull giraffe mtkes advonces to ø
cow-,... ,!e næ_rely lays hß head on her
flank
andlícks or bites her tail She urinatei ani
19 t_astes the urine, apprently to determine
i! sh9 is reqily ín høt The lead bull of the
4"r4 . . permits subordinote buils to go this
Qr ^but-trj9s p prcvent octuot ûøt¡ngí- Hi
defeltds his laren¡ which he has cuitonwrily
'
.fC9le.c.teE wíth a tougher version of the
"nec-king" tactìc, dealíng out høvy'blows
wíth his short, knohtike, skín-coiered

horns

-JACK LEIss

Baltimore, t\{D
Watching.groups o-f young girls repairing a
nlgnway between Hanoi and Haiphong last

October
?nd lold that they work hatfäu¡
attend school halfday and study at nighi,'I
asked our hoStesses whether ttrey worild áp
preciate_foreign volunteer groups They
paused discreetly and replied: .iSend ui
one
bulldozer."
_ The proposal for an alternative plan to
Ford's amnesty conditions as put fõrward

by.Larry Lack {WIN Letterq TOllllCl re
quires a speed¡ sharp andloud not!!!'
'Motives are not in question.
But anv
ideas which detracÇ becloud and delay ttre
total reco¡eiy from their war wóunds must
not b€ fciisted upon thè þeoples of Indochina.
Disabusing ourselves of the notion that
we have.anything to ofrer iri out own per_
sons is the first necessity. The peoole ôf
I_ndochiíra are quite capable of coping with
their own problemg given the clear sfies,
bomb ren¡ovals and material ¿id to do so_
all guaranteed by the Paris peace Agreemenl
Scrupulous bommitment to the terñrs of that
Agreement and forwarding maximum quan_
tities of medical'supplied ãnd funds shoild
easily absorb a[ thd ehêrgies of concerned
,
.

pefsons.

ïhe

necessity is to recognize the
nature of the beast No govemment, as
presently constituted in the so-called democracieg-and particularly in the USAis about to divert any of iti monies to re
pair what its on-going joint efrorts are still
s_econd

trying to ultimately destroy. Ame¡ican

pilots.are

sti[

very day, ûying F-5E
bombing mission over liberated arias of
South Vietnarn
lVhy help the CIA by providing srill
another agency for them to operate through?
,this

That is the essence of any suggestion to send
any foreigners to Indochina today, The campaign must be to sfop furthe¡ infiltration-to
demand that all foreigners presently in Indochina be withd¡awn immediately. (There is
a cæe for the Quake¡ medical teams which
could be considered.)
Anyone who wants to help-get out and
collect,funds and supplies, as well as signatures to stop aid to the Thieu regime. The
people of Indochina will carry on from
there,
-CLAIRE CULHANE
N. Burnaby, BC

authorities This "community".br-eeds anti- xnesty are those principled souls who acted
intellectualism. This "community" opposes for ieasons of cànscience. Like so many
every progressive measute of individual
oihers, he has been.taken in by the typical
freedom-right to read; right to exhibit
discusiion of amnesty, which ieflectj ihe
films; right to te¡minate unwanted preg- ,.
focus of the US goyeinmen! and therefore
gay
nancies;
rights. The sons of this-"com- tends to think in-terms of ei¡les and war
munity" pummeled ihe first d¡aft card ,, . ,æsisters. what does he suggest be said to the
bumers wþo took this action. at tle Army
500,000 people with badãschargos from
Base there in the mid-60's. This "comthe miütitv, in¿ ttte 't..n, oi tËãusun¿s or
munity" spreads terror and gangste¡ism' civilians wiiii a¡rest records as a resutt of
throughout the rest of the city; most pub- r antlwü activities, whó a¡e in constant
licly & recently by beating a blac.ft^man in.
danger of economic d.isøimination (many
a mob scene in front of the nation's eyes.
cannot get wo¡k at all), and a¡e oftén in
The citizehs of this "community" comdi¡e emótional and physical shape as a ro
plain that their "traditions" are bÉing taken sr¡lt of the military.
Då we oJy'tena ,ar
away from theru'Yes! ThaTts exøctly the . íictims wtren ttre ivar ¡s ou"ifïspeciaUy.

Ever wonder why the United States lost sir
many 852's over Vietnam in the wiÍter of

t9't2?

As an employee of Ràytheon Corp. in
Goleta I have heard many rumours that .'

to make sense.
In addition to the electronic surveillance

seem

equipment manufactured at the Goleta
facilit¡ a lot of work i¡ done on.somethiirg
called a "scrambler." Basically what this
device does is inte¡fere with the..homing
signals" that surfacetoair missiles use in
tracking down intruding aircraft, deflecting
them away from the plane
According to the Raytheon Rumor Mill
:

the US Air Force didn't have enough
scramblers for all their 852's in 1972,
Nixon and his fellow warmongers were

pointl We mu¡t-bfng these people_, ki"!ine, when the war has göne on a decade
and
screaming and full of abuse, into the 20th ;
ÌÌiows no sign of cãasing?
we havJone of the íargest amnesty
.centu'y, even if against their will "ng ¡.
'fudgement"
l.groups
,'
in the counÍiv', rr¿ìTi, Iriiu.i. ¡,
..''
' I'd bet that the Kanawha.county "text- peopìe join
our tocat group, ourof their
book controrersy" contains.these same ele
irrrso"á conce¡n for iomóóne in need of
mentq and "the community" which,Morris ämnesty, they open to ttre
neeJìo work for
has some sentimental leaning towardr
peace ii'Inãocni'n" una,*-"nãìo.repression
. ,^

,

if . ät home.
one reve-alpd its re_al values.-N9ver make the ' ..
To stfuggle for a universal, unconditional
central fallacy of ís-shoqid
If we dçmand , amnestylisã work for tt e arìlcut"tior¡ of
-be.
change of outselves, let us also demand it of
antiwa¡ beliefs-and the uniûcatùn into
thesef orks-aft

"'"r**'":l?|¡Lff

ii,rr:îï:,*¡3;**T''"îL""11ffi,,ii,il,,lr"

the case that the culture in which Hawàtma
and Arafat were nurtured, had a somewhat
difrerent ethos toward truth a¡ì'd making
statements to other persons than the atti.
tude ofFr. Berrigän,that arose in a urìique
Western cultural milier¡.
I guess'that the basis on whiciïi woul¿
"judge," if I'must, someone who is w4ging
war, would be signifcantly altered bgcause

Ít0l24n4l

liars. And I cannot trust them for the time
being
But culturall¡ ifthey were acting in
harmony with.the no¡ms of the conceivably
narrow little society to which they belong,
while they are lying to mo, I don't think I
would condemr¡ them. I don't think that I
can hold put my good faith,as ¿ cross cul-.
tural etandard, And I don't think that F¡. .
Berrþan can either, as much as he might
like to or be forced to be such a bea¡er of a

Why is it when

a

group uses activist de

with progressive movements
of the 1960's-picketing rallies, boycotts,
mdss mobilizatio4 etc-no matter what.their
"cqr$e'," some WIN contributor will think
vices associated

they're doing somêthing good. Let them
come out with a line üÈe1.ìVe,ïè got our

d¡awèrs.

Stop this incredible nonsenæ!
as

one needn'i bother oneself þy making a
rather simple situation complex.
"Abommunity to defend." South Boston ;
is a violent, xenophobic, racist remnant of
the worst of Irish working-class thinking.
Proportionally Southie High School has a
verj, high'expenditure per stuéerit, yet STVI
y¡o..Þ".Cin there _a¡e dr_opouts and only a
hnndful go to collega Most of the aloóa_
tions disappear ín grafl,o¡ a¡e spent on
spoits equipment This "communiiy,', now
so yocal., encourages religious superstition
and söcial conformity to t¡aditiônat

David Morris
.

12. To China With-Love I Sori Knopp &

Doug Biþlçn.

15. Remembering.the S¡äLe of the Pen.
tîI$on I Steve

Suffet

.¡

I

The reasons for amnesty, and tho deûnition
of the word, have nothing to do with ig,
no¡rng lessons to be leamed about Vietnam;
andgranting an amnesty would in no \r/ay
weaken_the anti,war struggle, especially as
regards Indochina.
Jely Elmer writès I1VIN t0l17l?4) as
though the only people to receiVe an ar¡r

20. Reviews

'

sure

Miami, FL 3313

Wþ'li be

happy to add to our mailing list. (I'should
add that we'¡e in our eleventh year in
Miami, starting this monilr.)

tt

-RICK STERLING
Bryn Mawr, PA

18. Changes

one who seemò to be peace minded,,adl'ri1'
Cover: Paper cutting from China depicts
ferry Elmer is For all of us, there is a
popular circus act. The fantastic dog conconstant effort to make our'society Ìecogtains two perfoimers who do stunts such'
nize'eur.antiwar positions as belng legiti
mate and compelling. To allow the Ad.
as balancing on the ball.
'_ministration to_ continué the farce of maklng criminals out of people whose philosophyo
niorality or politifal beliefs differ from the
,STAFF
Pentagon's is to abandon the struggle at the
peaþ and go back to fighting on the lowbr
slopes. Yeg it is urgent to stop what is now
Maris Cakars ¡ Susan Cakal'f'- -"
happening in {ietnam; but that whole cofiChuck Fager'. Mary Mayo
test will be in vain if the Pentagon càn do it
Mark M.prris. Süsan Pines
all over again the next year, Therefoie, in
Fred
Rosen. .Maitha Thomasês
the middle of the war, we must also press
for the legitir4ization of those who oppose
it, the rèturn of these pe¡sons to fuli òilizer
ship, and ultimately for their incorpor.ation
TORS
¡ into the top levels of the decisiormaldng
l
process of the nation. It isn'i hard to,do Lance tselvlltè . Jerry Coffln. Lynne c;ffrn
.Jhese things at the same time-:to bê opposed ênn DAvldon . Oiana Dav¡ês . Ruth Dear
to repression and violence both ab¡oad and- ., JRalph DlGla. Brlân Doherty . g.eth Fotdv.
Jlm Forest. Loäh Frltz. Larry Gara
gt hjme. The effo¡t for peace must jncli¡dE,
Nêll Haworth . Ed tl€domann. Gf ace Hsdemann
b.o th, to succeed. Floridians interêste(i¡¡{ñ'e
Marty Jczer; Bgcky Johnson. Nan¡v Johnson
'pautlqhnsan-.Alllion
Karoet . Craid Karòet ¡
þeace movemeni are urged to contactiilt'u'
American Friends Seryice Conínitt€Ê 3005 , John Kypdf . Elliot Linzer . Jact Þavld
McReynotds.
Davtd Morris . Jímpèck
j.
Bird Avenue,

,

universality.
The only universality I begin with is that
the integrity of a man is personal & Godly
and not subject to my judgment. He cæates
the world in his own mind and conscious, ,
ness, the gift of God"
I hope my universality doesn't get in
anybody's way. And I don't trust lia¡s

--

No.38

.

:

comnìuhity to defend," and fuzlzy advocates
of "community-control" wtll melt in theit
Since Morris mentions South Boston
anothér example of a situation towards
which g'60's lefrovgr prôgreqsive would
-me
have rñixed ieactions, iei
læri.o. you

r It is almost incredible to have to con' ,tend with a Melvin Laird quote from somo

lnthe l0l3l74lilIN, I feel Dan Berrigan
missêd the mark I was wondering if it were

he o¡ she lied to my face. That iq l would
have-a p-eiception that the¡ the liarg are,,
liars in fact, and not simply rumoted to be'

Mo¡ris's article "School Text Struggle"

1974lYol.

i.

I object to in WIN is its periodìc..ctnfusion" as most recently expressed in David
What

1

4. lndia: Ripe For'Revolutioh

couldn't garner mucli progressive support

Blt

anxious to make a Cþistmas ¿show-of-forcé"
that yea¡. They sent all the planes into the
au anylvay. Those without icramblers were
sitting ducks. As a consequence, the Vietnamepe shot down a huge number of the
lee{ and doubled their population of POWs
Despite the efrorts of Raytheon security
head Doug Cameron to'control such rumors,
thç foregoing one is very widespread there.
-Name withheld by request

Novembei

NOTE:

,

._WARRENHOSKINS

AdminiÉtrative Secfetary

Tad Rlcñards. lgal Roodenko. Nancy Rosen
Wondy Schwartz . Art Waskow . Allen
Bev€rly Woodward

vount

Box 547 / Rifton / New York "|.2471,
Telephone 914339'4585

,

:

;

* In my review oflra Sandperl'sz4 L¡ttle
Kinder, published last weeþ I pointed out
that Gandhí was twice misspblled on the
dust jacket Tóday another copy of the
.book anived from the publisher. It has a
handsome new drist jacket, with Gøndhl
spelled conectly.
-MARK MORRIS
4 November

l9?4

unlcss accompanled
stam p€d €nvelopo.

a self-addrêssed
in U.S.A.

2 WIN

WIN 3

INDIN
RIPE ÉOR REVOLUÎION
Six-year-old lndlra s'its wllh-Gandhij¡ during a 21-day fast he has undertaken
over lndia, Photo coúrtesy Government of lndia lnformation Bureau.

DAVID MORRIS

strikes, more hammer.and sickles painted on the walls,
more corruption, but it seemed much the same as before.
When I went back this past August and Septembq¡.,

there was a

Thus wos the Wheel of the Law set in motÌon,
and
thot mon lives in vain who in a sinful life of ileqsures

helps not in its revolutiors. Section Three. rãrse six_
teen of the Bhagovad-Gitq (translated by
J'uan Mas
crro).
Even before the sun rises, the village begins to
stir.
By the time the sun is visible, mosi of tñé uiitag"r,
are returning from the fields where they have been
washing and relieving themselves.

By the time the early morning
_cool has evaporated,
the coolies are on the way to thJfields,
the cräftspeo'
ple are beginning another day of weaving
;r" ;;j;;'
or shaping metal. The priestsare in the tämple and the
women gather at the wall.
the city, the buses are already crowded with of_
- lnworkers.
fice
The streets are full of bicycles ãnd rick_

shaw-s,

many of them carryingsmall children to school.

The factories are already working. Servants huiry to
the bazaar to buy the day,s foodl
This is the routine that I grew up with, a routine
rhar seemed so roored in lnd-ia's'feü¿al pási tÀit it
scarcely changed for the "l4years I lived there. Even
two years.ago,..it seemed that little had changed.
I here.were still beggars and cows on the
streãts, more
crowded now than in the sixties. There were móre
David Morris divides his time between West VÌrqinio
and lndiq ond writes about both for WtN.

q u-a

I

itative

I

nflãtion

rui iL n n, ng

.ghange..
at the rate of 30 to 40%
anl higher; no one trusts the
government figures, but the priðes of food
and con-

sumer goods wer-e go_ing up almost daily. There is a
natronal lack of fertilizer and a shortage of water in
a]mo¡.! every-srate. Drought and floodí. Eipecr:ally in
yillases, famine condlrions were visibteiãitholsh
1f9
the government refused to âcknowledge th'e mass
starvation and malnutrition. Thousanðs of unemployed college graduares show up wtreneveii jo¡,

however lowly, is advertised.
Corruption is more common than ever before. A
parallel eco.nomy of corruption (called ,,black money,,)
has sprung into dominance, leading to conversations

like thís: "Did you buy it ón the biack?', ,.Oicourse.
where etse could I find it?', Hoarding and drought

have ca.used the price.of rice (in ,ouíhrrn i"ãiãj i"
nse to the point that it is now a luxury. The econom-

ics aresimple: coolie labor (casual ,unrul untiiinãä'
tabor) ts being paid about four rupees a day. Rice is
selling forJeven and eight rupees a measure, where
availabte. Une measure of rice will give a family of

two adults and two children one mãal.

,A

coolíe with

a small nuclear family could barely survive, wíth
the
aclcfed expenses of rent and clothing_and there
are

very few small nuclear families. Oftãn both the man
and woman work, and the woman is usually paid a

rupee a day less.
Bombay is at the point where Calcutta was five
years ago. The skyscrapers and the apartments
of the

upper classes are surrourlded by "slums," homes constructed.out of whatever waStè mäterial can be found.
As starvation grows in the countryside,.there is mass
migration into the city, in the hopes of jobs that don't
exist. Peoþle work in non-union subcontractor sweat-

shops for two rupees a day, from sumup to sundown.
The only way these workers survive is by having the
whole family work. Compared to these people, the
unionized factory workers are a labor aristocracy,
earning as much as two to three hundred rupees a
month (fifty dollars); even then, it's barely enough to

survtve.

;.

lndia is a poor country, with a labor-intensive economy that depends on this kind of cheap lfiçr. When
the coolies and factory workers can't survive, the
economy is in danger of collapse. lf the po.-or peasants
in the village, the coolies in the city and the factory
workers go on strike, it will be like 1905 and 1917 in.
Russia. The government will have to call out the army
in order to stay ih power and the façade of democracy
will be smashed. lndia this winter is à powder keg.
What happened? How did lndia, land of Gandhi
and_ gurus, of Nehru and nabobs, of cows a¡d Carnatic music, come to the edge of revolutioñ? Two
years ago, lndira Gandhi was leading a drive to "abolish poverty," aided by her Russian advisors. The vic-

tory over Pakistan and the "liberation" of Bangladesh
had aroused national pride. lndia's planned economy,

with its large public sector that includes steel'mills,

the railroads, the airlines, the banks; almost all heavy
industry including automobiles; the commanding
heights of which Lenin talked, seemed on its way to
maximum production and effciency. The new lndian

as a penance

for communal d¡sturbances ail

middle class was beginning to talk about second homes
and vacationing abroad.
Beneath the superficial modernity, the western
façhions and skyscrapers of Bombay, Mardras, Cal- .
cutta and New Delhi, lies an old society. ln Marxist ' '
terms, lndia is semi-feudal, semi-colonial and undercapitalized, with an annual budget of five-and-a-half
billion dollars for six hundred million people. Beneath the surface of this "modern democratic nation"
is a society that still has not had the social revolution
that changed Russia and China from feudal, medieval
societies into modern nations.
Feudalism means the caste system; it means the
village land,lord stilLcontrols the countryside, buttressed bytradition and the village priests. lt means
coolies, beggars,. outcastes, serfs-a society of privilege
for thé few¿g{.pisgryJo¡ the many. lt means a ,,,high
,'illiteracy
i{ !u¡e"--anc ien t, bêair"tifu l,j.p úrF- for the el i te, an i,",

for the

masses.

;ì

Foreigners love the charm of feudalism, the quaint-

of a colonial past the mystery of the villages
from the roadside, between airports and monuments. Perhaps part of the fascination is an ancestral
memory of when the West was älso gripped by feudal-

ness
seen

ism. lndia is not that different now from England or
France or Germany 400 and 500 years ago. The Çanterbury Tales is still an excellent guide to lndian culture.
The vìllage_rs l-grew up with-outcastes, Harijanshave no love for feudalism. To them it has very concrete meanings: they could not use the village well;
they were condemned to be laborers, cooliei, all their
lives; they would marry other outcastes and have outcaste children and would always be in debt to the lanó
lord and moneylenders; they would always be illiterate.

4 WIN

wlN

5

åk

"

--

r

lenders were still in power, and for the landless, there
were still only the options of their parents: malnutrition or starvation.
This hiStory is, I believe, the reason why lndia faces
revolution. Unlike the Chinese natÍon, the lndian
revolution has been delayed. The substitution of one
bgurgeoisie foranother, one elite for aridfher, has
meant fhe retention of the old decayed soçial structure. No.amount of planning or fóreign aid can obscure the fact that life in lndia today is,hell for hundreds of millions of lndians.

no*

;l¡t6

The whole basis ond urge of the nationol movement
foi economÌc bettermibnt, to
throw off the burdens that crushed the masses and to
end the exploitotion of the lndian ¡ieoplei.lf these
burdens continue and octuallv qre;ldded to. it does
not require o powerful mind'to iett¡t, thll'the f¡ght
must not only continue but grow more intense. Leqders and individuals moy come or go; they moy get
tired and slacken off; they may compromise and become from o desire

tray, but the exþloited ønd suffering mosses must cor-

ry on the struggle, for their drill-sergent is hunger."
Jawaharlal Nehru, llhither lndio, 193A1934.
There are so many aspects of lndian society, so many
regíonal and local variations of the highly complex
society on the lndian subcontinent thå any report
woüld of necessity be sketchy and incomplete. What
I would like to do in the rest of this article is outline
the major national political forces. National politics '

in lndia is still, in essence, elite politics, limited to the
of the population that spe¿ks English. Oqly oc-

2%

t.

casionally does the conflict spill over and penetrate
the tradition that insulates the villager or the routine
that governs the life of ,,the fadtory worker and coolies.
Ye! ultimately, it will be tliose èxcluded from national pólitics who will make the final decisions.
The cehtral issue is revolution. All the lndian politi.
cal parties accept the possibility of revolution within
the next decade. The right-wing pa?ties seek to escape

Above, Nehru and Gandhiji at the

histofic sesslon of the All lndia
Congress Commlttee ln August,

1942, when the .,Qu¡t ¡ndia"
resolut¡on was adopted. Below,
master politlcian lndira Gandhi
recelves flowers on her birthday.
Photos courtesy Government of
I

6 WIN

nd¡a I nformatlon Service.

revolution by going back in time and creating a "Hindu'

.
''

nation"; since this would mean a return and extension
of feudalism, they are not necessarily pro-capitalist.
The Congress Party is "left of center," trying to promote a state-capitalist economy like that of Russia, As.
with all the other parties, it has its o,jvn right'and lefti'
wings. The Communist Party of lndia (wtrich is proRussian and is referred to in th.e lndian press as, "the
CPI(R)") is in electoral allianiäwith the Çongre55,
Party's left wing, hoping to attáin socialism witho¡rt

revolution. The Communist Party (Marxist).is a,
Maoist-oriented parl iamentary party torn between
participating in parliamentary politics and open
revolution. The Çommunist Pârty (Marxist-Leninist), '
also known as Naxalites, are openly revolutionary
Maoists, underground and in armed opposition to the
parliamentary democracy that is now functioning in
... New Delhi.
,;.
There is also the once-dormant Gandhian movement, which was slow to move against.the government, but which has gained strength and attention
'. ; ,
' ,;:ìJuringlthe last year.
ln the center of this is the present ruler of lndia,
lndira Gandhi. a woman who deserves thé nicknarne
given her by'her opponents: ';Empress of lTi'dia." She
is the last heir of the NehrulGandhi tradition, the last
ruièr of suffcient personal power and prestigó to hold
lndia together in its prdsent form. Raised by Nehru,
an only child, she is one of the rare people that can
honestly say.: "After me, the deluge." When she is removed-ffoiri Þower or dids, lndia will enter the period
of active revolution in conflict with open reaction, '
lndira Gandhi is the head of'the Congress Party
and the Congress Party is in control of the Central
Government. She is lndia's Kerensky, lndia's Franklin
Delano Roosevelt, lndia's Chiang Kai-shek (although
personally honest). Under the form of government inherited from the British rulers, national control is
maintained through the Central GoVernment, a com- "
bination of Parliamen! the national bureaucracy-and ,
the national army. lndira controls and supervises each

'

tI

t

Through srare branches of the
Prurl:f
Congress parrv
land through presidenr,s nri., inË ;;;;;ã"-;i#iä
aurhority by thc Cenrraic;;;;;ö,íh".
,, in oo*.r
tn every state but one.

.

;li;;;;;Ëpoi'tinirr.
.t if,ä,ir.

is

r_iÉ

ri;;,"kö

loyalty.

This rise to oowerulrgr.lg have
come as no surprise.
when she was j tittte
eirt, trtetriu;;;;

L]

advising her of her ¿uIi.í unü

ii
il
,lii

I

j

h; fr"m prison,
iJrpä"rioiiüi"r. yer

dur_
ing N_ehru's reign, she.was ul_ort'*[nîwï
an¿ trer
nse ro power after Nehru,s ¿.uil"r
iur.ãi" iriîriiå ,"
the regionat power broker, ;ho.;;;;';nin"rt,
teaders
of. the Congrôss party.
risä io'iíi; Ë;i;.; M i n isrer.Hrr
ship.in 1e66 was oaó¿ on ;h;rõ;;;oi'u",oor"
coalirion of regionat forces rhar jiã;;;"t¡oï
her much
room to manuever
was restiainãã-in tt ,r.
1d ,1,. entin;;;;ä'îir.,åï¿o,"n
of her. power. tn 1969,she
"
wirh rhe otd power
many of rhem from power.
r."iäiinese

brákerr!;i;;;as;j';;;;;;;

'
fi

ters were corru'r. it was a

tL"t"
highttpö;ir;il;;.

min¡s_

i;',,,,
1e7't, the destrlitio" ärir,rölÏ
ðãirrå"'iLo
ratk
of
a new, progressive oopulist approach
6roïelt
dira congress un ou"r*À"imì;;;;;äJñärpeathe lnuy a
firm srand on rhe Bangtadrrl.,,ßr"ä'if,i,-f"li
ro, tt,"
tiberarion of Bangtadöh;
å' highr y
poputar war and rhe vícrory
oírr. puLirlän älprA na-

ü;;¡g.iir{

ä

tional morale

l1

Looking back now,^the current períod
of troubles
can be rraced back to'Bangtaáeiü,
in rn"uirl"rr,"
way thar rhe currenr ,uur-of Á;;;i;;;;;iris'can,ur"
b.
traced back to rhe Viernam war:
rh;;;;'iid",r cause
t!9 n'9 u ms, b u r the, itru i *"iã¡
i]t_
)^
rng strucrural9 faults. ln the immediaie
"
Ëupñoiiu of vi"_
tory, .tndira fetr srrong enough to tál-[
ãiiåãå ,"lr_
sufficiency and a ,,wai on poverty.,,
The Bangladesh wâr strbngthened
the Armed Forces
at the expense of othe

1l
rl

äj'd;il;d

r

1,

I
l

I

r¡";;"d;i;;;däîil"i,,ïe¡3ii"ï""¿ï;iïåîÍå#ïî"

I

i

have consoridared Ind¡r;,s ¿ãr¡iË

I

t

of lndia.

I
I

i

iäLIåäÅi rirr

rurur"

When I was there in"19.7,2, almost
every intellectual
I t¿lked to felr rhat ttru cnilLä',^,î:"^'-:l-l::.
,,ci"äiiru-nõi,"1"î"rî,i,9*'i'""",î,i::,ïf

I

I
I

íi¡1å,,",","-

ín Bangladesh. This time, wnite
stül-noi unåîÅtunaing
Chinese supporr ro, Þur;rtån;i'i"pîä"i""'¡"
lhe

i
I

tsengal,..quire a few

I

8."

inteltectuìii a"¿ ãåi"gã'rtr¿.nt,

witting rÒ ratk auout ,,lnãira;rìeËi"rü*;
rhe "expansionism of rhe tnd¡;;
"r¿
E"m;i?;;üii'i.,isr,lv
were.

l

I

il'J,:ffiiï'

I
ì

is

I' i1î'åî'

ar

wavs ct èareí ; r oå t

j3l,Irå'få1
tnes'urf
an excuse for rhe acrive rep¡ss.lioñ

ace.in;ö,

¡

ñg'

ji:ir"iff 1""Lï.,

oi tf.,L óÞ'1tt4-¡, tt,"
cp (M-L)and rhe,,Rea aeijü;;";#;;
ñäoo¿u
m an y
Qe.nga i r"iól riiånuTËi'i! iå"r. r¿,
f f:.
or
now Ty
many are still inLrrison; but before
th. ô;";lådesh war, Bensar was u cþ(rr¿Jån¿
ðÞiM"ji)ï;;nghotd
and today it ís not.
I

8 WIN

iI l

,

nl;i,lf
s:.
on :,ät3ll ö

John Lewis, she haîruitãiJJih, rechnique
f"?R
of
moving left and right, often

ing the opposit¡on,o# uätãn;;.
ï";;"y#'s"he nat¡on_
alized the banks: this.year, she
i, r"-.píãriine th"
Naxalires. She sisns rh; l"ä;:il;i."tïiånårr.,ip
tr"utv
and is often consïdered . t."l
.?'ir.,å'drrrånr_v.,
when it is ro her uovantuge,
shã'¡,ìiirJìiilringer
visir Dethi. Her cabinei,.Tä;;;,;;;';ir,i)ön."niu,ro
it
is a mixture of Communists
and political-facks, a
group of minisrers whose
distin!;irhiü;;r"crerisric

Adding fuel to this criticism are other
events: the
of opent y corru pr M i n isters aldïmtjäl
J',,ill"

l:l=l:r

She is a remarkable politician
who holds power bv
virrue of her politicat .;f

ald

.

,

i; ii if

"

: fl :,J; ll'"?ff
stríkers, the continued repression ltj
óf ány,grorp
tharrefuses ro operare *¡tr.,iñ
ttã'ã."ti*Järrhe
par:
rramenrary system, the compleiË
r"itlriË'ãiirr. rìrít
Plan, rhe rransfer á"¿ .i.rv i"iir.rå"i
åipår"nriurrv
distoyat army oficerq, i"¿'u .À"iåiiÅip"ori"
pr"rr,
made especiallv clear last we"r. uv
thä-rJi"äå r.rrignu_
J

rion of B.G. Vórehese,.tne e¿lloitîînà"ii,i",
of tndio.
There are arso se-verat 1,wæËigåiäJ;,
irl.
,i'á'r.r,
dam agi ng of
ich are.rhe M;;ii
.wh
ul"

;;;"j'åi¿

rrcense scandat. In rhet4aruri

(p."ói;;;

Indira's younger son sanjay mànaged õ;;i icanãul,
to obïain governme n rat pe r mi ssio n ro fna;
úfa;d Ë á"n å"*"iräl I .ur.
l.I.^r lld.'.u.produces rts own cars and doèsn,t allow
rmports, this license wa: v.gry v-aluable;
reänily it
was sold ro rhe Tara's, ln¿¡ur,
noit-"î.itiJä,in¿iru r,us
not yer ailowed an inúestigatí*. a;;ir;

ti;;nse scanoat,

lffi3l?',[.åriî:f;rj;1i;,:r'
iå:ål:ü'"ffiJJii,ürfi
turned our thar 21 of thxign"ì;;;;;;."i;rËe¿.
op.

position members ¡n tne parjiiÃä"i jLää"äLi
a"
vestigarion. tndira refused r"
rhe publi.c oytcry reached ttre point
tñäiioil"

i*

iii"*
"i".'d;i
,irnio, or
th^e_congress
d"mq,¿rd
t;;;#ä;iåî,
lltv
,rl.v
were removed from the
"; purty

" indiscipline.'r

Congress

ãn giärn¿, of

u: yJ i!Ëîi i:ffi i',ïå?ä;:îHj
:ililå'
fth e"ii i;Ë
ro n ic
efücl en cv. oi
ch

i

ii,ì

n

iri¿

iåîL

;i;; ;?""y,

frårÍ*t'**ffinl"qi*,'ffi;"
answer.

What.are the revolution ary alternatives?
to be rwo sroups that are ."på¡iå'"i There
:::T
u_lring
the peasanrs, rhe teft Gandhians
,,{J u.r" ñ._ãlliàli :,
and one sro u p w i rh r"uol riioiarf'
*.il"rriî,ip0"",
the CP(M). There is on. grorp
.u'p;bïïi
,qrJr,h,"s
rhe revoturionary forces ä"¿
iriirie

i";i;'#iä;*",

',"îí.j;Ïï;îiþ*'

ff ü'üi"3ï!ï:î;,f

,.',îi"',,fr
qloup:. tf none of rheie *orÈ'ori, tiËliì'"¿ä
irìlr
be

.r,r_T_"-to

trnenL

a counrry an¿ return

iä-i;;;;;;d;""_

!!::S n no Chlna,s
\ve ry ^n u m e ro u s, t h e i n d ustri o I pro I eto r io t
represents
new productive torc"i, is'li" most
progressive class in modern
Cn¡no

onlnäs'óàiome

.

I i] ; ; ;; ;,;i :'.: ;i, ;'tne"
irli i ío ; ;;r";:;zu"; i i s po Ì tion is their concentrqt¡on. . .tnl
íii"rä;;";;; is theìr
tow economic status . .tne
,ii¡i,
,r
so q f9r9e merit¡ns ottentøi.
"rrliilíi'iìi
"r,
li,îi'åiå'irîüíy
aornro
ond
t eod r ns fo rc e tn t h e re vo
I u ti na
ti r s t re ø s o n. w h y t h e ¡n a ui

iri

s

rickshawmenl , .sewoge cqrters
ond street cleaners.
r c n o t h i n s b ut qn a, iàiäi,
i
t tn,
.l:'::
!
,:-:"::_t!¡r,stlttls to.the industriát
t'm or"
tess concentroted ond ploy
o less importont role ¡n

i

ïZi i",ir
,i*ro

ïî!!!_!j",1:. ,lt, ryrø píot"tor¡aîtii m;;;

í;;;"

lorle lurhpen-proletoriot, mode up of peosonts who
hqúe lost their land and handicraftsmen wfib connot

get work.. . " Mao, Anolysis of the Closses in Chinese
Soclety, Vol.. 1 of lhe Collected Works.
(For a better understanding of lndian society, read
this essay in its entlrety, as well as Report o-n on.lnvestigation of the Peasont Movement of H'r/rlon.)

T

.

ln the middle of Jantiary, 1974, the.state of Guiarat
erupted in a series of riots and strikes that reÉembled
arminiature revolution. The Army was called in to
help the police maintain order, especially in Ahmedabad, the state capital. Guiarat,.the ninth largest state
with the fourth highest pér capita income, located
north of Bombay, helpeö show that the pedþle were
fed up with the worsening economic situation and the
corruption of its state governnÍent. Congres. Party officials and parliamentarians were ass¿ulted and their
cars burneä. Thirty-seven were killêt in the first two

.;

.J

weeks, as were twó policemen, according to bfficial
fìgures.
A series of natural calamities, followed by govern-

ment bungling and"agitation by the opposition, helped
fan the sparks. A month after the rebellion broke out,
the state government fell and Gujarat came under
President's Rule. The carrot-and-stick finally restored
order, but not before some new developments. One of
these was the emergence of a temporarySlliance betv/een teachers, government workers, smäll shopkeepers, factory workers, coolies and studènts. The
othêr was the involvement of J.P. Narayan, one of the
few Old Gandhians wlìo has retained any moral

.¿

"ffiry
,

,

strength.
While political activity àþain3t the lndian government is a new role for the lndian Gandhian move'
men! a "left sarvodaya" wing hps been evolving, as
Gandhian activists f¡nd that the problems of lndiá are
intertwined with the policies of the Central Governmenl There is some sympathy among these "left
sarvodayas" for the Naxalites, who are aÊtempting to
confront similiar problems of peasanf exploitation.
And the left sarvodayas face the samé problems in
penetrating the villages and building a base that the
Naxalites do.
One of the first signs of this òympathy came in
1972, with the "Patnaik Case." Nagabhushan Patnaik,
a36year old CP(M-L)Central Committee member
from Orissa was sentenced to death for alsassinating
a landlord. He refused to defend himself or in any
way cooperate with the "bourgeois". couÍt. Among
those who did pleacl for his life were many of the
sarvodayas of Orissa, including a former chief minister. J.P. Narayan was one of several who diote to the
President of lndia asking that the sentence be commuted to lífe impriso¡menl (No political prisoners
have officially been executed since Nathuram Godse
assassinated Gandhi, although according to rumours I
heard this time, many are being killed in prison or
quietly shot without any public notice.) ¡,
During '1973, another agitation was started in
Dhulia, in north-east Maharashtra. This area, not too

'íí,i:{ì,!äå',ii,ii;if:*gX':!;;ii;ii,¿|,,,"

gnly.by selting theÌr iobror power. They are the
most

hord-pressed people in the'viilages

¡n the peasont movement is os
the pòor peasonts. Apart

àrí n"¡i'i"r¡tø,

ímpoiloÃ'iîi fiíå

fr;;;ii;i;;;"

rn*Jü

"r
n,

Temple on Srlrangapatna, island c¡ty in the Kaveri Riv6r' Photo
court€sy Government of lndia Tourist lnformation Offlce.

¡

i

rion'and-a-harf oeopre. This

agricurture was cöntroiled
by landlords and moneyle"¿.ï.-Wf.,ä"
ttu

to share their land with the peasants. ln the late ,60,s,
he was invotved ín the surreÅd.;,
tü;;hra pradesh

."rlãÅ;i'.åil
;:"1::'l poor and
.,:'iiì¡
; ;;;; ;ñü;ff
åfj[,.,j,: lt n::mi [_
"

lan dtess peasanrs
r

dacoirs (bandirs), who surrendered
"ililrh;ir';;;s and
nounced violence.
As the sal.vodavas

iilö",:ö:iîi;'.','"iå::i[il#ïJ'*iÌ.?'i:1,,:i,'"

Agr icul turat Labolgrs un poãi-ËääruI
¿
il,i,r
ou rcasre orga ni zario ns and

*i

n

t

ion, rr,.

ui;iir; ;h. tandtords

urlii.*f

.stri
.
section
or the
poputation. es.peciailyl;
;h"-¿.pñaïand the
smal rowns. Bihar, rhe ,¿r"îä
Ërguiiiiåil
one of the poóresr, ulthäush'it-Ë;;ïì"¡. tndia, is

;;j.Ir;üäiiñ.

sriaïl

it¡on
.p.g.qlq, "¿,Ai'u
9r $1ahmins, nuipu_rl: vü.'i eîÃäi¡l
Flniuu¡r.
the polirics of caste an¿ ,lusí,
iãñ'úinlä with ¿isas-

iø

coa

tro us weath er an d rhe_ usuat
s";;i;;årit"iinro
rence, has kept Bihar amongihe
,Ë:

¿i

åXiï

ffi

t i o n,. i n c o m

ef jo

i;;;;ï;

t

rp.-

inu lnd¡un

u' aï¿ iå""i; ñ;'r;

¡ rr

ü.

i;;',ffi'fli.:tËilr|üilítrüi;"

i iìì,ð#i
,i1ïåi;
of despair ro"whar *rey *El¡jff
reet is eiåñoÅïï'åälìupru
un¿
social chaos. . . We seem to
b;
ä;ó"riä
sec ro r s

ór

ål,r"i¡i;

tr,

i;;
u"riclimax to',97' .. . Sych a.condition
cannot subsist
for long even in tn¿¡a wr,¡.À'üI;"""-::lï'::.

aspre_rãvorurd";il3hil,r"å,1;:åì.ä:x,.:J,.1":l;*"
disorder." '

social

H'r#if fi'*iili ij:*ffir'" ru ü't',"îï',í,i in "
ö ;ä;'';'; ffi:il,iå'iffiltïilî,ti!ä j"
"^; the state sove
aga¡nst
,ry:;ffiiitriÍËi,ï;
lif ilï",ï,1*'.Ti:üi:ff
r;

r r

,,Repeat

rh,e slogan
-_-Y:l"U calted for alt studentsGujarat in Bihar,,, rhe
prosram
coilege

f;drö#;¡

î,11r-"ili"sup.porting_a;d.;";;i'iü";riti"oppo,i
uon groups.
answered

* :ii

f.p

ct,aiges ihãt'hä'ånä.tr,, ,ur-

ïì,iiï

ii i'i¡,îi T, ff ii" ilj;
¿;;;;;;;:,J'open
ä

1,"f" was ro insritute
üüå ,,pJltytgis
menr

ro
the.Jana sangh and tr.¡"'Cb-d
nt
parties) and to Naxalites.
is no stranger tol-ndian politícal
,,,_-J.P.
activity. Un-

iä"i;i';Tt:i,,¡I¡t

?: J ifl ä i:ïiïä,*.',"
,'Él;ri:ir:i:
¿v 5_wnere ne also became
T.T__-c-:

l',r."

ís

t party. H"

,r*ïr ;

a member of the Ameri_

'..lrr*d ;ä

I

il ä' iå

cor_

säjïLiii,?;:rruQç",:*ç,1ç"9ffi
¿3

å',I,ffi lii;;;,li

I 31;

*ú'¡rffid';t*'Éffiffi
1O

ll

WIN

uv

described

r*troru*fiç**m,'Nff*

minerat

resources and has a targe sreel
rír"¿iãtiåi'.omptex.
ro wesr Bengat, ih"
poprl.tion
rs I ow_and ourcasre
irt

tî

åä#;ii;'"i".""r"-

rpiií"i iiöär.r,

1119

LX

"iã"r""iän

workers
across the subconrinenr in'the
siate of éiil;¡. wenr out
-Urä"¿
on
ke and aga i n were. fo.l loweã-Uv

'aï

iJ¿l

mental structure thät would
return demociÍcy to tfre
grassroors. This was announced
át
where

About the same time that
J.p. Narayan threw his
morat weighr behind

cto_se

*-bi;;pü;Ë;;jåro.ru.y,,,
i.!:
îïåiln,.*

as " peopt e,s sov iers.,, purur
u
r Lr,

r,.r ôåä

rhe.

?,

another, but rhe formation
of what ,,gñã

r, union of

ii;;il:: :';iiåüi :' ,îff :;iff ',ïf;
vodayas involved.
Ú'.r

i

specific as to whar he meanr
rr was nor rhe reotaceme11.1á1Jrt"iäiäönrnrnt

U ãiîi,Ëäl noation,

togerher they bcgan to ,tirsgt"
and rhe.monevt.{îr, . rriË,ï_
forces. While still

r;' ii"-æ eä,,:'"rn # ì

re_

.

H.i!å:ïiff Í'¡i:l=lg tu"h ;;; äJiântrv ii-t ¡. ôð,'.i, n"i, ru,
rif i lïï",i ä f ;:f:îï j#liÉ
11,

"a tool of the Rightiíts.

This coalítion=of the
Jana lungll,_t1.,. RSS, right and
iry Gand hians, indãpendenii;il;;r';;Í

llJ

ñaxat ires

;iffi 'ii"

åg#¡iii
lri: li{,:ïiJ
,',iÈ"'
åiå-å+fr ,;,it'ü#i',ïffi
äif
-,il
j
; ; ;ffi ä;:i:in
:?r, lî Tlf ,',[:
the agirarion
rbnewe¿'bui ;hJä'i#i;"årrrrment
d
:'l'i'^_Ë:
l' " î; ;;ïJ#i i -^,,ä^;;
i:'ri,.:,ilå?i;r
::?'i'' l:J

i'ff

h o m e r es s

has been

an

,
oth

th e sarvodava-le¿

iã

ä

erw i se "we

t- k n

own

T

scrí

ead I o c ke d.

pt of, rävã

ñrîiä i' i",l m i_
reudal societíes. Can lndia
manage to avoíd ,fl. tiooO_
shed rh.ar ted ro and foilowea
tnã sé¡züie"äiär,
I

power in Russia? or the

deiad;;;Ë;it

*"ar"iiärl¡nul

t!^algi bul! at chamundt-HÍt in
Mysore. photo
courtesy G overn menr or r nd ¡ä'räi¡iistb¡åiä,

. ìl

ls a nonviolent revolution possible? Can Mao and
Gandhi join hands? Will the landlords and rhe moneylenders and the merchants, all those lyho are now benefiting from thé inequities of lndian society, be convinced that they should give up their þrivileges for
the greater good of all? China went through,reüolgtion to develop a social organization ttràt pláäea tne
workers arid peasants'the coolie5 and the larÍdless, in
power. Can nonviolent revolution opêrate on such.a
scale that it could achieve-for lndia what revolution

and Communism has for China?
These are the questions that the "left Gandhians"
have to answer. lf they do not 5'ucceed, then there is
no alternative but violent-¡evolution for Indians unable to bear tlie suffering that is all around.
1

.\È

A btoodless transitìon is whot wë woutd like ond we

sltould strive for it, but what wilt hapþèn depends on
the strength of the mosses. Mao, The Questiorl of the
Future of the Revolution Yol.l, p.290.
The three major problems of the Marxist revolutionary
left are factionalismithe urban and elite nature of the
parties, and overt oppression by the lndian state.
The factionalism is more than simply personalities,
although pettines5, jealousy and ambition have caused
their share of splits. lt is a serious quarrel over the
direction that revolution must take in lndia. The CPI
(R) is following a cla5sical Marxist program, trying to
influence the capitalist bourgeois state and hàve it
evolve into a socialist state. Heavily influenced by
Moscow, it believes in "peaceful co-existence'l and alliance with "left and demôcr.atic forces," in building
up the public sector and focr.ìsing'its energy on tf¡e
. trade unions. The split of the original Communist Party of lndia into preRussian and pro-Chinese parties
,, .parallels the breaking off of relations between Russia
and. China, and the polemics are also imported. The
CP(M) not only has a more militant vision than the
CPI (R) buÇ because of its Maoist orientation, it sees
the importance of an alliance between,workers and
pe?rsants. For a whilg the CP(M) prosfäred, especially
in West Bengal and Kerala. However, there was inter.'
. nal dissension over the CP(M) participatirig in the
parlianientary government, ahd also öuestíons as to.
the level of commitment to organizing peasants. ln
"1967, the villagers in a Bengali village namqd Naxalbari killed several landlords and seized the land. Some
members of the CP(M) saw this þeasant uprising as the
beginning of rural revolution, on the Chiñesämodel.
The CP(M) leadership, however, saw the Naxalbari.
ptruggle as "advehturist" and "ultra-leftist.".!.ed by
Charu Mazumdar, those who supported the Ñaxaldari
activities and "peasant.revolution,now" left the Cp(M)
and set up the CP{M.L), nicknamed Naxalites after itré

of Naxalbarí.
' village
The quariel between the CP(M) andïhe

CP(M-L)
grew especially bitter after the CP(M) won the state
government in West Bengal. CP(M) officials did nor
hesitate to use the,state police against the CP(M-L)
and many Naxalites were killed or imprisoned; furthermore, the split isolated the CP(M.L) fronr t}le potential
worker-peasant alliance, possible if the organizing of
pga.sq{rt revolution could have had the backing.of the

CP(M) trade unions.
Despite this, the Naxalites had several successes, including a mass movement in the "liberated zone" of
Srikakulam area of Andhra Pradesh. The CP(M-L) was
also rgcognized by Peking as the only revolutionary

,
'

grouping, althoush this endorsement was later withdrawn. There weie internal problems: the Naxalites
seemed unable to broaden their base; some support
was al ienated by the violence, ahd they used slogans,
like "China's CÉairman ís Our Chairman" (a slolan
later attacked by Peking as "anti-nationalistic"). /
.Further, the average Naxalite cadre was young,
university educated and froman _urban (and often,up-

'.

,

t

perclass) background. Communidáting with and or*..
ganizing villagers is much more of a problem than .,
symp-athizing with their plight, as the Russian Narddniks found o-ur
During the'69:71 period, the strength of the CP
(M) declined as a Conjress Party-CPl (R) coalition dis- t
placed the CP(M) staté government in Kerala.'The

CP(M-L)r".ràd'to

havã iaptured the imagination

of

.

many young students and independent leftists, and its

' -reputation grew. For the lndian upperclass, terrorism
seemed to be the wave of the future, the'beginning of
the end of "Mother lndia" as a "democra,tic socialist"

country.

*:The "Liberation of Barrgladesh" calhd at an eXcellent time for the Congress Party and lndira Gandhi.
Besi

des wi pi ng,,out'sevéral Naxal ite"grieri I la ca¡4 ps and

curbing the " Red Bengal" movement among radicalized East Bengalis, it sèrved as a chancé to put into
effect the Defence of lndia Rules: Along with the
MISA regulations, these internal security acts allow
anyone to be arrested at any time simply at the desire
of the authorities, and these det¿inees'cán be held for
as long as-the govèrnment wishes. These rules are still
in effecq threé years after the Bangladesh war, and ac.
count for a lot of the fear I saw and felt. At first. onlv
"left" (non-parliamentary) members of the CP(M) anci
all Naxal ites were arrested,
now anyone who'open' ly sympathizes with violent but
revolution or in some
manrter upsets the authorities can be arrested and
held. lt is impossible to tell how many people have
been arrested or are being held or have been shot.
W¡th this pressure, the CP(M-L) went undergtounq. - "'
although most of the leadership was arrested. Charu i
Mazumdar died in prison "of a heart attack." The in' ternal divisions within the CP(M-L) surfaced under the
strain, and a new faction emerged under the leadership of Satyanarayan Singh and Ashim Chatterji, who
objected to Mazumdar's "undemocratic" and ,ídic.
, tatorial'l control of the CP(M-L). Another ¡Jart of the
quarrel was over the use of violence in eliminating
"class enemies" and the mechanical usage of the
Chinese expeïien'ce. "fhere are rumoursìf further'
developments, including a re-unification of the Cp
(M- l) .u nder t*lateade¡sl¡,þ,9-f S4typnarayan Si ngh,'
but ìt. is difücult to know èxäctly ühat's going on,'
i,
. witn alf thè ðçnsorship.
Meanwhile, during this same period, the Cp(M)
defeated in the West Bengal'electións, by the'
' was
same coalition that defeated them in Kerala. The few
remaining CP(M) Mèmbers of Parliam.nt ineritv
claimed that there was widescale fraud. To p"roúe this
would be difficult, given the curient situation, but it
,Wouldn't surprise many people.
To a certain extent the repression has had the .
desired effecû the revolutionãry violent ieft has been
cut off from its mass base, and sectarianism has grown.
It's difficult to knorù what rhe future of rhe Cp([4)
and the CP(M-L) will be. The Cp(M) sriil has a basê in
the trade unions. The ufban intellectual-revolutionary

{

t

(Continuéd on page l7)

WIN 11

V
,

.aa

To China

Love

;::ïì""';,'ri,3ï'r:îifi 'låî:,'l,i::ff å,; jl.,äi.
ers handted dísciptine prooiemi.
w.;ä läl¿ rl.,u,
:tr¡,:i,,i:.riiilå:,:J'l:,î#,1îîf ili,:fi::iíþ"

SARI KNOPP & DOUGLAS BIKLEN

f

g'¡4¡;gpjåfü3rru,*#ffi
At

a primarv school in.peking
we were

student who was carr

told of

a

.r"rã"i ii-i".;;;ä,i,r" rn marh. Bur when hè wai
*., ä' ;i"ii iJ,:""i;'åï 3i ìi
lrs ?roqbeñ.carefut
lljli#ii
in
i

yat

marhemarír"i

iã1.äutiä#ln, srn
sîrîåîii.r.rrrt"O

Sen medical coilege in
cu.nton,

that education had ct

Ë;¿;¡:"
ili¡li;:ii'a6ti;{,":,'''ffi
ther,
y
tur"'¡
"
"; ;;': :'l:':
ra

the

v

iew

*iätrjiif

-"_:i.Y' I

i"

üi{lüft

üiliffiî,l-;

Ing to use. ,,There is'n,
o knowledge without'pracüci,¿,',,
our

hosts explained-

'f

ffi ii ï, ïffi,,jî
x::iiry.
East is Red"ï1;:'1"
Tractor Factory-had

lÍåî,".,I

il,

in"r"Jr.l¿-ä"ît.¿lv
s¡nce the Great Proletarian
Cuttural Revolution. ln
ifl

:::i'f

n.

i,'r""".iÏîrtä'"-,'';ffi ,Tiåïr,rjîßï"

srnce rhar period of iaeo]ggig{1ã;;;;îñ¡ä
erght y,earsago and still

llt[nough women

conttnues.

ö;

ar(

iil#,;#i,'i!.ii,ltri""Fl
i¡,!ïr'#'i:,xïärflif
innrin". åi
thrs as a resutr of u.,.

12 WlN

üi"'jÅäiii.,'Jär c""_
lucrus, who placed women
on a level lower.than ani_

mals."One"mãjbr goal ôf ttre pfóòeàt campaign ro
'criticize Confucius is to strengthen the role of women.'
Another major issue for the Chinese has been their
attempt to fight against the rise of elitism. The purpose of almost all activities in China is to serve the
.

,

people. Elitism is viewed as inconsistent with this
g9al. All people must have opportunities to engage in
the on-going revolution. Ra[her than following tñe
example of other nations, the Chinese have chosen ,
not to emphasize technical expertise by a few..Their '
policy is for all the people to develop together.
This has made a dramatic change in tñe amount of
control people feel over their own lives. ln spite of
what is often heard about centralism in China-and
the Chinese themselves say that they practice democratic centralism-decision making ii decentralized
down to factories, communes and neighliorhoocls
where workers make up large percentãges of the leadine" committeés.

Decentrallzatiòn has made possible a high lêvel of .
ideological awareness by the Chinese peoplé. We were
most i m presæd"þy; thç pol i ti cal consci ous neis ext
- hibited'by nearly everyoñe We rlet. The Chinese oeo- '
ple seemãlmost universally able to analyze the kéy i
issues that afect their livei.
Education toward this heightened consciousness'
has been one of the main endéavors of the Chinese
leadership. At each factory and commune we ob.
served stu.dy groups discuising important national
issues such as bureaucratic eliiism'and more local con_
cerns suc.h as neìghborhood health campáígns anO wetfare funds for disabled persons.
At all schools, primary through university. the
s_tudents engage in productive la6or. At S¡an lvl¡¿¿le
School we observed students making noodle machines.
We also saw students working on a färm .i tlrc Crn_

ton School for rhe Deaf and ãt

. pr,áir"ðrri¡.urîiunr

at.Peking University. In addition, May 7th Cádre
schools have been established soihat those whom the

wtN

13

Chinese call "mental workers"_doctors, teachers, of-

fice.workers-can know the honor of práauiiive
taUor.

of these workers liu. ui icrroår!'i"n"tiä.ornrryside for six monrhs in order ro ,niuÀ. in
,ánJal labor
and stu d y gro ups. Adm i n i srrarors"¡n"faitoiieï
is ua I I y
spend.one day a week wof king in production
purt
of their work schedule.
Ça.drgs

*

. One of our last memories of China lingers with us.
As we sar in the train waiting tol.iuã f#;h;
border,
we saw a woman drive a truck loaded with
our Uaggage
u.p to the train. The Director of the China
fravel Service for rhe whole Canron (fwanlcfrãu j
irrion ,r.,.n
our bags onto the tà¡". uË ái¿ioiäüt¡on
lgld.{
this.when he said goodbye to. us, but one oiltre guiOes
told us that he makes a practice'of ¿oing *ir'iå
,tuy
in touch with manual labor.
Three weeks is a short time to see a countrv

Remembeni Nq

rhe Seiqe of rke

I

as

varied as China. We had more questionritrin'ti.r"
was time to answer. But we came home
*ìif.ì ãn ou""
whelming enthusiasm for whar *, nuJ *itnä;rd;;
experienced in China. We felt renewed foi
ori rort

".teaching
STEVE SUFFET

at home.

Seven years ago tdday the Pentagon took place. More

precisely, the seige of the Pentagon. Norman Mailer
wrote about it in The Armies of the Night. lerry
Rubin wrote about it in Do It! Marty Jezer and Art
Waskow wrote about itin Liberation magazine
October 21 , 1967 was the last time I climbed a
rope. Soldiers and gas masks had blocked the easy
access roads to the main plaza parking lot.'The only
way in was up, so I climbed. The last time before
that I climbed a rope was April ,l963 when I did it
to pass gym. Mr. Allen was watching, and along with
my stunts on trampoline aäd párallel bars I copped a

To the right, a man recognlzed
as a tabor hero by the revolr¡
Íronary governmênt cturlnq the
pre.tiberation years in yenian.
B.etow,-a factory worker qlances
at the Amerícans taking h-is
pnotograph. The man com
pletely consc¡ous, wlthisacu-

q:l,!trle his onty anesthetic,
ounng an operation ln whlch

q.octors removecf
stomach.

4/5 of

Perurnqor.r

h¡s

:*

t:I

65 in phys. ed.
, Paul Friedman was there, at {he top of the Pentagon rope. A Communist Fartyhack at 19, a year
younger than me, he was wearing his rimless glasses
and Stalinoid moustache. Paul went to the same high
school as I did, where we called him Porky, and had
the same gym teacher, but a year latç¡. ln high school
you had to climb your own rope. Nd'friendly commie to help you out, no tear gas to urge you on.
Today I taught a lesson on the landholding and
class system in colonial Latin America. Nothing new:
the rich get richer and the poor get poorer. Twelve
year olds. llrey ate it up, but they knew it all already.
A few wealthy white men on top. Some Creoles under them, then millions of lndians, Mestizos, and Africans on the bottom. Big deal. Nothing's ðhànged.
Peggy, the brightest student, sucks her thumb ãnd
calls herself a nigger. Once I asked her what the funniest thing was that ever happened to her äñd she said
looking in the mirror and seeing that bie ugly eirl
with thick lips looking back at her. Early neit month
I'll give a test on the colonization of the New World
and l'll getback some good answers on the inequities

about it. Perhaps

if my schoolroom léssons

had a context around them, a struggle, a Movement,
then I could find some mèaning in them. However, to
.quote Pete Seeger, "Where have all thç flowers gone?"
Where have they gone, those legions wlto f aid seige,
without cannon or tank, to the mightiest llastion of
militarism ever constructed. Seven-years havo.passedl

the Movement is civillv dead.
Remember the day Jackson Maclow made up the
term flower power? That was in 1 966, af a WIN meeting to be sure. I was first busted around then. Sittingin at the Armed Forces Day celebration on Fifth Avenue. M4y 21,4966. Lwas a,big shit on campus that
week. "Steve, we saw you on television. Gee, you
looked good. What did you get?" Disorderly conduct.
Thirty day suspended sentence. Next time, the judge
said, I would get some time, and he was right. Second
bust: five days, Brooklyn House of Detention. Seven
'busts, four convictions, and what does it mean? Every
time I go for a job I have the same old story to explain, the same old crap to prove how moral I am
even thouth I have a rap sheet the proverbial length
of my arm. Meanwhile the CIA admits its role ¡ñ Gtrile,
and nobody gets upset. A mob decides to make Boston look like Little Rock, and who gives shit? Flower
power died some time ago and the New York Times
didn't even run an obituary, "Power comes out of a
barrel of petroleum." Nelson and David and John and
Lawrence Rockefeller, while watching the 5 am line-

,{
J¡

While passing the t¡me in jail after the
of ¡he Pentagon, Noiman Mailer
dreJy thls and gave it to Peter K¡ger.
publicat¡on.
Flrst

_, seige

.

of Spanísh imperialism in the 16rh rhroueh lgthren-

turies. Peggy will probably get an 80 or 83rthat,s
what she usually gets-but she won't be any' happier.
She does considerably better in social studíes than I
ever did in gym, but where does it leave her? Where
does it leave me? At least Mr. Allen taugh-t me to
climb a rope. That paid off. How have l-armed her
for the battles she must face?
Maybe my cynicism iS unfounded, but I think
no1. Seven years ago I was fighting inhumanity, not

Steve Suffet is.currently workihg on a novel thot he
describes as a "fictionolized" hiltury of the movement,
WIN 15

up outs¡de.an Exxon station,
circa winter 1973-74.
"Power comes out of a barrel
of
rum." Anon ymous
South Boston philosopher,
ôpen ing day of school,
1974.
I learned a lot ar rhe pentagon:
(l ) lt,s okay nor to
be arresred. (2) Wooden
fold-üp r.,ì",u-.rruiàr,uiru
make a hell of a eoo.t keep-war"m
ñi. îiri'rÀ.y burn.
ir mean-s to be your own person.
f 1ì Wft.q
l,m nor
tal king about mvset O ri.q
g^o.u1' m i ärã-ii rn.
e¡rlfriend, Peggy Aán frå

f

frifr lrri'ri,iþH;fi*j,iìff í:ffi

rovers, each orher,s first
altlhough i riø
told her she-wqs my rh¡r;. M;i;;."i'iv,

way, in the fall of '67,she
w_e"r
and tor only the seconq ume

i"

ñ.Tun¿

'

ïiljii,.

n"u,*rV i'" ,:.tää1, ¡f,llf,

tn two years we were
apart.from each other for
more tf.lun äî..i,. W.
promised ro meer each
ott ri ii"l'bi*ìI"^"_i:^'

füi

yin;:
îi ä:n

illhi ïi Jri l",.". ;,

us held hands as the column,
perhaps a quarter mil_
rron srrons, stowty advanc.¿',i"

ii, ãúËJ,iíiiiro*

the Potomac. Then we.r-.1:!q9
rhe do_wned fence. Beyond that was forbidde

ái,"u.ai*i.;;"",;',ï"iiiïil;|,q,.jfi lifr',î'-degree. ',you betrer sray
back,

dead or in iait l,lt meet you.biltléggî, un¿'ìf-lä n",
tonight." The apartmenr was in.some
"ïíÅ.-.p.itm,ent
lr"uiy

t,ïåî

tìgi,-rir.,

ur.irrîì.'iy'rãjie

äJffii i,:: iï,å1,,¡*:îï,;*::i

u

well_

þ,,.

ü{ü
copied down rhe address,
L¡rr.ã triãïä'riïårlo.
I hen the fun besan"[e.]i9.1ot agãinst the troops; we,re
against the

q;i: ffit :Ëåifft lliïiui ysï:
:Èirï*,,,
riiii:ü,
the wart,, How many tímes
couiJ jl.vliiÄ'riili."
Flowe¡ pq\¡,,g¡

r,iiriä. un¿
leaned forward. swallowedïp
üv'riä.r.*ål cou.r.u
by a blanket. ln a moment he
was,gone. Did he ever
return, oh did he ever rerurn?
I d";,r
His fate
is sritt unlearned. I wish.
t had a Ji.t".ìi.äil.ft, then I

[¡|;:
coutd burn mine roo. (nras,
mine wå, i-'iiãj r"
Ra msey ct ar k_Th at isr"
ie
l_,i

r"l kr, äärrJv' äiurr,, n t_

torney Generat to presid"ent
luÀi
ocrober 1 6.) l,m not ausotuteiy
,rIË,
ourneà Ái, ìi-,uí nËn"i.

d;;;;;lä.rr_""

orrrifil¡.r.
."f.1.*j:lry
""'' ".
arr-used
up, and mv
j".,?, i:HtJi'il;;3il:yere
3. Ã,i [ ïñJi iä: ìi:,l:i
ffi ]i:i ff l#,ii.
around
r,

by midnighl I figured bv

il.,ãn-i,jïïirry u,

rn some nice cozv slar¡.¡¡s¡6e.
But heie

"r

ptace on rhe rh¡ck carner
made

no doubl ,,.f oin us!" Over and
over again till it hap_
pened, not once bur three
timès. i;";;À;irrr sotdíer
defecr mysetf. He jusr sorr.of d;.p;;;

¿1 ¡ he seige

-,.:--

i*ãr, ,f,¡u.r_
ing chatering my teeth, una *ãi[ini'*å,ini,un¿
around ro keep the btood-cirrrf"ti"gl
ülrk;;, or *um
peggy Ann
iusi made me reetali-irr'Ëîåräiiiìt;y
where

I was. Besides which. rhe_u¡n
u"iiãn i.,äà ãiiä 0o,".
Now ít.was only an óccasional
US Marshal who would
reach rhroush rhe line of sotdieis
an;'jr"g J;;y
unfortunate demonstra
swinginf rhvthm or
a hickory baron. Fuck ìi:i
T:#t
Alas, when I reachedthe appointed
address peggy
Ann was.nowhere to be tound.
Four hours later she
came in, bedraggled schmutzuh,;;;;;-";.Í_':

*r.

i,;ii,il',i;3,i ;#,il:

never seen r¡ er iñr ¡ r e
Where do you think? B;
sta ye

d r onáei,iiå

"''i

n

íåf [ ål,''

:i

::

|J5å"',n.0

i:il ii,?!,'.iil

*1,,:,,
3"$i i{ ili:i
itlll**¿'i*l
wenr.wirh.her
ro LaGuai¿¡a
ÊiJã;Ë ,hl; ;;il;r
board the Easrern Airtíne shuttte
ro å;;;;: iî,
months later we broke up. Àt;h;rchj;;;;;i;
.
her several rimes since, neither
or üi.uri

tioned the pentagon tó the other.
of the Pg¡f¿g6¡.

;ã;i;;."_

-

.

I
(Contlnued from page ll)
.\
continues to be attracted to the Chinese model and it
is likely that',Maoism,' will continue to be a,force
in
lndian politics. The main area of wort itrai i, nrr.r_
sary is the development of rural cadrËs, peasant revoluttonanes who can ally with the urban WorkeFs. So far
the urban.and intelleðtual, essentially riri¿äié_cluss
backgrouÁd of the cp(M)ã"J Cpiplíl' iãJrrs.r.,u, u""n
a barrier that few have managed tò cross, des.Éite theii
desire to unite with revolutionary prusuíts. Änotñôi
p4rt of the failure is the impatiencô of.the cadres and
the unwillingness to be led by.Beasants. A third is tfre
sl ow.devel op ment of ,, regio nâli truggle,,' I
olal i zed
y,j1!jn,9ne lansuase area;:one distriõi óne trtu[-(ttre

admtntstrat¡ve equivalent of a county). Each lndiàn
state has its own langúáge and i(s own cultural tradition. I o the extent that lndia is not a nation. there
. cannot be a national
struggle. All thlj,would have to
be done againsr the backiöun¿ oi.ãnit-;;l;j;;_
tive repression. The logicãl development would be an
alliance, a_,,United Front', of tne be(n,l)'s lãftwing, i
pl(rU..

l¡

an

d revot urionurv

ió*rr,

.

.

peasanr,

lgiîjfi :d
cootte
and student organizations. Right now, there
does not appear to be any such UnitËd Frtni visible,
except when the entire citizenry of a state rises in

revolt, as in Gujarat and Bihar.
It js at this point that the ,,|eft sarvodaya" experi_
ence is imporrant. Wilj the experience in fÍinar ('Jna
planned activities in Maharashtra, l)ttar pradesh
and
orher stares).het p d.evet o p nonu iJf *iiå;;r;h;; il;
can form or join a United Front? The problems of
penetrat¡ng the vìllagesand building worker support
are the same for both violent,and,nónviolent revolutíonaries. What do the peasants, the coolies, the iað_
tory workers, want? What are their feelinss about
violent and nonviolent revolutiqn? How cän i p.urunt
' ievolr in orie r¿luk be coordinaléd with a óeisant
revolt in another taluk; a strike in on, to*n ,à_or_
dinated wíth d strike in another town or city? Can
'i$uia3t be.repeated in Bihar?" Or Biha.r inkerala, or
West Bengal in Tamíl Nadu? Fourteen fånguages, iÁ-

numerable d.ialects, 20 or more centuries õf fãuáalism
. . .while. Ch.ina may be the model, there are some de_
cidedly lndian compl ications.
there is.the lndian Army. Some 450,_
^^I\4eanwhile,
000.
soldiers,.with 2,000 tanks, consum ítne oiir SO,i,"
of the annual budgel A small navy, a medilim size air_
rorc_e, with over 400 jet fighterE including the MiG-21,
wntcn ts now manufactured in lndia. Before Th.e war

y¡lf th,fq in 1962, the tndian Army
bnttsh-style. army.

was a ¡ot<å,

i

with all the color and inefficiency

of a colonial "native" army. The defeat at thð.hands
of the Chinese prompted total rebuílding. ffrã,,libera-

tion" of Bangladesh showed the new strõngth; the de_
feat of Pakistan makes the lndian Army ihänia¡or
force in South Asia. War with China is írOt rubcí ouq
although it would seem foolish for the lndian Army'to
invade China. lt certainly would not ao so àn,its own_
-'1¡
but if the Russians attacked, it might.
.lnternally, most of the répressiõn is through armed
police, although the army ha! been calleà inîtren
n,ecessary.. The Ar.py js..1lso combatting the'l.,laga
and
Mtzo.(northern tr¡bes) liberation forces, mainhJns
sulftc¡ent troops in Kashmir to quell any nationalistic
activities, and was the stick that helped',,Þ"rrrád"', th"
9l ogy?l of Sikkim nor ro fighr the ánnrxätioñot S¡tkim. Were there to be a largescale uprisinj in india,
there is no question that lndira *odlA ,sö tne Ármy.

"

Mqqrð5.9trê6t scóne: ä Western vêneêr hides the
poverty and agony of lndia. photo courtesy
Government of lndia Tourist Off¡ce.

When I went back this August, I wondered if there
was.any possibility that the Army might overthrow
rnorra and re-enact the drama of Chile. From all
I
coutd Jearn, including a coniersation wiih ìhe-cnildren
of an lndian general, it is unlikely although not imposstbte.
_lhe lndian Army is peculiar in thaf it retains its
cotontal composition: regiments are filled with soldiers
from one locality, caste õr religious group, with officers
from another. This r4akes it difficulifor äiRceis to ¡n_
spire loyalty among their troops, given the communal
suspicions of lndía. Furthermoré,1he officers are frequently rotated. There is no one general that seems
to
h,ave sufficient popularity or visio-n to head a
revo¡t, al,though. it's impossible to know what the maiórs and
colonels are up to (as in Portugal).
. 9n.g lndirlis remoççd or leaves offce, if the Balkantzat¡on tendencies rrf lndia develop to the point
that one or several gf the states threaien tolleaie the
over. U"tii ir,"iîme, it ,
!1ion tlrg nrrqy,rgjghr-ta(e
seemslvilling
to sít'ôii the"$ideliñeì and watch out for
itself. lf ánd when rhe Army takes.over. tf,"iä iiïpãrsibility of increased resistance, probably guôritia warfare- More frighteningly, if the lndian union were to
spt¡r up tnto tts regional or state components, thè ln_
dian subcontinent could become a battlegroúná for
superpoùer mani pulations.
While all these forces are in contention, there is

one.underlying reality:

rhe_

peasanrs un

j iír, in¿ìrir¡al

wbrkers can never be satisfied until thev achievã
equality a.nd justice. This is rhe reality ihat keeps the
lndian polirical siruarion on rhe fire uir¿ Oo¡iìnínol
For all the sophistication of the English_speakiie
elite
and.all the inrricacy of lndian politics, rh;;;;*;r-ä'
tndta's ïuture lies in the villages and in the factories
of
the cíty. And the options arJrapidly nurro*ing-to

two: revolution or

starvation.

5.L
wtN 17

t
-

}.
\

i

lb

the University to car

of its supporters were skeptical

to whether Madison Square Garden,

with its_20,000 seating capacity, wáúiä

be full..Though there were some empty
seats when the rally opened promptiv '
at noon,. by 1 pm, hardly an empty '
seat,could be spotted around thä vãst
arena. Apparently, few were scared

previous day,s bombings

lway.by.the
tor
which FALN, a puerio

Rican

-Jim

Peck

Several hundred students attended ral_

lies on October 15, celebrating thã an_
niversary of the Huelga de octubre.
the student stríke which paralyzecí frve
'puerto

of the University of
Rico in 1973. The stríke grew out oi
protests against the unresþonsive
school bureaucrac¡ and demanded a
wider base of participation in University policy.
The outdooi rally on the Rio
Piedras campus featured speakers and
Spanish polítícal musig with calls tã

America.

of the

Uníver_

nored

rh;;il J e¡ft",.ä,

iü-* por¡äv-óii;,

organized bv FUpr. the ìndependentßto pri;
vlere singin!

riååii'*',rt

p.o_

is

The collec.tive noted that listening

a to ttre mùsiãiïu"uiJ*rrirrii"g ¡" ,r,.
tast yeãr. plp isäri.
1!arp.politicat.sptit
ptanntng a maior oublic assembly in
To receive his gift, Ford is required
regarnrng some

of irs strengrh after

clemente stadium on

Ñou"-

,o Jho*..rp rn.person ar rhe srore.
Mem-

slogans, and

[^Zi,"y,,f!î¡,',i:"

es_

*:orid not

be safe due to

the

fact that
"ve-càün' äiirrit;-H;r*;;îtr-r,l'ir"ornaing
jli'Jlì't' jlåTff 3;'*li':-*r,i,k;;;;äóä""Ë¡än",i,é

area'

åni;il'äT;.'i;;"

-Bread and Roseícollective
police have even been obligãd to slack
,t
off somewhat on their preüious policy
^
of arresring wail painrers, as the'publíc
MINE WORKERS CHARGE
messages bloom everyr

öh;*ä;'ñ

;f å:#x;""åï;dff ü'r',ï'¡il:""ff

l.,#f

JSS+ï"î,%*oro

form of bombings, proOabtv the work A rigged electlon for union representa-

.

of anti"Castro Cùbair emisrés- Tw.,-"theatres on opposite endiof the islandin Mayaguez and Rio Piedras, were '
shaken by early morning OoriO Uiists
on October 8, the seconã day of their
festival of revolutionary cubãn films.
The festival, sponsored by FUpl and
PSPr.moved to a campus theatre

continued undeterred.

'RESIDENT

, -f
FORD

and

tiglt at Duke Power Company's Highsplint mine near Harlan, Kentucky

is

being challenged by the Un¡ted Mine
Wor[ers of Americä. The UMWA ,,lost"

to the Southern Labor Union-a sweetheart (company) union-in a vote of
90 to 76.

"lf

th.ere were only miners voting,

ohn Ascenzi we would have won," said Bernie Aionson, atsistant to the piesident of the
UMWA. l-te exptained rhar 25 Duke

*:**;

:åffÍ:;:l':i.:,n:';
þiif
\,eraro í'î'ËdiðËecono
rorcr now has some music to
pany money to those who would give

ponders.rhe disintegra. inã¡í vote tó the Southern Labor únion,
llt]:Ur^tl.:
tlon
oT American
and that company people actively cam-'
I he Bread and Roses Music.Cgllec paigned (on
comþairy iime) for the
tive, a three member.group
5ãüifr.rn Labor iJnión.
operates the "anti-profrt, antl-capital- The 25 security grärA,
who voted
ist" Bread and Roies
were actually ,rrá 6v ouiä Þo*rr to
Jvlu_sic center
þ wash-ingron, voted this iniiri¿utr and rhrearen strikers who
weeK to send Ford a free gift certif¡cate were fighting to get
UMWA
Lost ciry Rañrbters
'."rognition.
Ît'b decision ro hold union
etecrionsfgr-lnel'lew
ot
the Depress¡on, a collection of songs at Highsplint was agreed
to on August

C^apit¿lísm.
which
Community

songs

13 KILLED IN BIHAR STRIKE '
Armed pollce were sent to Bihar State,'

lndia, at the beginnine of a three-dav
general strike cailed b-y Gandnianô lé¿
by Jayaprakash Naravan to demand ,
dissolution of the staiä a-ssembly andfto
,

,

iïlt'reping.wi

;b*ää"g rhe rast
,u;;t 6í; cr¡s¡sìn'ÃÅ.erläã"
,äöiiål¡sm, you,d
puerto
ñåi" ,or" ìá;; ;#;;i"'!oing to be
ihe
- ;i;;ì;s";ü;;ïriät ft'":xr depres.
;ffi.

student federation.'and the tatær
featured a speaker'from rhe
Rican Sociarisr parrv. Meanwhire,
pther.major leftist pãrty, tt,. Þip,
(ruerto l(ican lndependence Party)

campuses

gity proposed by a hard-line adminjstra.
tion. A picket líne called for the fo!
lowing morning succeeded in forcins

u

ship about $25
miilion ygrr¡ o{ robacco ro poor coun[rles ln tnls llscal year under the "Food
for Peace" prosram. The Ad ministra-

äË'Ñ;ir-l;ä'""' Uon matnratns.that tobacco exports
in
"'' próÌide "moralebuildi.ng" benefirs,
,uppoirãifu.,6
protest agàinst governmint corruption,
ä;o[il;¡d;;;r.",":'
'fn
,,securiry
assis_
tne wif.ã;*h.,;;;;'Ujf,f Wn _ ?nd 4tso are a form of
Four pebple. were shot and at ieast
fancsi' since recípient sovernments
ui.torv it stããùi¡ãË. niãî;;"";;; ;i
60 injured on the final dav öf rtfè,
Duke þower,l,Th.y'r" ;;;-'u-[;;i';o"' can spen.d the profìts frôm bbacco
strike, October 7, bringing rhe tôtal
.l3.
. TJes on,,,c.gmpgp defense purposes.,, killed during the three
fall over deàä.,,'
days to
On
Almost
year's
half
of
this
tobaóco
ship the same day, 3Q000 peoþte marched
Neither ¡s itre UNWR. thoush. Thev
have already nie¿ iiormäi';;;Ïui;;' ments are scheduled to so to S. Vietin New Delhi to agitate against corrup,
objecting to the 25 vqtes ôast by the narnt
-LNS tion, rising prices, unemplqyment and
secirrity guards.
mis-government. -Peace News
.-LNS
at H¡ehs:pti"i, ;;J
miners who had waiked out there
n

th
("nd poyer)
;;i;
'rroílrr-- ro tr,e, pàåfuã;, ii;#;ä lï", ,r,.,
The picker rine and rarv were borh t¡-ehîifãï.;,¡rï"i

out Latin

peciarv, rhe'mt¡rricororõa,

Juan

BACK IN TH,E COLONY

resist a reorganization

a

.r" úç san Juan u,:lrlic?: or.poriti. ff:Xi Affå1fiil:',:'*lllll*iiî;
cal activity are very visi'Ule, in thd form
io-iÅ. pr.r¡¿.nt, but decided that it
ot posters, stencilled

repre_

Mari Bras, secretary-general of ihe
Puerto Rican Socialist party.
Among prominent peace movement
people on the Puerto Rican Solidarity
Day Committee, which organizedthé
rally, were Phil Berrigan, ñoam Chom_
sky, Dave Dellinger and Arthur Kinoy.

MEAN*HTLE

r-"i"i"-iåJ*äi

i;:h.ïi:iå;äïî¿:ïå,, n.ä :!,:,.,:??:i';,"å:'iü."j"',l,ihirries.

Agencv, wh i ch uses p*rø n iãiÀ
for us inrerigence operarions
"eãÄ

ffbfå:"

guerilla group, claimed credit.
announced from the plat_
- lt was
form
that people had comè frolm)S
ctttes across the US. ln addition to
Puerto Ricans there were large numbers of D.ominicans, wtrose cäuniry is
under¿, dictatorial government sup
ported by the US. What characurízed
the program. of speakers ís that eveiy

fn!.eq.The main speáker was

a

Brook-

SMOKE FOR PEACE
bartle ::"':.
The.United Stat-es will

tion for rhe uMWÀ. Ãîïúi iiÃ":.örr."
Power agreed to hold soeedv eleci¡ons

a

)

exqminitíon

exploitell ethnic group was

29 when strikers at rhe nearby
side mine won their 13-month
against Duke Powei.

ì

Though it had been rumored for some
time that alt tickets (at $3 apiece)IaJ
been sold for the Ociob er 2i rallí fol
Puerto Rican lndependence (,,À Éi_-'
Centennial Without Colonies. "), even

some

,

,

,THEY PACKED THE GARDEN!

as

18 WIN

I f
,

I
I
I
t

PRISON NOTES
Several developments indicate that

ment that results in involuñtary servrtude. The suit is the first one that
challenges the basic concept behind
experimental progr4m5 using

't

President Ford's socalled clemency
program will not mean the e¡d to

criminal prosecutions.of draft resisters. On October 5 afederal judge in

:?.{:lf
pflsoners.

Boston sentenced Rene Henry Mondejar, a Jehovahfs Witness who refused
alternative service, to two years in
prison,' then suspended the sentence
and fined Mondejar $500. Despite the

'
ten years imprisonment, JessÏe Lee
Evans to 20 years on each of three

suspension of sentence, his felony con-

counts plui another for ten years, all
to run concurrently, Alf Hill, Jr., ten
years for inciting to riot and 20-for as:
sau It w¡th intent to kill, the terms to
run concurrently, and Alfred Jasper,
ten yeafs on one count and five on
another, to run consecutively. The
Leavenworth Brothers' lawyers filed
motions for acquittal or n'ew trials on
the grounds of lack¡of evidence, confl icting evidence, governmental .inisconduct and racism among the jury
panel. One small victory was won
when the prison officials decided not
to return the Brothers to Leavenworth.
They are to be separated and sent to
four other prisons. On October 15 the
trial of the two Chicano brothers,
Je,sse Lopez and Arrnando Mira¡non,
opened with charges of kidnapþing
and-assault made against the two.

viction will still stand:
William Meis, another ¡'esister who
went into exile in Canada seven years
ago, returned to the US early in October, turned himself over to the US
Attorney in Springfield, lllinois, was
then arrested and released on bond,
..which restricrs him to lllinoii. Meis
said that Fordls program "denies
everyth¡ng we did and stood forr" and
plans to face jail in order to challenge

.

that program.
Meanwhile, the ACLU has offered
free legal seryice to all draft cXiles and
has undertaken a challenge of the constitutional inequities and defects in
various parts of the clemency program.
Among the shortcomings the ACLU
hopes to attackare the assumption
that all exiles are guilty of breaking
the law, the lack of provision for legal
service and personal appearance at the
time alternative service is decided, and
the failure to provide some relief îor
those who are now citizens of another
country and who may wish to return

to the US to visil

On September 4 an all-white jury
found the four black Leavenworth
Brothers "guilty" of a variety of

charges of assault and inciting to riot.

This very important trial has not received the attention it deserves as part
of the federal government's program
to punish severely all prisoners who
rebel against the inhuman conditions
under which they are forced to live.
The trial lasted eight weeks and the
jury took five days to agree on the ver"
dicL Odell Bennett was sentenced to

Marylànd js one of nine states now úsing prisoners for medical research
programs. The
of the ACLU h

'

District Court in Bal timore ahäl
such experi mentation with prisoners,
specifically asking for an end to the
program at the Maryland House of
Cor¡eition and damages of 91.25 millionfor nine inmates. Those filing the
suit hope that the result will be a
decision with nationwide effect. Arguìng that in a prison environment
such programs are never truly voluntzry, the ACLU contends that the in-

fectious d isease experiments violate
the constitutional rights of prisoners,
including the right to privacy, due
process and equal protection, and
constitute cruel and unusual punish-

The right of a prisoner to challenge

transfer to anöther institutlðn was upheld in a decision by the US Court of
Appeals fpr the Second Circuit. The

,t

¡

appeals decision reversed an earlier district court ruling which dismissed a
complaint seeking damages for a pris-

oner wh'o"had Seeri transferred without a hearing. Chief J udge lrving Kauf-'
man upheld the right of pr ison officials
to transfer inmates.but made a distinction between administrative and punitive transfers. "When harsh treatment
is meted out to reprimand, deter or reform an individual," he wrote, "elementary fairness demands that the
one,punished be given a sati sfaetory

opporutnity to establish that he is not
deserving of such handling." lf this
decision is implemented it should act
to restrain prison offcials in the us'e of
arbitr:ary transfer which opens the way
to abuse of power in virtually every
prison in the country.
One

bf the

reasoñs put forth

for not

corrfirmi ng Nelson Roc kefeller as Vice
t was his part in the ofìcial ly
;.sancti oned murder of 39 individ uals at
in Se ptomber, 19711
ing the
on his confirmation'o
Rockefeller
tted that he should
not have permitted the use of force by
the state.police. lt was Tom.Wicker, iñ
his New Yorh Tinìes column, who best
summarized the trasedv:
"The irrefutaUle irudtr is that for
six solid minutes, that bloody morning New York State police pbured indiscriminate buckshot and rifle.fire into a milling mass of gas-blinded inmates. The result was that one.of
every ten persons in the prison yard
and a quarter of the hostages wóre hit.
Thirty-nine died, and no hindsight or,
prevarication wiil bring them bick."

'""Éi'esiden

Dur-

í

.

-Larry

Gara

wtN 19

persóns" contribute more to the traffic
density and noise
problems than tradirional families.
Hr.onlirj", his opinion
by stating rhar rhe ordinance does not ¡;;t;h.
group,s
equal protection, privacy, and associarion.
Gold1q1r.1:f
srern rhus unravels the entire fabric of the good
ar_
Justice;s
Douglas
gury.nt
has mainrained rhar rhis ¿îrlri.í" p"ir¡t,
families ro enrerrain whomever thev l¡[ó, f";;;y
kind of
hospitable purpose. Goldstein quotãs u pä1rugäf'rorn
óorg-

las' concurring opinion n the Moreno ,;-D;;1.
of ,q,griuT
case of. last year: ,,Freedom of associatiãn
encompasses the.right to invíte a stranger
into one's home not

ture

COMMUNES, LA W AND COMMON SENS
Lee Goldstein

/

New Community Projects Paperback
"126 pages,
$2.95

Building codes and zoning ordinances are the skeleton upon
which th.e numerous, creaking bodies of local housing laws

are fitted.

]he laws, best observed as products of a juliciary
more comfortable in the protection of property than liber-'
ty, provide the essential tools of development in every city,
town, and county in the republic, more often producing tñê
truly significant decisions affecting our style of living irithe
board rooms of industry and finance. These ordinanães allow hidebound bureaucracies to perform curious acts of
construction like the World Trade Center and business interests, in their wisdom, to redesign the face of the countryside,. replacing community landmarks of several generations with those monotonous corporate signatures ðarved
everywhere onto Maiir Street, the shopping center and the
fast food joint. You deserve a break today.
But not all forms of self-expression are so well received.
The same laws that smile so lovingly on the manic architecture of pizza kings and hamburg barons, tend to assume a
decidedly hostile profile when the issues acquire a more
human face. lf you share living quarters with people unrelated by blood, the forces of law can beat häctiðally at
your door.
.Lee.Goldstein, a member of the New Community projects
collective in Boston, has written a useful, self-defenie mánual for communards made weary by the intrusion of both
bloodless jurisprudence and openly hostile police into the
day to day affairs of communal living. The manual examines various forms of official harassment, from the confused legal Wonderland surrounding the area of law known
as search.and seizure, to the very specific set,of precepts
commonly referred to as the anti-grouper laws, å zoning ordinance most chillingly articulared by Justice Wiltiam O.
Douglas in the Supreme Court Belle Térre decision last
March. The ruling allows a local government the policing
power to restrict residence within the boundaries of their
village or town to either those related by blood, marriage,
or adoption, or to no more than two unrelated'personsliíing and cooking as a single ,,housekeèping uniL'', Goldstein
suggests strategies for each occasion, advising against unnecessary contumely when being questioned by the police,
and. for an activg,communal pariicipation in local affairs, '
such as l_obbying for a bill that will define family as a single

non-profit homemaking unít, a statute which could be oassed þy town or state legislatures.
The major battleground upon which communards must
now fight for survival, is in the words and phrases of the
zoning laws. Goldstein develops a persuasive argument
countering the Belle Terre decision. Justice Douglas, an unlikely bearer of such confining notions, posits wíthout sup
porting dat4 that'ryouth values', and homes of,,unrelatèd

onry ror the purpose of entertainment, but to join
the house_
hold as well.',
ambiguities within the language of rhe
,taw
..lhrf:.urr,rnough
ro sttmulate other challenges to this landmãrk ãecision.
ruJing onty ¡nvõked tlr" i;nilårJJir"cay,- '
T"lhaving
the res¡dents
moved d.u.ring the long litigation piócgss, a group currently in fesidence may eñioyã
more sÈ
cure position ro assert the rights of asóciaúã'nind privacy.
The.single most effective wav
io combat any åsiault on:the
-legalities of unconventional life-style ¡s thioueh* tha d;e
honored traditions of organization and resear"cf.,. ftrii irrson manifests its.elf year after year; isolated individuals living experimentally are vulner.able to peculiar tax laws, dusty
sex. statutes and suspicious, alien neighbors. The paiñful
task of building a more humane enviionment muit function
behind the shield of an organized movement to sustain unity
-'
and support or be as ruthlessly shattered as many of ouiprevio.us attempts to wr¡te oui own history have'been.
Constructing a network of enduring communiiies has become a
more important project now than at any time before.

ljl:l,lr-

-Richard Schrader

qUP_EßS|]LL: AN AccoUNT oF THE ,tg79
GROUNDING AT BIRD ROCKS
Mary Kay Becker and patricia Coburn
Madrona Press /

At

11

:51. on

$3.95

:,

.

the night of July 't, 197E, the 1 20,OOGton

supertanker Grand Canyon went agroúnd on Bird'Rocks in
the, narrow Rosario Strait in puget3ound. lt was the oc_
casion for the largest oil spill ín-US hístory_eight million
gallons of Alaskan crude-and, from Seattie toîictorìa,'eC,
the gooey o-il killed sea life and birds and totally wreckód
th e,Sou n d for fish i ng
uacul ture.
.rec¡ga-tlon, tourism and aq'leak
in_
.(l-or comparison, the 1969 Santa Barbara oil
volved perhaps up to two million gallons of oil, and this
was rn open ocean. puge.t_Sound is a
fairly enclosed body

of wateç with little tidal flushing action.I

. The facr that the puget Sounã spill described in this fic
tron account hasn't yet

happened doesn't rob the book of
any ot ¡ts considerable.impact. On the contrary, it adds to
the scary feeling while reading it rhar rhis booÉ'is littlä mãre
than prophecy.
.. - ltem: ln 1969 and 1970, there were at least 33g col_
lisions and 366 groundings'of tankers ttrroujfrãuiÍrãiorld_
almost on^e grounding or collision each day.
_ ltem: Scientific studies done in 1970 cóncluded that
Puget Sound could expect anywhere from thrãe to
six
tanker accidents from collisions or groun lg*itF ten years, depending on thelate of träffic growrh as
the Alaskan crude began coming down to the new-refineries
located in upper Puget Sound.
What we all should have learned by now, the authors

point out

is

that no matter how ,,fail.safer''a iystem

is

cracked up to be, no matter how much oil companies sincerely want to avoid disastrous accidents, humjn and ma_

terial fallibility-following Murphy's Law ('{Whatever can
go wrong, will")-guarantee that the inevidble major oil
spill will occur.
The question raised by the author;-two young journalists formerly wíth Northwest'Possoge, the ecologically
oriented Washington State paper-is: giveq ¡þe inevitability
of such a suþerspill, are there alternatives to shipping oil
from Alaska through the treacherous waters and islands of
Puget Sound? The affirmative answers ¡o 1fi¿f:'question are
detailed in Superspill.
There are also profound questions.raised about Ameríca's
current "hydrocarbon high," and eminently practical alternatives are discussed with respect to cheap and non-polluting power sources such as sun, wind, tide$ garbage and
fecal wastes.
ln 1970, a United Nations meeting in Ronre designated
Puget Sound a special study area because of its relatively
clean conditions compared to othei bodiesrcf water (even

with "minor" oil spills that had occurred theie). !n1972,
the US Congress passed a law permitting the Administration
to declare certain bodies of water Marine Sanctuaries because of their recreãtional, conservation, ecological or
aesthetic values.
Given the kind of gooey vision forecast by statistical
certainty, the thrust of the book is for a movpment that
would lead to such a designation for beautiful Puget Sound.
Item: The commercial and sports fishing industries are
worth more than $100 million annually. ltem: One in three
Washington residends does some sports fishing, and there are
200,000 pleasure boats in the Puget Sound area. ltem:
Puget Sound will have a $100 million aquaculture industry
in the next ten years, raising fish, oysters, clams, etc. for a

protein-hungry world.
Becker and Coburn tell their frightening tale in newsreel
fashion, almost as if one is on the scene as the Titanic issinking or: as the Poseidon'tur.as bver. lt is an effective writing technique, conveying both the excitement and enerva- t
tion of the qil disaster while at the same time subtly squeezing in an enormous amount of vital factual data. (With all
the disaster-mania currently absorbing Hollywood-airport
accidents, highrise fires, hurricanes, eä'rthquakes, etc.-one
would think that a supertanker oil spill would be a natural.

But, oddly enough,,Hollywood is not about to take on the
oil industry.)
Finally, while the book concentrates on Puget Sound, its
application should be obvious any place where a clean body
of water is threatened by the intrusion of"tProgress" in the
form of potentially disastrous energy soúrces.
Superspill is available at select MovemerìT'and ecologyoriented bookstores or can be obtained by writing the þublisher at,'113 Madrona Place Eæt, Seattle, Wjå!;l"1ltl;,"*

'

sider himself a radical. The author is a US Administrative
Law J udge and apparently views -Fictive Capital as a "valuêfree"-ana"lysis of äävanced capitalism in the best trad.ition
of legal positivism.
The first third of Fictive Capital is acc.qrdingly devoigd
to a structural analysis of thç '!laissez-faire'i economy ',
(termed by Robbins the "independent capitalist economyr').
in this seciion, Robbins presdnt*;a fairly comprehensive dis¡ .cussion of the fundamental elements of commodit!'production (wages, prices, profit, cyclical growth etc.). Aftèr defining his terms and exploring their interrelatións, the
author then charts the dynamic tendencies of capitalism
toward accumulation, overproduction and a declining rafe )
of profit What emerges from the discussion iq the picture
of an economy rhatb,y 1929 had outgrown its historic
limits. The great de.pression that ensued was not just another
. .periodic crisis of overproduction. Henceforth; the "independent capitalist economy" would be unable'to generate
the quantity of capital required for the steady expansion of
business activity that is cssential to production for profit.
¡What follows, in Robbins'.analysis of.n'¡onopoly capitalidrì, proves to be the most instructive séction of the book.
ln the past decade, radical economisb have written vyidely
on the nature of st¿te sponsorshíp'and regulafion of eco¡
nomic growth. Rarely, however, have they been concerned
i
with describing the specific fisca[ techniques er¡ployed by
the state to support the monoþoly economy. Their failure
to deal in detail with these anti-cyclical devices constitutes
an important gap in economic theory, and it is to Robbinsr '
c/edit that,he-áttempts to blose that space.
- As Robbins expláins, American caþitalism functions to'
day by means of a "fictitious" expansion of capital. This
' expansion is made possible by the fede4al government
through its ¡iermanent and ever-enlarging debt, the constant inflation of a new paper money form and the creation
of an immense and steadily increasing tax. Through these
measures the government is able to purchase large quan*

tities of p¡oducts (primarily military hardwarpffrom capi-.

'

.

tal-goods industries. The demand for these goodscreated
by the government works to arrest the cyclical tendencies . :
operatìve in the private sector before they reach socially ,'ì' '

critical proportions.
ttre lnilitary goods purchased by the government

are

'

:,

they were ordihary capital goods. How. '
ever, unlike other capital goods, these products þ¿ys ¿ r'¡6¡i:,:
capilal" consumption-that is, they are consumed b! gov- ',' :'¡
ernment rather than used by private industry to produce
new goods. Jhe mililary hardware bought by the state is
nevêr sent into general circulation, although the.inflated,
produced "as

if"

money used by lhe state to purchase the goods ente¡s and
remains in tþg,g¡à¡ket. { portion'of this money is çapitalized and convertèil irîtô¿¿'4tfidlitious" prof¡t {i.e., a prqfit
òreateil directly by,government spending rather than by'
the internal dynamics of the private sector itself). Robbins... ,
argues that the reinvestment of this profit is the real driving ..
force behind economic expansion today.
FICTIVE CAPITAL AND FICTIVE PROFIT
The final third of Fictive Capital is concerned with the I_oI"!g H. Robbins / Philosophical Librarytt 1974 417 pp.,
state forms and prevailing ideol $10.00
"laissez-faire" and monopoly capitalist economies. Although
It is unlikely that Horace Robbins' Fictive Capital pnd Fic: /. Robbins correctly focuses'on the mounting powers of the
Presidency and túe economic function of antlcorñmunist
tive Prolt will ever occupy anything m ideology (as a propof the military-industrial coràplex), this
cor_ler in the annals of pbíiticát ecoiomy. Conceptually,
segment fails to provide any original insights into the nastylistically and politicall y, the text is akwar{ly constructed
and often inconsistenL f t is, for example, never clear
ture of the modern corporate state. Nor does Robbins unwhether Robbins is working self-consðioûsly within the
dertake any discussion of the possibilities for revolutionizlabor theory of value or su6scribing to an"admixture of the
ing contemporary capitalist society. ln view of current êcolatter and the Marginalist school or símply striking out on
nomic deveiopments, this amounts to a serigus omission.
his'own, lt is clear, however, that Rôbbins does not con-,
-BillBlum
¿

,

20 WIN

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Nat¡onal Council fol Unlversal & Unconditional Amnesty (NCUUA) 2nd National
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Peop[ets

Bonr¡d
Bullerin
ll no lnvglvod,but l¡mlt.d to

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seeks un20 words' New Mldwest research ¡nstitute
selfish, soclally-conscious, non-careerlst
lo wordt'
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NON-COMPETITI VE GAMES lor ch¡ldren
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and ädults. Play together not agalnst each
33-77. Mldwest
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VEG ETAR IAN T IMES, noft vlolent eat¡ng,
Sample copy f ree when you send 2Ol ln
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43104, chlcago, lll. 60690.

WHY CAPITALISM CAN'T WORK.
Edwaùd Bellamy's'rParable

of

REAd

the. Water

Tank" lcthus communlcation center'
1583 E Colorado, Pasadena, CA 91106.
l-5, 75(, ea.i ç49 6Od ea,; 50 up, 45C ea,
Advancê paymeñt, pfus 25C handling.

PARTIcIPATE lN PEACE SEMINAR to
Sovlet Union-Moscow, Leningrad, Odessa,
lnstltutional conferences, poóple contactt
Limited places for universlty students and
young workêrs, fwo weeks leaving Decemþer 29, Wrlte Promotlng Endur¡ng Pe¡ce,
Box 103; woodm,ont, Connect¡cut 06460.

2,+O ánd 2t45.T were NOT sprayed on

W¡sconsin national forests thls summer. ln
the wake of strong cliizen oppositlon, a
temporary court ¡njunctlon was obtåined,
Nexi summer the uS Forest S€rvicq-Us
Dept. of Agriculture hopes to plck up
where they were stopped, and spray some
2v2 square miles of Wlsconsln woods wlth
these Vietnam defollants. Such act¡on by
USDA foresters ls not un¡que in any way:
sincè 1965 some 10,00O acres of upper
Michlgan forests have been aerlally sprayed
wlth one or more ot these hormonal
chem¡calr We wlsh to share ¡nformatlon on
decentralized and ecologlcal forest care. We
hoòe to establish a communlcatlons network and are request¡ng nows from you on
local situations regarding the lssue. Wrltet
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LIBERTARIAN BOOK CLUB FAII LEC.
turesr Thursday evênings, 7:30 PM, Work-'

man's Clrcle Center, 369 8th Ave, (SW corner 29 st,), admlssion free, November 14!
trving Levltas. "Anarch¡sm in New England";
December 12; Dan Georgakas and Leonard
.Ruþenstein, r¡Art and Anarchy."
Oo a.good de€d todav, Wrlte a lonely
pr¡soner. STACY JAC HARRlSS, 135/616;.

EUGENE DUoLEY, 135/918; JAMES S.
TAYLOR, L361529i and JOHNNIE BROWNT
138/343 are all at Box 69, London, OH
43140. GREGORY C. MURPI{Y, 39699,.
ls ât Box lOO0, Lewlsþurg, PA 17837i
LOUIS P. STEVENS, Box No. PMB L4732148, Texarkana, TX 755O1; and BILL PICH,
35218, Stellacoom, WA 98388.

... and timely
important information about the environment.
scientists

If vou are concerned about the air you breathe, the
food vou eat, the water yóu drink. . . the energy supply
and iis effect on your budg€t, your temper, and your'
way of living. . , the kind of planet tomorrow's generation will inhe¡it and inhabit...

...you should be reading ENVIRONMENT-Ihe
magaz¡ne that has served as the link between scientists
and concerned citize¡is 5ince 1958'

ENVIRONMENT is published by The Scientists'
tnstitute for Public Information. We're not obst¡uctionists. Or prophets of doom. Quite the contrary, We
feel that the go¡ls of energy consdrvation and environmental qualily, for example, are nof in conflict. And
that it iô the íneftícient use of energy that contributes
both to shortages ãnd the fouling of the environment.
Articles in EÑVIRONMENT are lively, info¡mative,
and conslruclíue. I{e point out ways to cut down on
auto pollutlon. Promising new sources of enérgy,
Encouraling syst€mi for recycling trash. Spéciallyfoimulated soaps to replãce phosphate-cont¡ining
detergents

.

9CIENCE.ADVISOR.Y

oriril cÉlMlEtlArtr, flr.D.,
tol¡.þr of hydcr, U¡le.rrlly
ol OtlrorÃl., kr¡.|.y; Nohl.
bur.¡b.
l^MOm C. COLE, ñD.. tte
f..þ. d E ol4y, Dlvblon of ¡þ
lotlot *lñ.., Conall Uñlvat.
¡llt.
lauY oMu9M¡, ¡h,D., ?'È
hi.ôr ot tl¡¡l hrdolory¡ D¡tbr of Coþr lot lh. ¡oloar ol
N¡lur¡l 3yrl.n.. W.rù¡.llon
Uñl6ltt,
t^rc t. gow, ñ.D- tþlrþr .d tulñ.¡ ol lL &Fdml .l GFlh¡ Unlúr¡ly .l
TE}¡E

È.D., tG

BOAND

3Áuu¿r s. EPslErN, M,D.,
Sw.ll¡nd Prcf.nor ol Envk ¡;r.ñt.l H.¡lth ¡¡¿ B¡m¡n E.oI
Ð, C¡ç WFbrn Ra{m Uñ!.
*n¡¡r 5.h61 ot Mdl IOHN

U. IowLER, lt.D., Vl.lt

lñ¡ Pþlå¡or, D.p.ilm.ñt of Phy.
Unlv.tlry of
ilcr d
M¡ryl[¿.^rtono6v,

..broad-ran¡iing ideas and scientilìcallysouú! del
vices that can put an end to pollution and the dest¡uction of our natural resources.
Some recent articl€s that ¡eaders have enjoyed and
talked about.. . and press, radio and TV have quoted:
. POWER rROM TRASH
. THE OIL G¡.UT
. HOT WASTES FßOM
. sTEELr THE OBSOLETE

.

INDUSTRY
SC¡ENCE

rOR THE

, CONCERNED

. THE NORTH POLE
PAPERS

NUCLEAR POWER
qPERSONAL nAIID
TRANS¡T! SPACE AGE
Âf,TERNATIVE TO THE
ÂUTOMOATLE

rI

10:

I

.3T NORTH SKINKER BLVD., ST. LOUIS, MO.

I

YEs, pl€as€ enter my subscriPlion to ENVIRONMENT
for oniyea¡ (ten issues) åt only ll0.

¡
¡

E

Pavment enclosed

(Fó¡ saving ENVIRONMENT billing expense,
ceive two addi¡ìondl ìssues lrc?!)

E Btll

I'll

re-

me

fNC R¡ISS, r.ÍP,. Clì.ln¡n ot
rlr. D.p¡rlF.ñl ðl Mdlc¡il,
Ul.h¡.I ¡È¡. Hor?ll¡l ¡ñd MdL

WALLS.& BARS, Eugene Víctq.òebs Gene Debs wrote this

have many of -the same yearnings as adults.
We've included serious guidelines to follow.in,rearing
children, and suggestions for what not to do. There aié
pror" and poetryãcerpts, iongs and prayers. The artwoÌk',
blend of d raw ings by ch td ren and p hotographs ol ch il
both u s tra tes th e theme a nd is.an integral part. ol
the Ca en dar The quotation s and graphics together a re a
vital pl ea for à more h u m a n wo rld

book baped on his experiences as a federal prisoner in Atlanta, t
jailed for resisting World War One. It is a good example of the
work of thís great old Socialist, and shows that cônsciousness
of the evils of prisons (which Debs called "poor meir's homes")
is not a new discovery, The books also oþntains an extensive
Debs Bibliography; the book is just the ihing to send as a gift
to your nearest prison library, or friend behind bars. Or yourælf. Ctoth $7.50; paper $2.95.

$2.50.

I
I

I

I
I

aa
understônd that if I'm not 100yo s¡t¡tfirst issue of ENVIRoNMENÍ, I'll lêt i-oú
fi"¿ *itt
^i ten day6 and my payment will be lefundcd
know withi;
in full, or my btll cancelled, t keep lhe l6,uê, of coürr..

GUARANTEE:

I

I-I--------

n ew a nd,:bgtter world.,e cause we beli eve th at

the respons bil ity Íor chi ld ren
with eve ryo fìê, not ,U st with parents, the id eas and
tion we co m pi ed a re from educators, ph ilosophefs,
pa rents, u plai n adu ts-who- remember-what- ¡t -was-l iketo- be-a -ch d, and from chi td ren who demOnstrate rh ey
rests

I

.

enclose

of lhc1975:Pe¡ce Calend¡r

'

:

fWW SONG BOOK 34th Edition. How manyither song
books do you know of that were specifically published'ito
fan the flames of discontent?" Here it is,.with the famous
red cover. 64 p4ges, paper, $ ,40.

cRrME & CRIMINALS, AN ADDRESS TO THE PRISONERS
OF THE COOK COUNTY JAIL, Clarence Danow. A famous
radical lawyer's radical manifesto, delive¡ed td¡a prison audi
ence in 1902. Another must fo¡ prrson libraries, prisonerg
everybody. 48 Pages' $ 1.00.
Postage and Handling- 25d.

6l C.nh..

AffiISTN sP¡UAUS, D.S.,
t [ôr, Wodrôr WIF¡ lñ¡.üh.l C.¡br fo' kholt'..
ÐWÆD L.lAM, lh.D,, PÞ
h.F , lb t4¡.f.k¡ Unlv.i'lry;
þhl brn¡t .

rt we allow children to deveiop as free from our prejudgments as possible, they might just be able to create a,

great early gtruggles has been updated with a concise account
of the strike, the American Railway Union wþich called it,
and the conspiracy trial of Gene Debs, the movement's
pivotal frgure. Ctoth $7.95; paper

ENVIRONMENT.

This year's Calendar,'"Where Am I Going?" offers some'
hts on the reari.ng of freê children. lt sùggests that

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF MOTHER JOÑES. WhO dOESN,t
get a thrill reading about this amazing womàn 1vho, at the
age of 68, led a thousand miners'wives across mountains at
night to turn loose the mine mules and help win an important
miner's strike? She defied armed anti.'union thugs in Color¿do
at 83, and lived to tell the stary. This is her story, in her own
words, one no'politically conscious woman (o¡ malÐ dare
miss Ooth $?.50; paper $3.50.

THE PULLMAN STRIKE, Ra¿ htíllíam H Cqrwørdíne Fjtrst
published in 1894 during the famous st¡ike of the title, this
indictment of the conditions which sparked one of labor's

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