Win Magazine Volume 10 Number 4

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beneath the requirements of the genre. It
was the only one out of that whole batch
of books that folks were writing that had
any human agony of a genuine nature. One
of the characteristics of true art is that it
.conveys sufering. Congratulations.
Diá not have any guns in it that I recall
You can be a smallholder defending his ''
land-whict¡heloves It is a very American
optior¡ if old-fashioned. But it is not

thetn\whereverthey go (perfectly legal here,
handguns or whbtnot, so:long as it's eíther
unconc%led'or unlæded") If this sounds
líke a Hollywood western, f¡ìends, well yes,
.. it øn be like that sometimes. But -we certaínly wouldn't.øcchange it agoin for what
you lç¡te to. put up with in New York, Chicago
or whèreven

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radical You support with that gur¡ also,
the protection of owned property form
the desires of the property'less at all levels
If your action does not build toward the
abolition of the private ownership of pro-'
ductive ptoperty (land or machirîb) it is,
by definition, not radical action.
You are f¡ee to abandon pacifism as a
relþion; but not the realization that in a'
society of guns we a¡e ruled by those witli

more guns,
If we are not to begin now to build the
society of no gung then when do you suggest? We have very little time Oq to be
realistic, we can not do it h the time remaining before catastrophê. lVe will have
to do it after catastrophe.
That's why all the little survival'units,
like yourg scattered across the country,
are so importanl They are the revolution.
That's why it hurts me to see one of them
pick up the
-ERIC WEINBERGER
.:lV. Newton, Mass.
THE AWHOR RESPONDS:

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On rinding my owh píece over, I was
awaretnostof allof wltsf ldidn't say,and
how sloppíl!'I worded alhøst everyth¡ng
I did. The origiral was half agaín as long;
' I approved the drastic last-ìninute cuts, ønd
so can't blame Maris or onyone else, but
realize now that they node next to nonsense

a)

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LETTERS
Paul Johnson makes the point (WIN,
12120173\ that refusal to do personal harm to anyone has very little to do
with the need for nonviolent world change.
He brings up the what-iÊsomeono-we¡Þ
raping:your-wife question that us peaceniks
have heard from every little audience (on
Peace Walks, etc.) that eve¡ came to hear
oui strange doctrine"

Sittinln,

Best answet

I

ever managed

with it was:

What if it were your brother or best friend
that was the rapist? You would, of course,
perhapq be concerned about both parties
if you held affection for eaclL That ig whatever I did, which would depend on exactly
what was happening, I hoped I would act in
such a way as to injure no one. Not take
advantage of the licence to do bodily harm
that the law provides in ce¡tain situations'
Not get angry. Anger, I would say in those
dayg never helped at all-in any given
situation I can do better if I am not angry.
Very violent men usually know that too;
a calm exterior'at all ti¡nes. Very often up

tight inside, How we'50s pacifists were.
Still, we always made our tactical suggee
tions: Unilateral Disarmametn-Complete
Withdrawal, and pointed out that these
would only be to behave sensibly. That
you didn't have to be a pacifist to be in

2

WIN

separate matter. Tölstoyan Pacifism-a nar-

tow sect that believes itself in possession
of the true way-the only true way.
It is not that one goes limp. Going limp
is the barest beginning to get the policg
or whoever, to stop beating on your head.
It is the talking that you do that counts-the
struggle to be heard, speaking quietly to

folkq speaking.sensibly and. in friendliness Knowing that the worst those who
misunderstood me could do was kill me-that
there were far worse things I would be doing
to myself if I cooperated with injustice,
surrendered the right to say and do what I
thought was righl lf'your conscience de

angry

loose

it-it

kill thei¡ own as we!o.
But a ûst is not a gun Not that I chal'
lenge the rþht of others to carry guns,.to

i¿

defend themselves In the Civil Rights South
of the early'60g our hostq in whose homes
we stayed, often had (almost always had)

suns
"---Feople "believe that gcvetnmentg with
their armies and police forces, a¡e a necqssaly
evil" not becausè pacifists get theù heads
beaien in but because the family structuring
they endured has built a neçd for authority
intó their heads Whethe¡ you and I shoot.
back or not we will not change this pattern.
Any plan for a better society based on

"oaóifism as a majority position" within

a reasonable length of timÞ (that is to say,
before the end of the world fro¡h induv
trial disease) is not a practical way to go
mands it, said we, refuse to pay taxes for
about gbtting to the sort of society that
war. (We thought the first five words would
I think we both have in mind'
keep us out ofjail by stressing the religious
You say, Paul that the anarchist side
approach-we were, I thinlç scared to prç
of vour pacifism has won out over the non'
sent a radical program. Staff tended not alvioient side. You have, indeed, become '
ways to mention its own political views-to
more anarchist, but not in the ways thât
speak down to an audience assumed to be
vou list-it is nothing to do with guns. You
less politicalty sophisticated.)
ive in founded, an autonomous community
So the emphasis was always yor¡r peÌin New Mexico", that's a very
'komeíhere
sonal decision (ala Billy Graham) to break
anarchist thing to do- I don't know at all
laws that required one to do harm to your
how many folks there are there now' Heard
brother. Tô go in armies or pay for guns,
growing pains of a few
- many stoiies of the
bk.
read
aqo.
veius
Yr
These days I do get angrY. AccePt
" e vãry anarchist bk' I thought I could
Goodman's pacifism with fistfights The idea
clear
see your character and its changes
but
to
is not to deny the animal nature,

ll:

Musings

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Leoh Fritz

öf my entÙe aryument

Energy Crisis Hits Rock Music. . . .

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.. Brion Doherty

J tn* u,_as not nearly

enough to begin to
penetrate ø subject on'whích almost every
one ís so.vehemently and inatiotølly pro
or coh, but without thút cection, my single
bald reference to "the sarcr.øl.loaded guns .
we keep ín out home" w.itg þortñd to mls
lead completeily. Our guns are prímarily

8

Lorry Bensky

Partial'Victory for thp,Peace

.

Movement. .:.:..
Michael Klare
, "'.

møt-ûrakingtoolsl-for:huntingand,¡!,

took ìne quite a while to be perswded to
this posÍtíon, but think for a mínute: it:s -

to Brad Lyttle.

.1.2

Battle for Thai Democracy: A Student

Account.
FBI Plot Against the Left.

,,..14

Leader's
.- -'

tal physícal violence (muggers, burglars, etc) 'suie; but both statistically and actwlly,
that I rholght I had gone to cufficient pains
any motor vehícle or farm equipment oi
to dístínguísh as one of the reasons why
;hotnè warkshop machínery is more so. We
\llhot
unte¡uble.
so
frnd urban acßtence
"lall know how to landle, load, and fire
mqtnt, when I saíd "I'd very simply shoot
eveiy gun we havq ønd where øch ønd its
the bastard," wos the clørgÍng'rhino sort
ammunition ß kept, In answer to Mark's
oî sítwtion: '1tery sìmply" because it would queries, we haven't yet, ønd sÍncerely hope
necesvrily be nowor-never (sonow nad
we nevet have to shoot any human being,
the sløkes come afrerwatds), and "bar'
but we|ølíze tlut situotions without altertard" because such termg come rutumlly
iatlves short of very weirious høm to our-I
to my lips ín moments of considerable
But
mind
I
hød
ín
those
stresg such as
'Ã"few words concernìng the edítoríal
"bastards" ore people too, to me, as are
machos (an epíthet, I'ue found, you don't
not .on ".the..martial ørts" as aù "effective
ilìng around loosely ¡f you've eve! encoun'
ansulter* to persorul aftaclæ: I'm sure it
taed the genuíne artidq unless you're the
pigsand
anyone
type who ølso ølls cops
who disogrees w¡th You ¿ fascist).
If it's merely a questian of some poor
iunky after tr,y tiloney (luh!), my TV set
violent or nonviolent, The real, continuing
(double høh!), or my virtue (?l?), I grant
function of such wøpons or abilities is not
yott, there's uswlly plenty of room to
to go around trashing mwgers and other
øcercíse itrugírutíon ønd compassion; not
bad gpys right and lefr, like an oldfashioned
so with some bersqker who sees only a
comlcgtríp hero; it's to make such attacks
handy sunogate enemy to wreak his ißtnøt
hot hàppen at alL Just as lear, ínsecurity,
veng&nce upotl
u,nd indecision duríng ußti seem to attrøct
lile live ín an area with somewlut less
añil ømplify the potentíolvíolence in o.thers,
tlan five people per sqwue m¡le, and nobody's so selÍ-confrdence (the real thing, not
anonymous, although, assuredly, not everyiust cockiness) repels and diminishes it. In
one is frÍendly. The comtnonest felony
olher words, peoplewho truly know they
prosecuted ß probably homicidø while ìntox- cgn take care of themselves somehow,
¡cated, and the stÍffest sentences for it that,
wløtever the circumstances, almost inI've høtd of are twùto-three yeers, mostly
variably don't g¿t attcked in the first place
_PAUL IOHNSON
uwented. Every famlly hos at least one gun,
and a lot íf not most folks take one with
Algunlugar, NM

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¿NS

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Changes.
Reviews.

Cover: Photo from

A Time to be Born

by Brian Vachon, photographed by Jack
and Betty

Cheetham.

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STAFF .-. ",-

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-¡t

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marls cakôrs, €dltof

susan cakaß, cdltorlal asslstånt
maity J€zar, cdltoÍål âs3lstant
nancy Johnson, dcslgn

mrry mayo. subrcflptlons

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su3ån .plnes,

composltlon

martha thomascar cdltorlal asslstant

'selvbg.canoccur ... ,

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Nonviolence in-the Mid EaÏt: neplies

sløughteríng our own slock; and we keep
them l:oaded because a) what good's an
empty gan when therels.q høwk or a weasel
ín lûe chíckenyard, andtmore importantly,
b) tlut's the safest way to keep them It

,

is a gentle, clever beast.

Animals do not

on Man and Hls Gods.

eíther the gun tlat tws thought to be empty,
My ittitiàl reaction to the letlers
or the head that was empty, tlait blows
(1/17/74) inresponse to my truncaled
accidental.,holes in people So, treot every
"
polemic ror "s¡ttin' In" (12120173) ís stiu
gun as always loaded (and don't try to kíd
worlds
dífferent
the strongest: what totally
yourself tlat you will" íÍ it usuaþ ísn't),
we do líve ín, you and I. Everyone, accent
and also.stay clur of ierks yho. don't do
.Mørk Mor¡is, notut. ølly assumed I w¿s-tslking' this (e.g., out of woods full of city hunters
inciden'
the
ønonymous,
øbovt
the
while
ail
in deer season). Gunsarle planty dangerous,

o

VoliX, No.4

Thinkihg Like'a Woman,

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Just Íor ínstance, I ended with perhaps
. 300 words on guns thernselves. Admìttedly,

gun

favor of an end to this (whatever) war of
ârmament.
But Pau! the need to point this out
does not make us change our relþion A

Februarytz,19i4

FELLOW TRAVELÊRS
lance bolvllle + lynne colfln + dlåna davl€s
,ruth dè.r + rålph dlg¡a + prul onclmor + chuck
lagêi + seth foldy + jlm forost + mlke franlch
leah lrltz + larry gaia +'ncll haworth + b.cky
+ paul

êlndJt

lohnson + alllson karpêl + cr.¡g

tqnt + pctcr klgor

+ alGx knopp¡

¡ohn kyper + dorothy lano + robi¡l larsen
elllot llñzer + Jâckson maclow + iullej. maaS
devld mcraynolds + gêne maehan + mark morrls
lgel rood€nko + wcndy 3chwartz + mike ståmJí
brlen wêster

box

547 difton

new york
telephone 914 339-4585

12471

wlN l¡ publ¡3h.d wackty

cxcapt fof thG lif3t
two wtrk3 ln Jenuary, znd wcak'ln May, l¿¡t 4
wark¡ ln August, ¡nd tha tart wGak in octobar
by lha WIN Pubilshing Emglfo wlth tha ¡uppoTt

ol tha War Ra3l¡t.rs Laåguâ. SubtcrtÞtion¡ ara
¡7.0O par y..r. S.cond cl.¡¡ po¡t.g. at N.w
York. N.Y, lOOOI. tncilvldu.t wrtt.r3 r7. r..

lor oplniont axprar5rd ¡nd accurtcy
of tacts givan. Sorry-menutcrlpt3 c¡nnot bà
ratufnad untaS¡ .ccompanlad by a 3.tt-ad
drctrad rtåmpcd cnvctopc. prtntad In U.s.A.
¡Oon3lblc

WIN 3

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Thinkine L¡ke
a\A/orr-ìän, ll:
Mu $ngs on Man
a

and HisCods

lry Leah tritz
early in rhe'60s, I paid to attenììô¿qure uv
LeRoy Jones. He spewed froth all the venom which
had collected in his soul from a long crgel history
of white villifications toward blacks. Everybody who
was there listened with respect and took his pain to
heart. Whites on the left have been spoken to forthrightlY by blacks, and the response hæ generally
been one of increased respect and empathy. Radical
white men do not speak of the black movement for
freedom as "Black Lib." Minstrel shows have ended
and you would probably have to read a KKK magazine to find any cartoons making fun of full lips and
kinky hair. Black people are no longer a joke in
America-however far they still may be from achieving full liberation.
t "'"Á
f.;;;;"n-t .u. now arrived at thei kind of
consciousness which moved Fannie Lou Hamer to
say for her black comrades, "l am sick and tired of
being sìck and tired." We are hurt and, yes, angry.

On"",

We have been abused for thousands of years by men
of all races, nationalities and religions. We have been
abused consciously by evil men and unconsciously
by good men.
It is the good men I am trying to reach with these
essays, lust as it was the good whites Jones and others
fairly successful ly moved.
ln order to change their way offeeling things, good

people must accept responsibility for the evil they
have done and continue to do. There is little point in
rushing to make amends out of half-perceived guilt.
The result of such impetuous, guilt-allaying action is
to expect immediate gratitude and to be dismayed

when it isn't forthcoming.
Women wíll be angry at men for a long time to
come, and the anger is likely to increase as the bones
are thrown to us, because what we are getting is very
little and very late.

Some men are now ready to give us half, or al'
most half, the pie. This is a step in the right direction,
but it is important for men to see that they have
made the whole pie rotten, and it is not their pie
that we want but our own. For their sake as well as
ours, I reiterate, women must be allowed-no, beggedto make a new pie. To organize society anew. To use'
our genius for socializing and domesticating to make
the world positively peaceful, positively liveable. lt.
is time for the arts of womankind to flourish and
for men as well as women to erlrich themselves by
.

these arts.
We have too long been included in and confused by

the generic term "man," as in "All men are created
equal," and "Man's inhumanity to man." We can see

from the original Constitution of the United States
that the genãr'ic term wasn't meant to include either
women or other oppressed groups. And I do not accept responsibility for "Man's inhumanity to manr"
although I am obviously included in the victim end
of that phrase. But perhaps not. Men have been so
blinded to the existence of women as a part of what
they call humanity that they may not consider it of
any real importance that man has also been "inhuman" to women.
But how, anyway, can man be "inhuman"? By
man's own definition, to be human is to be a man,

and to be a man is to be human. Who but man has
invented and perpetrated such evils as mass murders,
castrations, gas cirambers, electric chairs, "Chinese"

tortures. ráift. antisemítism, witch burnings, "an
eye'for ân eye,'; rape, taboos regarding homosexuality,
hypocritical'liws agaínst prostitution, money, fame,
cóm

petitio n, tyra n-ny, wars,

gu ns, b.o mb s,
.revo

tornt"r-tevoluiions,'power, coup d'etats,

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utio ns,

brain-' I

washing, harems, slavery, armies-r footb.all, boxing,

wrestliñg, fraternal initiaiions? Rorely have they con'

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sulted women. The n:ime llsa Koch comes to minduìi li t}tã rtory about her true or apocryphal? And
while the tale of her lampshades is certainly obscene,
she did not order the deaths of the people whose
corpses she made use of.
Men are very quick to point to the opgosite ¡ide
the
coin. In defense of the accomþlishments of
of
tyranny Harry Lime says in the movie The Third '
Man, útatduiins four-hundred years of democraoy,
Swiízerland onl! produced the coo-coo clock. But
of course, durinl ihe inquisition we had Michelangelo
and Leonãrdo añd Galileo, and just before the holocaust, Freud and Marx and Einstein..The names of
the bónign geniuses women must conjure-w¡th-not
least in i-mpãrtance Jesus and Moses and Thoreau and
Ghandi! More: Shakespeare, Rembrandt, Beethovetr,
Einstein. Ozu. . . all of them men! How riichly they
have added to my pleasure and understaåding. lheír
names are forever engraved on my consciousness,
these men who rose to greatness on the backs of
slaves. You say many of these men never had slaves?
But thev all had womeR to clean for them and cook
for them and relieve th'em of drudgery'
ln my own family, one grandfather was a poet,
the other a scholar, my father an architect, two of
his brothers laivyeis. Éis s¡ster? An eccentric! f think
of the rabbi of my childhood, immaculate in-the'þulpit among the men, while I sat upstairs in.thê women's
balcony, ãlutching the",þrayer-book I had been¿ward-ed
from hii hands for good work in Hebrew studies. How
cruel was that kindly manl How brutal that,religion
which taught me iustice, ch4rity, dissent and martyr'
dom-and-how to cook chicken soup. These men oJ
wisdom who encouraged and diicouraged me with
the same gesture!
. And still I am encouraged andd.enipd. Still I wait
'
judgement teh5ely, apprehensively from men who
barãly acknowledge my existence, while they.glory
in théir own. Mên whose perceptions, sensitivity, in'
telligence are often clearly inferior to mine, according
to tñeir own hierarchical standards. Menl'vho, before
my full indictment is written, call me castrating paranoid, hyster¡cal-epithets they never laid on LeRoy

the modern story of Sojourner Truth who used her
wits to lead her people out of slavery. I prefer So
journer Truth to John Brown, who wound up get:'
ting everybody killed.
' i am not uÁmindful that in this man's world ¡isks .
must be taken for the sake of survival ind a'life that's
,worth living. But martyrdom, likç war, argues tp me
a lack of mental agility. lf the tryant'l game is throw
ing Christians to the lions, avoid playing that game.
' : 'i.
Bãcause the next gur. ríll be Chfistians burnin$

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lews and witches.
Am I saying that many men and women have died
in vain for men's sacred causes? Yes, I am saying that.
Many parents learned belatedly that their sons died
in Vietnam for an evil reason. Thís knowledge is hard
to take. But there may be not good reason to die for
. any man's cause. Or for.,any woman's.
- :' .l mourn the death of Martin Luther King, but it
was not his death that made him good in-my eyes. lt
is the poetry of his and Coretta King's life, tþeir love
and concern for people, their wisdom which led them
never:tó end.ççimmunication with the tyrants, to '
walk in dingity for a more loving world and to turn
marches baõk when it looked as if martyrdom would
be the end. The 6lessed motherly feéting for chilüren
they had, leading them into jail but being ever so care
ful îor tñem theie, And leading them out again safg'
iy. His death was another blot on man's record, but
no more a glory to him than the casual, everyday
slaughter oi many black people in this country is.a
glory to thern;'or all 'the murders of innocent women
ãt tÉe hands óf outraged "lovers," on abortionist's

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fones.
As it happens, I did not need the synagogue to
teach me charity and martyrdom, my mother exem'
plified them both. Only the more lurÌd acts of mosochism are leorned from religion. lncapable of simple
womanly gentleness and patience, our religioue'fathers require starvation, sexual abstinence, "tur¡ingthe other cheek," self-flagellation-a whole galaxy of
melodramatic self-denials.
There is one biblical horror story that I've never
been able to shake from rny mind. Maybe it is'the
essence of all female victimization by male religions.
Truly I don't know.what psychological 'significance
it has for me, but it'was ono which left me murmuring
to myself as a child "Why? Why?" and I have.never
discovered a satisfactory answer. lt's the storf-lof
"
Hannah who sacrificed seven children rather thdn
have them kneel before a "false" god. Thep, when
she begged to be killed herself, the king posþoned
her muider for a day out of some perverse sense of
ttkindness.t'
Now why the hell did she care which gods her
children knelt to? What slave mental¡ty drove her to
such martyrd om for ony master? What good did that
demanding jealous lehovah ever do for þer? I prefer

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filthy operating tables or in the thousands of rapÈ

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at all costs.

And Coretta-what has become of Coretta? Her
gentle work goes on in the south. From time to t¡me
there is an appeal, one of those horrid direct mail
things without which I suppose no work of chaiity'
can get along in this man's world. She continues
where "her husband left off'-but Coretta was always
actively there! Corett¿ with her own beautiful identity working for peace. Coretta with more charm than
Abernathy, more modesty than Martin, and a family
to raise. Coretta believing, perhaps, in a certain aspect
of Christianity but offering up no more martyrs.
Coretta without the " Rev." in front of her name.
I am rambling on emotionally here, because I want
to reach feelings. I want men to understand what

mended. But we can no longer rely on "exceptíons"

as leaders.

The world is too frenêtic under men's rule, too
full of constipation and violent catharses. Too full of
angles, too lacking in curves. Too erratic with $enius,

too wanting in sense. Too worshipful of lightning,
too unappreciative of mists.
Man has outstripped the thunderbolt w¡th his
weaponry and women are weary of the gods. A
strange thing is happening in our movement. We are

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the.pompousness of men and their gods?
I am suddenly shaken, myself, with a k¡nd of wild.

heretical laughter which i could only confide in an
anarchistic magazine. lt's a kind of sick joke, but

for so long he won't mind. lt's
just the image of
Jesus' last gasp to the monster he
created: "God, why hast thou forsaken me?" And
Mary, knowing full well, waiting patiently to t¿ke
Jesus has been dead

her mad son down.
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6 WI N

Leah Fritz thanks all the people who responded so
encourogingly to her last article,

.fh" ,""ord

USI

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conglomer4te, ur" pluìníne on using the

highly touted "energy çrisis" as a re.4son for an".across
thè board, dollar a record price hike. Albums that
now list at $S.gA will list at $6.98 at most companies
within a few months. Columbia and Capitol lead the
way during the peak record sèason in Decembe¡ with
strong artiits, Dylan, Sant¿na and Ringo Starr, all
marked up to the new Price.
Most Americans have come to the realization that
there is no shortage of petroleum, which the reibrd
companies use as a base for vinyl. Profits in every oil
company were up last quarter while, accordin$to.the
l4loshingion Pos[ some oil companies wgre actually
exporting oil overseas as the American frice wenJ up
as a result of the shortage. The big record moguli decided to go along with the planned scarcity created
by' the oil iirdustry to increase a few people's profits.
ln the record compânies as well as the oil companies, they har,dly need to increase profits. Capitol
iecords, one of the first companies to increase the
list price to $6.98, has reported that its profits.for
the last three months of 1973 were an indecent 608%.
They can only be expected to increase with {he new
markup.
The "vinyl shortage" promoted in tandem Ùy thebig oil companies and the record conglomerates is a
textbook example of how r¡onopoly capitalism works.
It isn't just the oil companirls, or thp record companies, or even Nixon who is screwing ûs over. lt is thé
monied interests in general.
Six months ago, before thg newspapers were filled
'{vith stories of 1'shortages" of gasbline and toilet
paper, they were full of stories about the wgakness
bf Ïné nmãr¡can dollar, particularly when cbmpared
to the hard cuirencies of the world, like the German
mark and the Japanese yen. Today, with,lhe Rockefeller money people (David Rockefeller at Chase
Manhatten) acting in concert with the Rockefeller
oil people (Søndard Oil), the world oil "crisis" has
hit two countries even harder than it has hit the
United States. Which two countries? You guessed it.
The value of German and Japanese currency has
dropped due to the unavailability of oil while,' a\tlre,
same time, the value of the American dollar hgs.risen.
And so we see how the Americán monopoly capitalist
system works. lnstead of producinþ for need, itþper"
ates with planned scarcity as the motivating qçgnomic
force. ln the case of the record industry, the planned
scarcity of vinyl's petroleum base is used as the reason
for raising the price of records.
All of this sets orìe thinking about th,e. necessity of
an economy based on planned surplus rather than
planned scarcity. Nothing at this point in time, could
seem more logical. A real, American movemenf for a
democratic socialist economy could begin with a "
drive for nationalization of the oil companies.
lmaglne. An economy where artists are'treatpd as
people, not commodities, and products are produced
and priced according to surplus and need.
ln the music business, anti-profit record stores are
springing up all over tþe country. And a significant
dent is being made at the point of production by
Rounder records, 185 Willow Avenue, Somervill, Mass.
.

Joseph Conrad called "the horror" ofthe world they
have made and perpetuate. That some men afe able
to evade the worst evils of a gruesome tradition of
murder and victims and spurious glory is to be com-

z

a

ENERqy CRrsts

murders whích occur each year are a glory to these
women. He didn't seek deaih to prové he'was some
kind of a saint, and death could not ennoble a life
which was already noble. His death, if anything
brought on a kind of bloodlust he wouid have avoided

growing softer and more sensitive. We are enjoying
each other's company, the womanly talk which has
not been drowned out by all your media. We are not
making rules or, working ouü heavy tact¡cs for taking
over power. We are simply making friends, sym- .
pathizing with each other's problems, helping each
other to cope. We take heart in.the knowledge that
we are, after all, a majority, and it may be enough in
the beginning to smíle knowingly to one another in
the presence of men.
As Bob Dylan sang in such a different context,
"You don't know what is happening, do you, Mr.
Jones?" lf men will not acknòwlea!ã us ás people,
that disturbance may simply be obviated by our own
acknowledgment of each other. We have resurrected
the old grapeving the kaffeeklatch and, in some cases,
the sewing circle. Powerful forces, thesg not to be
taken lightly. We will not penetrate with lightning
thrusts but infiltrate as ¡nist reaches bone. Some õf
us will retrieve mystery and the secret knowledge of
women which often reveals itself not in tears but in
a case of the giggles. After all, what is funnier than

.T

:7

¡¡l
l¡J

ct

o
o

o

Collectively run and anti-profit, Rounder has produced
about 30 albums, most of which other companies
would not produce. The basic royalty for the artist
is 50% per album, compared to the 2'5% agreement
for most of the artists on the conglomerate labels.
. Thé Rounder collective, which is an IWW shop, says
¡ that they are "trying to show that worker control can
be a producti.ve reality and a true alternative to the
capitalistii organization of work."
While the Rounder collective treats its artiits well,
big companies,like Columbia continue to put the
dollar sign ahead of art. To punish Dylan for signing
with a competing company (Warner'Elektra'Atlantic's
Asylum), Columbia records recently released somq of
his more mediocre stuff-songs that didn't even make
it onSelf-Portralf, one of his worst albums. The art'
ist's wish rìot to have the songs released was not taken
into account-only the stakes in the corporate power
game mattere¿ioy'lan þä-came, ironically, a "pawn

in their game."
But, in the lg¡rg¡iùn, the record buyers are always

the paWns.

..

Andîöbödywifis.; '.,"

Ëxoeipf, of eourse, the big money

,

'.,

people.

"')

Brian DohertY

CONTACT:
Bread and Roses Collective, 1734

20th

Dupont Circle, Columbia (DC)20009, for information about starting an anti-capitalist iecord
N,W,

store.

Brion Doherty is o memb:er of the Breod and Roses
Collective, a non-profrt record store in lüashington,
DC.

wtN

7

Ilflarfln LuúherKtng Cenúer Rtstng ln Aflanta
ATLANTA-Two days before what would

have been

Martin Luther King, Jr.'s 45th birthday, Eugene
Duffy, a Morehouse College sophomore and student
trustee, sounded the alarm at a campus rally:
"lt's become very fashionable to say that the student movcment is dead. . . and when they asked me
how many buses to order to go to rally for the memory of Dr. King, I said maybe ten. And they said
can't you even try 20, it's only 800 people. And I
said, sadly to say, that's all. But if they were giving
out free tickets to the benefit concert with Sly and
the O'Jays and Albert King, how many buses would
we need? Maybe 50? And if they were giving out
free wged and wine, how many buses would they
need?"

Duffy talked about student indifference, the concept of education for "me". He wondered why there
were so many rapes at Atlanta University-what had
divided the community, and alienated it from its upwardly mobile youth?
"Students from AU fought and died downtown for
our rights to vote and go where we wanted: if we were
fighting and dying now, how many would be sitting in
the dorms drinking wine and playing cards? When Dr.
King was here, obviously he didn't pursue a degree
just for'me'. When Dr. King was here he must have
had in his mind, obviously, that he was going to help
who he can, when he can, where he can, not ask how
much can I get out of it. Where is the legacy Dr. King
left with us, the *ud"llt*

*

*

ln the dizzy rootlessness of America, few people
are buried within a hundred yards of their places of
birth and work. Martin Luther King, .f r. is one of
those people.
The King family wasri't, and isn't, poor-but their
wealth was relative. And the political influence of being a comfortable black family in Atlanta was, until recent years, nil. Which is a way of saying that his
neighborhood, once the center of the black community and its small professional class, n^ ., edges on oblivion. His birthplace on Auburn Aven- a rambling
wooden post-Victorian house, stands

ern,

A block

away, only the Martin Luther King Souve,. and Refreshment Center in a low brick structure, and Lynch's
Barbecue, remain, along with a truck parking lot, on
two square blocks where his childhood friends lived.
. As you move downtown on Auburn Avenue, past
King's solitary grave and the plain brick Ebenezer

Baptist Church (founded by his grandfather and pastored since then only by his father, brother, and himself) you pass through the'center of Atlanta. lt's not
very different from the main streets of many other
black disiricts ín America. Demolished wastelands
awaiting promised "redevelopment" surround a few
speculative structures: single housing towers here and
there, a church-financed medical building the par-

tially realized accomplishments of unplanned

spec-

ulation, public and private, that have uprooted thou-

of poor people.
Then comes the inevitable expressway, high above
the remaining homes and stores, carrying its morning
and evening crowds of solitary white males in big cars
sands

8 WIN

Trustees featuring such Freedom Fìghters as Edmund
Muskie, Whitney Young (posthumous), Jacqueline

through polluted air to the all-white suburbs from
their downtown 'office towers.
Where Auburn Avenue, symbolic main street of.a
black community now mostly dispersed further south
and west, meets Peachtree Street, symbolic main
street of the south's financial capital, there's a small
city-block size park. There are no trees and no bemhes
in the park: people have a way of congregating where
there's shelter and comfort, and those who would
come here, so close to Dr. King's Auburn Avenue, are
black, jobless, and in many cases hopeless. They aren't
welcome; the "new" Atlanta, like the old, is an American city, a machine for making monev. Martin Luiher
King Jr. knew about Southern-c¡ties, ór course, ãnd
their way of hiding their hopeless. And he knew the
power of economic reprisal, as he knew the mentality
of hopelessness. The March on Washington in 1963
was for "jobs and freedom", not a march for the
handouts and abstractions of the "new" Atlanta.
lf he were alive today, would Dr. King lead a
march to this barren park, would he use the responsive litany which Jesse Jackson has in his Chicago
services, "l am. . .somebody. . .l may be poor. . .l
may be on welfare. . .but I am. . .somebody. . .,' Ahd
I have a right to r't,r
my home rown. . .

Kennedy Onassis, Edward Brooke, Hubert Humphrey,

'and Edward Kennedy.

{< 't * t'
Jesse Jackson

only be called

tion¡st and former Georgia govefnor Lester Maddox

is

given a good chance of succeediàg Governor
Jimmy

Carter, a liberal by southern stanðards. Carteí decláred '
January 15 Martin Luther King, Jr. day in Georgia-a
proclamation with no legal effect, the legislature having refused to make the day an offcial nôliaay. Maddox,
'
his alter ego, recently denounced Carter's plan to hang
a portrait of King in the State Capitol. "You might as
well hang a picture of Gus Hall in there," Maddox
said.

Thus the strategy behind the proposed King center seems to be: keep its purposes vague, the financing
impressively large, the big names involved. That way,
Lester Maddox or no Lester Maddox (and there's one
like hím in every hamlet in the soùth, waiting to rise
again) black people will never again have to rely on'
the mortal godhead of a Martin Luther King Jr. to
obtain elementary decency. The center would be a
think tank-action center, backed by a Board of

,

¿È

seems

isn't on the Board of Trustees.

.

executions.

,

Jackson, Williams, and to some extent, Ralph
Abernathy and the stilf active SCLC, aren't part of
the Ten Million Dollar strategy, though they were
close associates of Dr.King in his struggles. Their
absence indicates the dangerous presumption that
the blacks running it won't sell out too far (King as
early as Selma in 1965, had begun to kid Reverend,
now Congressman, Andrew Young for his "Tom"
willingness to conciliate prgmaturely. Young, along
with King's widow, is the main advocate of úhe Cen.

ter.)

mrlron dollar center behave as if these are fr:agile
and reversib-le, and they may be right. Rabid iegrega-

;

Neither, more significantly, is Hosea Williams, who
recently ran against Atlanta's new black establishment fór City Council president. He camþaigned
against continued racial discrimindtion in downtown
aãd suburban shopping cenær emþloyment, and
racism in the Atlanta [olice-fourieéñ black peóple,
most of them unarmed, were killed by police hçre
last year, some of them in circumstances that can

ln".olrlin
The sixth posthumous birthday cetebration for
Martin Luther King, Jr. was designed to publicize the
proposed Martin Luther King, Jr. Center for Social
Change, to be built where the souvenir stand, barbecue shack, and truck parking lot surround Ebenezer
Baptist Church. The Center's proposed budget is ten
million dollars. lt will include some commuñity facilities: a nursing home, baseball field, small park,
and community center. Mostly, however, it is to be a
"memorial" where ¡'writers, candidates for advanced.
degrees, historians, sociologists, philosophers and
others who wish to study the performance of the
founder of the nonviolent movement for social
change in the United States" can come.
There have, of course, been major changes in the
So.u.th since King died; his associates planning the ten

"

':

:1

than six years from King's bitter conflicts with the
Johnson administration-over the slaughter in Southeast Asia which King courageously denounced,'For
Andrew Young, Maynard .f ackson (Atlantåts slick'
new black mayor), and Coretta King, anotherera

to

have begun. An era fardifferent from

Silence:"

revolutionary times.
men are revolting against old systems of exploitotion qnd oppresslon ond out of the wombs of a
frail world new systems of justicè and equollty are
being born, The shirtless and barefoot people,of
the land are rising up os never before, "The people
who sat in dorkness"have seen 0 grezt l¡ght." We in
-the West must support these revolutións, ,,
-l-atry Bensky
These orê

;

,

"A Time"to . ,^..
.All over the globe ;

one King saw in õne of fril nnal talks,
Break

the

ï

o

wjtk associotes
AprÌ|, 1967 Spring Mobilizotion in New York. Since
1971.

he

KPFA Ín

\

The Ten Million Döllar Strategy also calls for an
exte¡sive workout for the phrase "nonviolence," used
in a way which would almoçt certainly not delight
"the founder" (4.J. Muste et al, forgotten?) of the
nonviolent movement ¡n the United States. Over añd
over again, speakers at the Birthday events repeated
the theme, "Do Something N,ew-Make.Nonviolence
'â Part of You." lnevitably, they-fghored the hard
facts of urban-disease as they asked the 1'criminals"
and "violent in the schools" to make nonviolence a
part of them. Young and Coretta King sermonized a
hundred "business and professional leadqrs" at a downtown bank tower luncheon about nonviolencg conveniently forgetting that those preseht already had
nonviolence under control, since they have others less
scrupled to do their violence for them. The talk of nonviolence, even by Cesar Chavez, who humbly accepted
the Second Annual Martin Luther King, l.r. \lonviolent Peace Prize, neglected the collective natuie gf"
honviolence as a tactic.
A King biographer has written, "The consequence
of Martin's tactic of massive, peaceful confrontátionS
was that it democratized 'the attitudes that had until
then béen held by a special minority." These attitudes,
of course did not become successfully democratized
to assuage the fears of buqinessmen, or for use as a
pacification tactic on the unruly-they were successfully democratized to mob,,::*, change.

tl
lnevitably, there is great disagreement about wliãt
Martin Luther King, Jr. did and didn't acegmplish in
his lifetime, and what he would and wouldn"t be doing had he lived to be forty-five. The debate now
seems more historical than political-the glitter concert and unopposed mass march which were the highlights of this year's birthday celebration seemed more

Brad Lyttle and hís Mart¡n Luther Klng poster and float. Photo by

olana Davies.

WIN 9

t

ì
,t('

members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee and
Senate Foreign Relations Committee who adbpted
the final language of the bill, which forms part of the
offcial record of the Acq it is stated with respect to

.

Section '112 that ". . . it is the intent of Congress that
present programs being cqnducted by the Agency for
lnternational Develoþment in foreign countries should
not'be transfeired to'iome other áþency of the Government in order to avoid this prohibition. The new

,,€T
!,!e¡$,1,.

t{âr:, ,,-.ì,:-:*
tl{tr{lirl.{j
",'.!L#."

.

'

,.t,,"r:
',æ.i.:d...1

.-i--*-

¡å".
G*.'- .---.¿.: ;-**--**-

.

'

language is meant to phase out such programs ffnanced
hereunder and the objective should not be circumvented by using other funds for this pur.pose." (This
fintent of Congress' statement dops not have the force
of law, but would be critical in any litigation arising
from the Government's failure to comply with terms

--,. ....æ

illriii,ffit_t*
tttuft$,,i.,lil
.; ;,, Il.-,
..Trfi
*,*:¡'rl"rli,¡'
?,r

fn u r"ri"rof

unpublicized decisions, the U.S. Con- :,
voted in November and December,lp73 to abolish U.S. police training programs in foreign countries
and to prohibitany form of assistance to the South
Vietnamese police and prison system-including computer services and training at the lnternational Þolice
gress

;

PantÍal
VÍetony
Íon the
Peace

frJovement
hytichael Klane

Acldemy (lPA) ¡n Washingron, DC.
The Public Safety program of the US Agency for
.lnternational
Developmenr (USAID) has cõndutted
police assistance programs in Latin America and other:
Third World areas since the mid-1950's. Such aid has
consisted.of outright grants of police and paramilitary
hardware)jeeps, helicopters, small arms, riot gasses, .
.pd!gl, goTputerE.etc.), "in-country" irainirig Uy ûS

"Public Safety.Advisors" stationed in each ttrlr¿'
World country, and advanced training at tpA and

other p_olice schools ín the United States. According
to US Government documents, USAID spending on
this effort totalled $308 million between 1 gíl ãn¿
"1972.Worldwide attention was first focused on this
program with the kidnapping of Public Safety Advisol.
Dan Mitríone by Uruguay's Tupamaro guerriílas in
197Q and the subsequent dramatization ofthe event
in Costa-Gavrlsl film, State of Siege. public outrage
at the coup of Chile and at President Thieu's failule
to release 200,000 political prisoners held in South
Vietnamese jails and prisons has added to the drive to
abolish the Public Safety program. tn response to
spirited lobbying by peace and social iustice orgarfza:5
tions (including lndochina Peace Campaign, Womens
lnternational League for Peace and Freedãm the.American Friends Service Comm¡ttee) several Congressmen
agreed to sponsor bills calling for the abolitión of the
Public.Safety program. Although USAID campaigned
intensively against adoption of these measures, most
.

of the Act itself.)
The Foreign Assistance Appropriotion¿\ct for Fiscal
Year'1974, passed i4 late December, places further
constraints on US aid to the South Vietnamese police
t'None '
apparatus. Section 'l î 2 was amended to state:
pursuant
of the funds appropriated or made available
to this Act, and no lôcal currencies generated as à re
sult of assistance furnished under this Act, may be
used for the support of police, or prison construction
and administration within South Vietnam, for train'
ing including computer training of South Vietnamese
with respect to police, criminal, or prison nnatters, or
for computers, or computer parts for use for South
Vietnanr with respect to police, criminal, or þrison
.matters." This amendment, introduced by Senator
Hatfield, extends the prdhibition ori police aid voted
in the earlier Act of include training of South Viet'
namese police personnel at IPA arld other US police
schools,'and to cover computer services. (A US computer firm, Computer Sciences Co¡Poration of Los
..... Angeles, now holds Defense Dopartment contracts to
provide computer sprvices including training for the
National Police.)
South
' TheVietnamese
Conference,Report on the Appropriations Act
. (which, like the one on the Authorization Act, has a
.

have been passed into law. These provisions ar'e contained in two laws:

The Foreign Assistance Act of 1973 (Authorization
act), passed ín Dec., in Sec. 1 1 2, proiides that,,No ,
p.a.rt
9f any appropriation made available to carry out
this Aot shall be used to conduct any police training
or related program in a foreign country." Exempteã
from this provision is.training at IPA and other þolice
schools in the US, special narsotics training programs
conducted by the FBI or Drug Enforcement Administration, and training programs already underway in
foreign countries (thesç latter cannot, however, be
e_1t9n{ed when present contracts expire). Section
801 of the same Act requires cancellation of oll ecc'
nomic assistance to South Vietnam "u¡less the president receives assurances satisfactory to him that no
assistance furnished under this part IPart V: lndochina Postwar Reconstruction], and no local currencies generated as a result of assistance furnished
u¡der this parq will be used for support of police, or,
prison construction and administration, within Sóuth
Vietnam." ln the Conference Report submitted by
10 WIN

"

Èearind on future litigation) has a longttatement on
US Assistance to Police and Prisons in South Vietnam
which rebuts Administration statements that such a¡d
has been terminated in compliance with the January
1973 peace settlement, and confirms the peace move'
ment's contention that such aid continues under the
cover of other Government programs. Specifically,

the Report

notes:

_.'

'

-The existence of ptoliticol prisonerS in South
Vietnam is beyond any reasonable dispute, Oiìly tÌie
numbersore in question, , . , Reliableand ohiective
sources suggest thlt there are between 40'000 ond
60,000 political prisoners being held. Further, sub'
stantial accounts of cases of mistreatment and torture of such prisoners have been authoritotively reported,
-. . .there Ìs a total of $1,787,000 in the budget
for lndochino Postwar Reconstruction which is pro'
posed assistance to the South Vietnamese Notlonal
Police os identifìed ond acknowledged by AlD.
[ $9î 7,00b for police training ot IPA and $870,000
7or police communications systems in S' Vietnam,J
Further, the Agency informs the Committee that the
Department of Deiense IDODJ willcontribute
$1 0,626,000 in support to the South Vietnomese

'

National Police, lncluding í7,519,000 fol t\ rgPlace- .
ment of "unifórm oicesíorieí, sryre Nrts, etc"' ' ' 'ond
Í1,343,000 for "spore parts and accessories"'for the
-Nát ion:wru co^f,nr¿Trieiòm mu, ¡co t io ns D I iec'
torote [a oolÌce-run aaencvl that is reimbursed to
AtD bi oob. . ., Th'us, in'a very maior w.ay AID is
seruinþ as a conduit fòí Oeparttíent of D'efense'fùnds

proviãing

ossÌstance

to the'South Vietnomese Na-

tionol PolÌce.
, -The Committee is deepty troutbled by thaac'
khowledgement thot 0t teast $12,51 3,0Q0 ls orgpolQ'
",,asassistãnce to the South Vietnamese Notionol Poliie,
to be carried out through the auspices of the Agency
for InternotÌonal Development. The Com¡nittee is
furthercorr"ii"¿ thot portions ol these funds were
initiotly-coteaories
not made sutrléientty clear, being listed under
other
of the budõet þresentation. Further,
the Coinñ¡ttee is most deiply'otarmed that AID is
' : be¡ng used os o channel by the Deportment of Defense for the provision of very substontiol'omounts
of such assistonce,
. -The Cpmmittee believes thot it is not in the best
iiiteiests of the Agency for lnternationril Development
or qny other ogency of government t.o be identifred
with the policqçystem of South Viëtnom. a1,
-The Committee strongly belieiies, . ; thot such
ossistance to the police ond prlson systems of South
Vietngm should now be.totolly tefminoted,
-The omendment would also eliminate thqt ossistonce to the Nationwide Combined Telecommunications Directorotç which supportsthe South Viet'
nomese pcilici: or prison systems,
J-lt ¡s the-¡ntent of the Committee thot the Agency
for lnternational Development (AlD) ceose functioning as a conduit foi Department of Defense progrlms
, reloted to "publlc safety" functions in South Vietnam.
.,Specifìcally, the Committee interprets the Senate
¡ [HotfìeldJ amendment. . . as olso prohibiting any
AID invotvement whotsoever in Logistics Technicol
Support Programs or Public Works Generol Support
Programs insofor øs these programs relote, directlsl' 'or indirectly, to "public sofety" functions in South
Vietnom, for which AID has received, in the past,
reimbursement from DOD for services performed.

'

ln sum, Congress has voted maior restrictions on
US police assistance programs in the Third World.
Still exe^mpted by the two bills are training fqr nonVietnamese policement at the lnternational Police
Academy an{ ongoing.Public Safety programs outside
Vietnam not"due.,to eX.pire for several years. Also, the
bills do not cove¡.police assiítance provided by the
CIA or.the Dqp1{t.lnent of Defense (except that AID

ønnbt serve as a'condúÎffor fi*ndsfrom these agen.' iiËs):C;iearly, the péace and social iustice movementi
in the United States have won a substantial victory
in their to cut off aid for authoritarian governments abroad, although ¡t is just as clear that much
more needs to be done. Legislative action in future
years will probably focus on effoits to close the lnternational Police Academy, and close other loop'
;holes in the 1973 bills.

Mike Kare is the outhor of Y'tar Without End: Ameri
can Planning for the Next Vietnams (Rondom House)
and is livìno near Boston.
lvrN

11

,T

No¡tvio[ENCE

iru

E

M¡d-Ensr:

de
theory of nonviolent national defense is
dependent upon the need for cooperation,
seen the theory breaks down in the abience of
poten- that need.
a
This analysis assumes that nonviolence
lsrael's is used in a coe¡cive way.to resist an oc.
cupation regimc what about the other
military, two mechanisms by which nonviolence
Israel's operates (cf. sharp and Lakey): conversion
inse' and persuasion (or accomodation)? Genercurity." Iror a combination of practiçal
ally these mechanisms are seen as something
(ie., the alternatives a¡e worse) and moral to try before turning to coercion. Thus,
reasons, Brad argues that Israel must turn to normally if coercion is not a viable tecþ
a nonviolcnt resistance defense, and pro
niqug it is not likely that eithe¡ accomodacecds to present a simple p¡ogram that Is
tion or conversion will work either. In the
rael mþht follow. Unfo¡tunately, it is from very long run, conversion might succeed
the simplicity of this program and that of
whe¡e coercion would fail, but in the Midthe rest of Brad's argument that problems dle East one must consider both the long
arise. The Middle East conflict is probably run and the short run; and there is a serious
one of the most, if not the most complex in doubt as to whethe¡ a disarmed Israel could
history. From a practical viewpoint, Israel is survive to see the long run
in probably the worst position of any courr
what does this andlysis suggest for the
try whcn it comes to adopting a strategy of Middle East? From a purely practical viewpoint, civilian defense at its current stage
civilian dcfense
The practical theory of civilian defense of development is not likely to be a viable
isbased upon a particular theory of politicat alternativ.e for use_by the Israelisgiven the
power: "Áll rulórs [including oõ"up"tion current situation (the Arabs in areas oc'
iegimesl are depenàenr for iheir pàsition gupied by the Israelis in 1.96:l , the West
and power upon th" co,operationi submiy Bank and the Gaza Strip, mþht be able to
use nonviolent
Brad Lyttle's essí¡y on nonviolent
fsnse in the Middle East (Sittin' In column,
12121 l7 3) is the fì¡st attempt I have
to cope with the question of Israel's
tial u¡e of nonviolence. Brad presents
simple and intriguing argument for
"transarnramcnt" to civilian defense: ".. . the
Arab position is one of increasing
economic and political st¡ength. . .
projection is one of increasing mortal

resistance very effectively;
sion, and obôdience ofthàir subiects"lThis
it_would be difficult fo¡ the Arabs to emquote is taken f¡om an essay Uv-C"n.
in 1963; for a detaiied discussion pJoy civilian resistance in the Sinai since
,written
'of
ar9 jew, if any, civilians present in the
this theory of power, see his Polrll'cs
lt¡er9.
Sinai). After a period of disengagement
Nonviolent Àctoù. f¡e applicability
during which the problem ofthe Palestinthis theory to occupation i"gi¡1", is
ians is solved, nonviolent defense may well
upon the inability ôfan occõpier to run
become aviable alternative fo¡ Israel This
country without the cooperafion of the
digenous population (which in turn assumes is not to my that the military alte¡native is
viable in the long run either; on this point
that the gòai of the occupier is not the
I whole'heartedly agree with B¡ad. In the
pulsion of the indigenoui population-I

rle
nomic and social justice which necessarily
includes equal distribution of resources and
equal rights for all Clearl¡ any norJew,
especially a PalestiniarrArab, does not have
an equal access to resources or equal rights
in a state that is de jure Jewish. There a¡e
countless examples to document this phe
nomenorL perhaps the clearest is the Israeli
Law of Returr¡ promuþated by the
Knesset (Israeli Parliament) in 1950. It
provides that any Jew in the world has the
automatic right to lsraeli citizenship. At the
same timq thousands of Palestinian Arabg
many of whom lived in the region for gerr
erations, are denied citizenship for several
' reasons: either they failed to perform somp
technical details of the citizenship law coÉ
cerning norJews (Israeli Nationality Law
of 1952) or the Israeli state simply decided
by executive decision that a particular per-.
son was not entitled.

Social and economic discrimination
exists within the Is¡aeü-Jewish community
and between that entire group and the nonJews The Jews of Is¡àel a¡e essentially
from two backgrounds: Ashkenazim (European) and Sephardim or Oriental (yemer¡
Iraq, Iran, Syria, Egypt, Aþeri4 Libya,
Tunisia, Morocco). Oriental Jews make up

the majority of the Jewish population of
Israel However, according to 1969 ñgures;

bn"ìp
only L6/o arc hþh school graduates; l2Vo
o/
enter the universities and fewer graduate;
of
per capita income is 44Vo of European inúased
come; only L2% of lhe Knesset is Oriental;
a
.'
. about twice as many people, often more,
ir¡
are assigned to space desþnod for Europq¿ns.
If Oriental Jews a¡e second class peofle, '
exthen Palestinian Arabs have to be classified
will
third
class inhabitants. The entire soõial
assumethatthisis¿otthJgoaloftheArabs); longrun, Israelmustfìndapeacefu!nor
structure is geared to benefiting Jews at the
this inability results from the supposed im- violent means to live with its Arab neighbors
expense of nor¡Jews. Many jobs are.avail
practicality of the occupier to bring in suf-HERBERT M. KRITZER
able only to those who have served in the
ficient manpower f¡om elsewhere t.o take
Chapel Hi[ NC
Isaeli army. Of coursg this proviso elinr
dver the roles necessary t9 rqn
we are glad to see that the always cha!
inates for consideration ¿lmost all of the
!þg country.
The one probable exception to this theory lenging and enjoyable pages ofWIñ MaganorrJewish poþuhtiôn Thousands of P-¿!
is the Middle East.
zinõ hãve had móre mateiial recen¡y on the
estinians f¡om the occupied territories have
The experience of Norway in lilVorld
dif¡cult, painful but critic¿l issues oi Israel,
. been utilized as a cheap labor source by
War II suggests that an occupying power
'lsraeli Kibbutzim No
Zionism ãnd the Middle East. WtNrs willin!
land owned by thc
requires at least a l: l0 ¡atio of its men to
ness to print controversial and thoughtful
Jewish National Fund can be leasedio a
the loçal populace t"
pieces on these topics may very wetispark
non-Jew. The Emergency Regulations pro"tr","1i1:ly.:,":,,-t:1"
cases this is an
resisting count¡y; in most
more activism in an area ttrat t-t" peace cofir.
vide for the "legal" dispossession ofany
impossibly high level to maintain. In the
munity has seemed to skirt or totà[y avoid.
village that the government chooses The
case of the Middle East, where the Arabs
In thij spirit, we welcomed the appearance
above are only examples; the list could go
outnum-ber the Israelis by at least 20 to 1,
of Bradford Lyt¡e's article in the ìssue of
on and on
the Arabs could probably muster an ocDecember 27, 1973. However, in an effort
During the period of the British Mar¡
fo¡ce
with
l:2
cupying
a
ratio and maybe to maintain d'ialogue and clea¡ up certain
Palestinian Arabs have engaged in
datg
even a 1:1 ratio. Furthermore, betwe_en coniusionq we must be critical of Lyt'e
in
nonviolent, as well as violent, resistance to
the indþenous Arabs and.the exiled Pale
J"iiuin r"rp""t*
protect themselves from Zionist settle¡s
stinians, there aie probably more than
Lyttle urges Israel to..adopt nonviolent
and B¡itish imperial rule Throughout the
enough persons to come in and take ove¡
resistãnce defunse for basically moral rea1920's and 1930's, there were massive
any roles that the (Jewish) Israelis were
sons" This assertion.tends toignore the
general strikes protesting Zionist policies
unwilling io fill thqugh at present the.
exisiing realities of the lsr"et sîa1". lsràel
of land acquisitior¡ dispossession ôf tenantg
fuabs probably lack the necessâry skills.to is a Jewish state, hased on the maintenance
'
exclusive consumption of Jewish productq
do so (they probably will lave those skills of a priori privileged position
fár Jews in
and the British cooperation with these efat some later date). \ühat.I am. suggesting
- paleitine. ti'oun iytite have IsråefJews
forts While it is tfue that these efforts were
here is that unlike any other situ¿tion in the rnaintain their privíeges Uufsirnpty
ctrar,ge
unsuccessful and also led to violent conworld, ,the potential occupiers
ATab:). their tactics from miftary to nonviolent?
ftlre
frontations, it is important for the nonviocould probably run an occupied Israel with Ouiperception ofnonviólent aciion
is that
lent community to take cognizance of the
absolutely no cooperation from the indi
to be progressive and not rea"tion"ry, ii
fact that these events occurred.
genous no+Arab population Since the
must be ñnked with a commitment to eco_
Reôistance hæ continr¡ed in
-modçrn

12

wlN

Rami Livneh to a Haifa court be- ' in recent years it's that the unitéd states is
Jews prlsone¡*"r
r"nten.,ed to t"n v""rr in piiron Israef s strons partner, and th¿t to attempt
fóü
n"
äiå
part
in
an alleged.ie*i'rr"nriü ãiT-" ilãiãt¡ de-struction of Iirael is to invite
ror
his
to
pór
more informatiotr on tùi, orËtt.t di¡ect American aggression The Arab leadyears rtng.
so mânv words at the oüt. ."tLt* ot rot further dialogue,;i;;;;i;
-- ãñ said this inwar'
Thev caid publicly that the
of
street;-soin'ervìú;,
willoughby
25
break
ut
the
S
wouitl riever iolerate t
states
Unit.¿
,.
Macs.
02143.
Út.
ro
-rrraliäÑÏLnrr
beyond the '6?
-PAULA RAYMAN aggression.against IsraelA¡abs said tley
turn in a few'weeks \then the weeks be
S.."t"if., üu** tå"t¿"o Thã¡efo¡e the
.':
came years, the people appedled to the

'

times. In the summer or lgl2,Is¡aeli
joined Arabs in aiding ,n"äf;gr'riåi
and lk¡it who we¡e seeking entrance
their villages after waiting nearly 25
The villagerb had left their homès peacefully
in l94g and promises wç¡e made by
Israeli Defense Forces that they could

tsraeti

'

supiem"u"*'tï,îlÏ:jåii,li*

tory, but then the militar:

.

homes and the court revel

q.":ii.:äriì:,f:'i,irJ.""'iår#åî; îiil{åi1":rtii#fåiiüi:ffi1tïfu

' yflî"t civilian defense for Israel really ex- ;*ld;" atl the wav. Bu-t that iì his assump
peJiiifi;äilfiî
cited me, since it got me thinking andhop iion- nã cannot state as fact that the Arabs
go"ãriïäüi-üar¡",
p¡otests, but the lo""u
have been numbers

or

t;ds;d;'i'ii"c;'nu'li'naí'"''röffi trffiiî*åriå;ïl¡i1iÏå'iïffä,.it:
miliar expression) and the
a precedent

fo¡ many oth

are in similar positions
and without

lr*rg

ü"tïïiirii"

i.
Israel
-ïiiËüfiîñ;tC
when he asserted ,
that the United States.'may drop Israel"
Israel has played and continues tä ptay an
ro¡ 1¡e uniTeîsi"tåJi ät.
ñ;ñt-tEast, actiru
ñ" ;öãas

a þia'klãn'
Middle
iions of the patestinians aåääãiäi'¡¡it;and Jews who constitute . ttn."t to Ame¡i
can investments and controiof natural ro

sources.
--ïir,"
p*",nuer

Juschool
constemmed

;:'trilt:.l'i;::lTtrüii,,l;"iirìTrüJ

panol discussion at my synagogue on
lttã rui¿.n.. doesn't hold up. For example,
daism and war that wag based on a c-olumn há says theArabs mounted a force big
I'd,written about ludaism for my
to wiÞe out Israel-ip,ro îacto, he
""""gtt
newspapçr. After discussing my own
says,-they 1v-eie gginC t9-$9,i1^Y"-,Ynth"
scientious objeption and how it
Arabs would not have called lbr ard lrom
perception of the Jewish tradition, ootlying Arab. st1te1
my
lrom
,{l|1e¡.
I was asiked byìômeone in the
io ní¡sñ ts¡aet ofr. A lqok at histqrv will
they decided
Arabs-:oríce
were
Isiael's
the
would
if
I
what I
do
confirm that
Minister and the Arabs
to get the occupieg-tenitories ba:l-were
First I mentioned a bit cynically, I guesp, bound to put togeTher the biggçst fbrcÚ
tþa.t. the question was.difrcult to
they could.
_

Itg:.ii::'d

audience

Priine
attacked.

answer

2E, 1e73, issi,".$Jn.

*"?,li:1üäfi:.*"fiåï'*#,'Ji.PiJ,ï"'

åi:å#i¿rl'åå"ååï;iffi:ïö"ffH.
níe¡ested in getting the occupied
"i L?l:,Ï:ry-, ;äi;ä'i äñ;fiï": fiïäil
Kissingerwasieportedi".,*i:i"'li¡3i"'e
paint agrirn
iläHff'.il:åÍ:Îi'll,.î.TJifå1,ä- iJ#,*'*i"ck, theneoesonto
or ptominent American fews tlll
11,"^^-, .-:
gested'that
Iåiäinäir;åäffiäiå.uii,
I'd respond to an Arab attack picture of vihar the rsraeris racç now, at ihe
United States *rr.orpt*"iypã..itt.¿ to'
- ivith policy of
civilian-de.. -1 ' , hands'of theh- irnplacable Arab enemies.He
Boston Gtobe, secretarv

:,iitilääi
uiäitñå
t"äìiJåüiïJi.Jr'
iã.roútiåîmay.r,ütiöii."ii"ä,,
d;ä;i,ä.äË
tr¡rìiiäItffi;;"
"llìËffi;r;ä
*-; fi;;"'lfi;l;;;ì;#ö;;;;;;'
irr.
the.ú;il;ãï;å^"- ,:

,I

a

,

{nytolgry
the seourity and integrity
fense and reâuy felt foolish even mentioning lists two awful alternatives: thev must eithe¡
Is¡ael To hypothesize *.iäirriv
knew_that-everyone
beðome hvpermilitarized, or abandon the
sincei
unired states wour¿ simpiiîräJliîr.Jii** lhe itlea"
concept of a Jewish national home. He cites
ing.thor¡ght such a policy foolhardv at
not ¡eflect a willingness
wày out for them: to disa¡m completely,
at
one
and
suiclde
poli.y
united states for"ign
progra$ aman in the
themselves open totaþ to the Arabs'
the
laving
Later
in
The united states
ence got up, comrirõnted that relatives ofhis wiro,-presumably, then have tlo,excuse for
,.,fprce it to make.certai,
hadteen killed bv thp Nazis and then called canying out thei¡ supposed policy of genc'
litical concessigns, ¡ot
cide against Is¡ae! the world refusing to
"pun|'1.!or_19!rlsinc totrght
,mea
as dropping Israel After
such people like Hitler-and the Arabs..
nermit
'
words were applauded by many arouid
The flaw in Lyttle's reæoning.lÞ-tbg! .
evet øfierthe october, rsîi, i""r"ft..
and parents' ftiends he accepts that the Israelis have a right to '
famil¡
relatives,
tax-exempt status of
,b_"I".v
Appe¿r tire huge
the American Zionists cor
the rabbi calmed evervone down, is on record supporting Resolution 242,
good graces of the Americäö;ä;;i:,I,11nU"a
--|ft.t that I condemned Hitler and mur- calling for lsraeli withdrawal from the oc.
Further, to maintain ,í,jiiiåTääJi"'
oppression as much as everyone in
,.side is winningi' is Smpfisäc
cuoied teriitories. These territories have to

r""o*i'i$"Jiffig

"iããi*ï".,
1*r*:1*{i**'{r{*ffi

out ofEgypt in 1972, has
and economic links with t
and indications are that
more closely alþn Egypt i,üi¡ü'iiriJîåîri
iiïäJ
can orbit (see the ¡,lr*

-.-

listen
best
¿udi

worsl

against
His.
hirq

i!

i

'J,ll',,ïi.1,ï;i.iïålii',"{$:iä:"* :ï"î",î#îi:îii"ff;fföi1!3å'r'åi:,
id

9::

H*lrîi*li^1fl#äqiïi'iifü"
so:núch the betler"'Jvlv familv
}'#i'í':å}':Jil',ä[Hi'ji"i.i',åî'*'
silenl-I
the other
róöri
Therq are

siäi"¡üJi¿ìiJ""side.was
cheereg,
.
,"*
fiåii-- Tîd later that mv parents loving as thev

{

b,.fi; attempted at Geneva?
doúès on

'"
;

both sidèq Arab and Is¡aell Now,

-iil i"":l,iÞ1- :fdli:iíät"fi* program* a.sister,**.:_"ir.Hti*1,:'.ff:,fJif.T;Ïlr,r',î:l1i,fJ
iliü,;ilihe riked what úilffi;'il Ëîõ;äã'i;ilil""ã'lã I
il.u'ftiffi"'"?rï:"å"if"'ir'JJåà"ii,
"'ji*i#illei¡
-"
I
and sortof feltcomþellQd to têlltne ihis mest tf, ai t vtttõsuggests, the Israeliól'
rabid antiCommunists: F:iäiïËH;åi
zine,

..rhe Arabs: why

.

said

A,;bh.

a,;ãã"6;îriuiiî,i'*,"iiäof ' '

Jordaq the shah of lrar¡ all the sheikhs
the Persian Gulf states.

rhe rime

is rong

:}".ÏälifiH:iå
cerniirg Zionisn¡

*.

dir.

,:ffXiil"ii.:ffny$ïå*onauy
i"f,T if""il:j:i.;ffiiîjijill'tr#åitr,,
*rti"rt flled me with ;i;;i; ;;ü.y of undertaking "hlpermilitarr,
"r"

n"uii è"""ins,-""¿

overduelï'l:"T:,",' :"";i,xäï¡ii:üifi;'Jåi,'fr:le;s;i;ic'e :*r*;l**liäi"ilî1"ïJiJî,:îTi

iì,iiä'fr:i,:iÍ::Ltt

*r"

stæeiliå'äiJÏi

n"

serious class.ten_!ast. Jlere g.e
$aaf
$ons rn rsrae,. rsrael nas many pollrrcar pr¡!r-

oners As present.¿ i" 1,¡Jäii"iJ,"ti"îäture of a theocratic rt.t" iiäiãäru" líti
thetical to elementary

""iffiäîil#;'
Ã*"¡ãlõ.*
;il|iï;'";;
ãuct a spirited dialogue;tilïr*-;i
Zionism and Israel ¡n tf,, nËä monif¡ *
will be printing flre statemeniå¡-ñät'üi
racy. A new groqpihg, tn"
g¡eis on the iri¿are Èâst,

U,rÍ*i¡s to be u puni
¿en [o öi''v' isn'tit?

.. ;iä"ää
tfil}irtååifti

rt's a trettuva uur-.

,

the Arab side, sadat among

:i:ü,îliî.',"i1ätiît:'"Ëi:î:llî,,"""

to pay lip service to the stereotype of t
Arabs as unregenerate veng€ance-seekerq
(Dec.
Lyttle's
article
in
"sittin'-ini'
^ _ frad
27,'73) cóntains a numbe¡ of inaccuraòies, ry: condemn ourselves to sitting bv while
a uãsic misassumption about the Arabs. this endless escalation of confrontation

1ná

person
the
we¡e
out to overwhelm the state of Israel If the
Arabs have boen impressed by nothing else
that is unworthy of a peace

goes on in the Middle East.

He assumes there a¡e no ðoves on
.qtuu side. He flatly states the Arabs

,

'

-sTEvE PELLETIERE
Lecturer, Modern Middle East History
- California State Univ.
san Francisco, CA
wtN

13

.,.,

i

pEtr0cRAcY
IHAI
ASfudenf

BATTTE

Q: ls the student base capable of carrying out the
work of the second round or will new stratå have to
be involved?

LeaderbAccount-

The rebellÍon

by

Thoi students ¡n October unifred

the Tho¡ people ond focused their onger anà frustrotlon ot the corrupt, brutol, orbitrorylule of the Tha_
y9m.mitito.r! regime. lUith the rytony issues focing the
Thai people, it was surprising that íhe demqnd fõr
a

const¡tut¡on would spark the upheowl.
-4: tq!, os !îay, 1.973, the National Student Center
of hoiland (NSCT), the largest Thai student organi_
^t
t:j!?!,
wgs ørepylnO o campaign against tJS miiitary
?!:es,_us¡ng exhibitions about the indochina wor aid
llar Crimes Tribunols to be conducted at mojor Thoi

universities,
. But the plan for o notional campaign agoinst US
boses wos swept oside in June, when n¡ne-students
were dismissed from Romkomhaeng University for
sat¡r¡z¡ng ond criticizing the militaiy rulers in o stu_
dent publicotion. 40,000 studenß þro,tested the dis_
missols and raised for the frrst time the demond for a

constitution.

The growth of the student-led democrotic move-

ment continued during the summer ond climoxed on
OctTbgqS, when a foímer wscf i"oãàl pïoi¡¿y
peoled for o constitution and presented'o list
o7 l'OO
¡mportont Thai personalities who supported the derya1d, i.rycluding members of the ruling closs and the
Prime Minister's brother. On the foilo:wiig doy, t
S
activ¡sts in the constÌtutìonal movement ívere orrested
while leofletting and charged with treason, These
orrests led directly to the mossive demonstrations ond
violence which toppled the regime,
Saksan Prasertkul stood at the center of the events
in October. He was the delegote from Thammasot
University to the NSCT, chlef of NSCT publÌc relotions and wos elected after the overthrow os the

ol

NSCT representat¡ve for oll vocational schools,
fachgr tralnlng colleges oia nign school students in
fungkok. He loter broke with ñSCT ond founded the

Federation of lndependent Students of Thailond,
He came to the US ot the invitotion of the Thai
Federo.tion-in Los Angelesond Chicogo.
loin Nicnoil
o:r^44ty Knopp interviewed him on-Deéember 4,
'1973,
This orticle ¡s reprinted from Focal point,ihe
publication of the tndochina peace &mpoign,
Q-uestion: How did your involvement in the events

ot October begin?

Saksan: L.ast October, 13 people were arrested for
campatgntng for a constitution. lt was an obvious
attempt by the Thanom government to eradicate
student activities..They had vowed to use strong
measures before. So I organized a demonstratio-n in
my university. The demands of the demonstration
were the release of the I 3 people.
. But after we got such a huge crowd on the street_
almost a million people-the ãemand was not only
for releasing the 13 people, but also it became a

demonstration for a constitution.
We stayed at the Universíty for five days and
nights, then sent an ultimatum to the govôrnment.
They didn't reply, so we marched outãf the Univer_
sity on the 1 3th of October. Once we were on the
streets, people joined us untíl we had almost a million.
14 wrN'

a. Wny would the demand for

such a large following?

Saksan: The people atlarge are excited about what '
has happeneii, but they are unorganized so it is impossibie for them tp do any work to lay the.path for'
democracy. lntellectuals are bei¡g organizBd'at the

a constitution attract

Saksan: Because this government had been in power
for more.than ten years without Ueing-ctråcteå Oy
the people. We know they have violatid truman rights,
been corrupr, killed peopie. fney have violáied
the
taws they want the people to obey.
'crises.
like a rice
. Early this year, we had lots of
sh.ortage while people in the governm"ót *er"
smuggling rice out of the country_ãnd makinj
money. n"na
many of them have been opium traUers."Sã tnat
started the feeling that this is a horrible government.
we have, unchecked by the people. One ïav out
is
to demand a constitution, a'national law to'sp"ciiy ,
what.ûhe government can'and cannot ¿o añJtne
people's rights to check and investigatà
w¡,ui tt
government is doing.
"
At first, on the 14th of October, the government
.
released rhe 13 people and promisód uiãniiitut¡on
wtth.tn,a year. yet people were not satisfied. They
wanted a constitution immediately or as soon as
possible. On that morning there wãs a little incident:
police and students clashed. Violence spredd
all over
the streets, more people were killed anå tnat ìust
generated more violence. That was Bloody
Súnday.
Q: Did the students continue to receive support
from other sectors of the population?
Yes, but people were scared. One way rhey
llf*";
showed support is financial support.

And espécially
during the demonstration of fiv'e ¿uV, án¿ Ãiglrtr, th.
just poured in. On Bloody Sunday, oã"" p"oTofey
ple learned rhar sotdiers were shóoring ,iläã"ir,.ããã¡
ple.threw all their guns and pistols toihe ,irá.nt,
and told th"T
lo fight. At that ri.me, all rhe peoþle
demanded-although not articulated into a singl'e
demand-to get rid of that government.

q

Saksan: There was a coup d'etat w¡thin the military.
We alone could not drive the gou.rnrn"ni
ãri,'tf,ui
have all kinds of weapons andpeople. ú1.,* Jiol"n""
took.place, there was a-split among military leaders.
lj.nuJlv, the three guys [Érime Minister fñJnorn

were verv scared because there were strikes every öav'
ànd a'mi1¡it;i-Ëi¿ä vow"¿, "okay, we can no longer
stand this," or something likb that. -lt would be sad
if they coinmitted a couþ d'etat ag¿in because. people
are wåking up and they are not going to let this dictator come back and exploit and oppress them agaln'
Then, you have iwo ðases left: a d¡c.tatoßhip-left
..
'.
or right wing. Here I try to fìnd a middle way:'To a
certain extent, I favor socialism, but not-a violent
transition. I am also interested in Hinduism, Yoga,
Zen. I try to.combine spir¡tüalism and materialism.

Q: How much do you emphasize foreign
enemies of Thai interests? .

¡'a

I

r

I

penetration arid your cultural pènetration. Yoilr bases
are only the logical conclusion of these two.

Q: What is your message !o the American people?
Saksani Lèåv; u; alone. leave it to the people about
which way they want to go. lf the United States intervenes in Thailand and makes a coup, there will be
a civil war. And if the United States intervenes in the
civil war, then there will be another Vietnam.
lf we are so poor, and we find that one of the
causes is you and the Japanese, and that you have so
much interest in Thailand that you can hardly get
out. . . then you start fighting and start claiming this
is Chinese subversion, Russian subversion, Vietiiäniése
subversion; then a Communist country will take a
side, and then you know. . .. So don't do anything
' at all.
No one can live without the people, even the
military. lf they want to be dictators, exploiting the
people, oppressing the people, they can't live long.
Ten years is: just a little amount of time in history.
Because people will never go back to sleep. They

dent leaders among highschool students, vocational
school students and ceitain groups of people. Then
we will call for student volunteers tq live in a faraway province in a remote ärea for two. or three
months, in order to learn about people's problems.
Then, they will come back to thp university with a

village.

bases as

Saksan: I give highest priority to your economic

to make our members níore sophisticated. Then we will have political educathcn for. stu'

.l'

Q. ln what aieas have you begun to develop these
contacts? .'
Saksan: At the moment the government is trying to

coopt student organizations into govérnment organi'
zations. They know students are going to go to the
villages. So they set up a coordinating center you
must go through. They say if you go to the village
without coordination from this center, they might
not be able to protect you. They say you might get
shot or killed by a terrorist. So the selectìon of thearea involves a political dimension, not only an eðG

keep

nom tc d mensl on.

-W€ttêrn
downtown Bangkok reveal presenc€ df

wakir4.

sm. Photo

lÉ

.'"

froni FocAË POlNT..

5.1

¡,
j

I f t I It llrI
I
i r r tt
2

Q: Do you agree wirh ttrat feetinll
Saksan: lt depends on how well we score in the
second round. The great majority of Thai peoole
seem.to be waking up at this time. lt is difierent than
the time they were given a constitution by this or
9!1ll.u.9L This time peopte are invotved, and they
ore tor tt. l'm not sure about the future of democracy,
but one thing I'm sure of is rhat people ur. té"àrind'
more politically aware.

"

We are trying

Charusathiara and Thanom's son, Narong KittikachornJ
were forced by their.fellow military men"to quit.
I I hey larer fled Bangkok.]
. Most students are naive enough to believe that
they themselves overthrew the gãvernmenì, inA tf.,.
military who came to power wint them to feãi tnat
way. t-verybody seems to feel that this was the turning point of Thai history, the beginning of democracy.
-

Q: What if the military tries to prevent this change
oi block tl'r" n"* constitution?
,, .. . .*
Saksan: I don't know. Last week, the Thaí people"

Q: What is the Program of Your grouþ?
Saksan: Our principles are, first, to preserve the national institution of nationhood, kinship and democ"
racy; second, to study the country's problems and
propose solutions t'Þ the government and the people;
third, to caîry out our activities with the people's in'
terests as the highest priority; fourth, to support the
organization of students and people all ove¡ Thailand;
and fifth, to preserve the sovereignty of the Thai pee
ple economically, politically, militarily a4d culturally.

..., link with.the
.

Q: What happened After Bloody Sunday?

Krttikachorn, Depqty prime Minister prapas

moment. We have a union for thè protectio4 of
political liberty and human rights now, and we have
for democracy" group-s newly organiZed.
'¡people
'
lt is wrong if you send'intellectuals and students
from Bangkok to talk to people in rural areas about
the philoso=phy of democracy; the system of parliament. They want something tø solve their problems'
So, we are trying to orgahize them into a crédit
union, cooperative, groups thatare geared to solving
"$.
other peoplets own problems.

¡F¡)

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III

II I !
¡
1 II I

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ffiir lru t
I
r t 'ifïJï :'ïì1 t

tt r
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T

Èx x.# x*.ã

rr I

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a

.1

Under prdssure of a Federal court order, the FBI has
released documents which detail ah extensive three

year campaign by the Bureau to ,,disrupt and other_
wisb neutralize the activities of the various New Left
organizations, their leadership and adherents.', The
documents-directives fro-m then-FBl director J. Edgar Hoover to regional offces-were made public after
a 26-month court battle waged by a Ralph Nader legal group on behalf of NBC newsman Cárl Stern.
Stern learned of the program from the mention of it
in one of the Media Papers as published in WlN.
(March,
1972\.
' -[he two
dócuments released were the directives
in which Hoover first set up the ,,Counterintelligence
Program", called COINTELpRg and later discontinued it. The Freedom of lnformation Clearing
House won access to the documents in court and the
FBI chose not,to appeal the decision and handed over

the two documents.
ln the first memo from Hoover, dated May g,
1968, the director announces thaí,,the Bureáu is
instituting a Counterintelligence program directed
against the New Left movement and its key activists."
Hoover explains that ,,the purpose of this þrogram
is to expose, disrupt and otherwise neutralizeihe
activities of the various New Left organizations, their
leadership and adherents."
The memo explains that the goal of the program
must be to "frustrate every effort of these groups
and individuals to consolidate their forces õr to re
cruit new or youthful adherents." Hoover stressed
that "no opportunity should be missed to caoitalize
upon organizational and personal conflicts of their
leadership."
Among the suggestions Hoover óffers to do the
job is to use "the cooperation of reliable news medía
sources.t' He also warned that when using the press
in this manner, caution must be taken thãt ,,the
source will not reveal the Bureau's interest or betray

our confidence."
The memo makes clear that th¡s was not the only
such activity conducted by the FBI but rather wouíd
serve "to complement and-stimulatir our accelerated
intelligence investigations." Hoover did warn, however, that this mission was particularly sensitíve and
stressed that "the nature of this new endeavor is such
that under 4o circumstances should the existence of
the program be made known outside the Bureau and
appropriate within-office security should be afforded
this sensitive operation. "
l-{oover concluded the directive by expressíng his
concern that "the anarchistic activities oi a few can
paralyz9 the institutions of learning induction cênters, cripple traffic and tíe the armiof law enforce
ment officials.t' He stressed thatt,law and order is
mandatory for any civilized society to survive,' and
again emphasized that "the importance of this new
endeavor cannot and will not be overlooked.t'
ln a much bríefer memo issued on April 27, 197,1 ,
it was announced that ,,to afford àdditiðnal seôurity'
to our sensitive techniques and operations, it is recommended the COINTELPRO operated by the Domest¡c lntell¡ggnce Division by díscontinued.', That
memo reported that'rat the present tíme this Divís¡on operates several COINTELPROS as follows:
*COl NTELPRO
- Espionage
16 WtN

*COINTELPRO

of white
*COINTELPRô -Disruption parry, hate groups
Udn- '
-Communist
and
speciat
opérations
ïÇqyl.Erllt_"lligence
*COINTELPRO

-

Black extremisis
*Socialist Workers party
Disruption programs.
The memo states that,,altñough suicessfull oier tne
years" these programs should 6e discontinued'for
security reasons because of their sensitivity.,,
At first, the released documents would seem like
llr_e.P.entaßon Papers in that they confirm charges
left¡sts have been making about governrnent põlicy
for years. The languagg timing and suggestions of the
memos, however, offer hints that goverñment involve
ment in the left might have been greater than even

_.

-

VIETNAM ONE YEAR LÂTER:
THE WAR STILL RAGES

leftists guessed.

The Hoover memo announcing the program was
dated May 8, 1969, about one mõnth afrei the assassínation of Martín Luther King (with the black rebellions that followed it) and in thè midst of the paris
May uprising and the student rebellion at Columbia
University. The memo terminating the program ,,for
security reasons" was issued on April Zb,
The events of that brief three year peí.iod were
signifiqrnt, indeed, for the left. Mäjor iplits occurred
ín the Students for a Democratic Socieiy and the
Black Panther Party. C,ampus rebellions beaked dur_
ing the US invasion of Cambodia in the iprinsof
1970 with hundreds of schools being shui áóin, onty
to have the student movement stunned and shoóked '
b.y-the killings at Kent State and Jackson State univer.

lþll.

sities.

"They told me quite frankly that the Bureau informers within the Black Panthers had been told to
align themselves with eíther the Cleaver faction orihe
Newton faction and intensify the spliq,, one collegJ
professor who had consulted with burôau offcialsrecently told the Boston Phoenix.
t¡
Similarily, talk of a new push for a grand iury inj
vestígation inro rhe Kent Státe killingsiurfaóed iast
fall when an Ohio National Guard cdmmander impficated a civilian undercover FBI informer as havinj
fired the first shot. The informer , Terry Norman, ivho
no.w is.a policeman in Washington, Diwas never
called.befor.e the grand jury which convened right
after the killings.
Such information has led people like peter Davies,
the author of The Truth About Ken.t Slote, to specu,
late that the killings there were a calculated effort to
clamp the lid on student protest. Davies suggests that
future historians may find ,,that Kent State-ias the
worst can of worms in the Watersate era-,,
Certainly enough informationîmergãa in almost
every major conspiracy trial coming olt of that
f9n99;119m the Chicago 8 ro rhe Harrisburg 7_ro
p!?91¡ll't rhar FBI and governmenr provocarión and
rnTttrafton were more the rule than the exception.

-

-LNS

t

i

I

ChANcEs
lQUAKERS PROVIDE
SANCTUARY FOR
,".
DRAFT RESISTER
The Friends lMeetíng of Washington
(D.C.) prov.iried sanctuary for non-

him on the shoulder. Since he did not
to leave the meeting voluntarily
and go with them¡ they each took an
arm and dragged him away. Bruce's
father, who had been sitting next to
him, followed. Richard Chanler got up
choose

,

registrant Bruce Baechler on Wednesday, lanuiary 23. Biuce refused to '.1
register for the draft when he turned
18 in March of 1973.1ri November,
Bruce asked the Meeting to provide '
sanctuary for him when his arrgst be
came imminent. The Meeting agreed.
On January 22, the FBI informed .
Bruce that they had a warrant for his
arrest. Bruce agreed to call them the. ,
next morning to arrange for the arrest,
He called them about 9:15 AM shortly
after a called meeting for worship be '

gan from the Meetinghouse and told

Photo by Rlck Lanborne/LNd

,
:

SIGNIFICANT RULINGS ON
TAXES AND WIRETAPS
Two important federal court -rulingsone on tax resistance, the other on

and quickly moved in their way and
wiretaps-were handed down in
itood silently. The agents just moved
January.
over him. Richard got up, went outside and sat on the agents' car.
r- *nu'the AFSc characterized
rhe car had gone rtoriäirtunó.'ån¿ ^^,!:
in, þdicial
stoppé¿, C¡ðtrar¿ "e't präi¿ i'.-q
oT consclentlous tax rÈ
recognltlon
irróit. a's he also iia draft resister. The
crarence Newcomer

After
*iæ¿ ::i:1liî1T*iiisìon

ä';d;irnil'å;;;;*å;'
:i"sl:',:'.Judge
,-.'Later that day,srr"åiu, takenbe i[t.Philadelphia outlawed withholding
fore:a federal

r"s¡rtrut,
';;;;-- '
. ' unî
ï; ä";il:""

¿s

a method of collecting

income

,

taxes frbm two employees who are

iå'ili:iiii{f i'Ëäïi'";"i.#:,:,#:n:U;;:î;i:ï"',ï:[yå'i,lt"J$.
ff ilriiiil,'":iåli{üËiiifi{.ï:";;ngilei**:íá;¡,*,ðx'"':

thern where he would be. The press was
also notified of the sanctuarY.
About 50 people came to the meet'
in North carolina in Fu?l!1lY:,ry.1,T iããine
ing. The meeting was Powerful and
sou"rnmenr seizure of itó bank,
t¡a-,
emotional, as people considered their
.""oínî
for refuslng tã *ltr.rr,ol¿ t orn
I"l
9:gL
lnalc,
l!e_
t'11_t":19
own comm¡tment. About 10:15 AM,
its tax rerusing empìovees'
FBI agents arrived at the Meetinghouse; 8trå:
The second decision. which inThev were uncomfortable with the cir-:, Plans will be made foi supporters to
cumltances, including the presence of Þresent at the trial. Anyone wishing
volved WRL and other þeace organ
the press. After about a half hour, they b9 i¡fgrm.e! o{ arrangements for
izations, was handed down by Jirdge
trial should write white House
Aubrey Robinson Jr. in washirígtoi,
finally came into the room in which
D.C. lt maintained'thar the governthe sanctuary was being held.
!!.ee¡ing, 120_Maryland Ave.,
washington, DC 20002; or call
ment must reveal the naturjand ex.
Two agents, one of whom knew
at (202) 5468646 o¡
Bruce from a meeting theY had had,
rent of wiretaps and electronic sur- .
llTt"f
6231
moved quickly to Bruce and taPPed
-Bill Samuel veillance of anti-war groups and their

y',^"ri¡il,I"i,,"r"åj;!üiifüïÏ#,1;l;:*;"i::f Wg j:æli

l*

å?ii'ff":H'f#1"'Ji':"{åÏ?:
be
to
the
Daily
N.E.,
Bill
546'
.

wtN

17

T

leaders. The government had held that
such information should be kept secret
for reasons of national secur¡ty. The
suit was filed in 1968 under that
year's Omnibus Crime Law, which
calls for payment of $100 compensat¡on for each day of subjection to

illegalwíretapping. -Jim Peck

ARMY GEARS FOR AMNESTY
SHOWDOWN
Despite Nixon's claims that the Vietnam cra has ended, the Army continues to severely punish war resisters
who return from exile. On Tuesdav.
January 22,the Forr Dix (N.J.) c"ñmand- lodged additional charges against
Lew Sirnon and Ed McNally,-the Vietnam veterans who surrendered to FBt
agents in.New York at Christmas to
dramatize the need for amnesty. Although their public surrender was
watched by millions of TV viewers,

the Army now charges that both men
were "captured", thus adding an additional year's imprisonment.
Safe Return and FORA (Families

of

Resísters for Amnesty) aie organizing a massive demonstration at-Fort

Dix in early February. Safe Return
offcials predict this will be the largesr
demonstration at an Army base since
Moratorium, 1969. At a rally there on
January 19, fourteen leafletters were
arrested by MPs equipped wíth attack
.

dogs, despite a recent federal court

order declaring Fort Dix "open" to
all peaceful visitors. -Safe Return

RABBLE FROLIC AT ¡MAIM LEADER LEADS PRIMARY
PEACHMENT BALL
FOR TRIBAL PRESIDENT
,,people
On the eve of Richard Nixon's inaugurare ecstatic out here," said
al anniversary, approximately 3,000" a member of the Wounded (nee Le-

cluding no parking inauguration signs,

pRorEsr BEGIN;
awards on rhr.usday , January 17, a nationat
iru';;;lÏ::Xffi""rît""e

äilffifiå"j:::türr;fil,i,)iff

"

workers there and the Amalgamafed
Clothing Workers of America. Farah
was ordered to rehire six employees
fired 20 months ago for union activities
with back pay and to accept the return
of the 2,000 strikers at their old jobs
Moreover, the judge assured the ACWA
the right to organize and ordered
Farah to pay all legal costs, including
those of the uníon and the NLRB.
Farah now has 20 days to appeal.
The strike of mostly Chicano
workers was accompanied by a nation-

wíde boycott

of Farah pants that

forced the company to close four

plants.

18 WIN

-M.r.

B-1

ffiïiä¡f :,ffänr'"r"3jÄi,':{::'g#'?X:'åüi:,*fjm,f;1,i*,.,

r"iil:iïliit? r; ilH*;1,.,,;r;mçri:ili;;l."fl;;s,

and a Hoover Award
versive

get-up.

lmpeachment organizations include a
,State
of the Union, demonstration
January 30th, and continuing work
to get local groups from all over down
Upcoming events for the DC

DC

for the National lmpeachment

National Campaign to'lmpeach Nixon,
'
'1404 M Street, NW, Washington,
DC
20005, 202-659-1118. -Þeg Áverill

-

the rights of its employss5'1, g¡anted

virtually all the demands of striking

The first annual confere nce of People ,.
for Self-Management, a new group dedicated to workers' control and participatory democracy, attracted more than
125 teachers, students, trade unionists,
and people from various radical causes
to the Massachusetts lnstitute of Technology over the weekend of January
12-1 3. There were representatiVes of a
cooperative in Brownsvillg and Juttior
executives complaining that they are
as alienated as blue collar workers.
Members of the US Labor Party
too, and dissrupted the proceedings
briefly three or four times.
People for Self-Management was
organized to work for a radical alternative to the bureaucratic control imposed under both ûäditional capital ism
and traditional socialism. lt was found-

came

I

.

Lobby-ln, February 4th through 8th.
For more information, contact the

A National Labor Relatíons Board
,fudge, accusing the Farah Pants Co.
of "lawlessness" and "trampling on

MAN AGEMENT DISCUSS
WOR KERS'CONTROL

people gathered at the downiown
gal Defense/Ofense Committee
Ramada lnn in washington to sing,
(wrclooc), discussing the resürts of
dance, and rally for imþeachmentl' the primary'for tribal
þresident of the
The Ball was organized by rhe Wash. Pine Rídge Reservatioå, S.D. on
ington Area lmpeachment Coalition lanuary 22, Of the field of 12 canwith the help of the National Camdidates, Russell Means of the Ameripaign to lmpeach Nixon, and, at least can lndian Movement (AlM) came in
initially co-sponsored by the iocar chap first with 667 votes. beàtins current
ter of the ACLU. Bur rhe ACLU pulleä tribal president Richard w'lson who
i
out, âlmost on the eve of the Event. received 51 f.
leaving the two lmpeachment grou¡is
The vote was particularly signifito share the fun and funds of a very
cant.because Wilson and Means per- .
successful evening. Entertainment insonified the two opposing sides,'on
gluded a local Tþird World band,
the reservation, during th-e seigé oi
Tapata, a former Georgetown stieet- Wounded Kneó last yõar. Rusiell
singer cassie culver, DC singer Ellen
Means, an oglala sioux from the pinê
Dcks of the Community for Creative Ridge Reservation, is a national
nonviolence, and good old faithful
spokesperson of RiM and. with
Phil ochs, back with the same old
DennisBanks, is standing trial in st.
songs and two sparkling new'broad- Paul, MN as the first of tÌie. WoundeiJ
side ballads'.about you know who.
Knee,,leadership', cases. The run-off
Doug sch_ocke of Peoples Party aucbetween Means änd wilson is to take
tioned off Nixon memorabilia inplace February 7.
_LNS

to

FARAH STRTKERS
WIN BIG

PEOPLE FOR SELF_

Base

at wright-patterson Air Force
in Fairborn, Ohio. Despite limiüed

organizing and some last-minute ,.r
changes in the plans, nearly a húndród
people from Dayton, Yellow Springs
and Springfield, and from Wilmington
and Earlham Colleges traveled to ihe
large air base to publicly announce
their opposition to the new electronic
bo.mber system which, if put into effect,
will cost every American family more
than $1000 in tax money. A planned
meeting between AFSC and Air Force
spokesmen was cancef led by the Alr
Force several days before the demon-

,,rHEMANrHEVrsrroRs Ëf:ffi,ni"ii":iilii#ïåïf,#''n
'HATE AND FEAR'THE MOST"

j#å"*l

ï#

3;
ri1
museum in London,

presi-

il !
iïi,äH:;ril"

"For the second year in a row,
I

?"i

",

ptan.ning.

--..lJl'ht""

Dayton televi5ion stations

:lm"í'-iT:f ;,'J,'iåil,i:i''"ti"

lipf

rhar rhe;e

¡s

iiíriä""iiv

".

r"r.

iii'.Ëiöï,ïffJ
Ugi,*:l#iïf
i1""îj:.,1';,,.:å'¡"liå":Jlåïf
-¡;;ï.;;;:"
people to act no-nviolently. This
ter,
rippäianï
¡acfrtre

ro ú ri h

p ra

ce, u,'"' r,,u

é

í

i'o'åränä

rr,r"i

n

i,. #li

was

j

i:

:i:#:*iirrinåßî5rH:"i*T;iiþ,i:jfl',iffi
half the visitors to Mada

ili:1;,1.

iïåiåiil,,i: Í,'il:

jií,åi;,

i;'l"ålkî*'i,t.ffift

tfi ,i::HT:l:1"',+HÍi"îlî,",", jigfti}irì,1"6;iIL"".'g

theoretical
who has been working on

ed by Jaroslav Vanek, a

i

u The discussions between trade
unioñists änd the others at the con.ference often became heated. AUAW
offcal from Canada complained that
most of those at the conference wanted
to replace existing unions rather than
work vlith them. Vanek re plied that
trade unions are not perfect and ln the
lonf run he did want to replace them,
but.he said he wanted the helo of the
trade union ists in do¡ng it.
The unions were criticized by many
conference .participants. O ne of the
pegple from Brownsville told of a
bla'ck ceop that had been put out of
business and its members put out of

wôik by uriion pressure because it
couldn't afford to pay union wages.

H'e said most American unio ns have
consistently hurt blacks and the un-

organized.

A student of Vanek'swho now
works in Yugoslavia pointed out that
one advantage of workers' control is
that it gives workers an incentive td!
el.iminate featherbedding and even to

Orleans DA J im Garríson had accused

Shaw of involvement in a New Orleans¡
based conspiracy with other CIA operatives i nvolved in the BaY of Pigs, to
assassinate lFK, but was unable to- . '
orove that óontentiòn in coùrt. Gar-i
iison has"long insisted that CIA harassment has prevented him from.pursuinl
his investigation. Marchqtt¡, whp.se
book on the CIA entitled The GIA

ond the Cult of lntelligence haibeen
Ël*-r.àã úv tnt clA in ran unprecendented
attemot at prepublication censorship,
says that it-is possible that low'level '
ClÁ operatives engaged in such a conspiracy. According to Marchetti, "lf
a contingent of that sort within the
CIA was'involved in the assassination
and if the agency learned about such
a

olot-after it had been carried out-

I believe that the CIA would trY to
cover up the entire afîair," which is
what Garrison has been claíming all

along.

I
ln a related-eve nt, Paul'Krassner,
I
economist
editor of The Reqlist magazine, has
i
the general theory ofthe participatory take wage cuts when necessary to
released an open letter to Watergate
economy, and some of his students
lkeep an enterprise alive. Over the mutconspirator James McCord in which
and colleagues at Co¡nell. More than a
tçrings of shocked trade unionists and
he claims that McCord and another
dozen papers on participatory econc
ol some of the squarer Marxists, he
mernbpr;o{ the Watergate burglary
mics were delivered or djstributed at
insisted that héresies like those.haveteam
were involved in the assassination
the conference on topics like worker'
enabled Yugoslavia to attain the second
Kennedy and in various'
of
President
problèm.s
of a selfcontrol abroad, the
highest rate of economic growth in
political sabotage including the
of
acts
managed community, and häw Alnerrhe wórld.
1971 bombing of the Ca pitol Building.
ican industry could be organized on a
lf you are interested in workers'
Writing in response to a letter from
self-managed basis.
control, you should join People for
McCord notifying him of a libel suit
Self-Management. The $2 fee includes
to be filed pertaining to an article in
One of the main sPeakers at the
a subscriptìon to the PFSM Newsletter,
The Realist by Mae Brussell which i mopening sessign was lrving Bluestone,a
published every other month. W.rite
pl
icated McCord i n the assassination,"
president
Auto
of
the
United
vice
People for Self-Management, clo ProK rassner implores McCord to'drop his
Workers. Bluestone has visited Yugo
gram on Participation and Laborcover and let the world know how
slavia to see workerst control in operatl
Managed Systems, 490 Uris Hall, Cordeeply the goverhment is involved in
tion and came away disappoi nted.
tUOÈ"r,
nel I U n iversi t y, lthac4, *
practices.
totalitarian
plants
automobile
Yugoslav
Though
"_t JÍ"t
The specific charge against McCord
operate under formal industrial de
came from this statement by assassina- .,
mocracy, he noted, they still organize
tion_ investigator Mae Brussell in |-lie . ) -'
their work exactly as General
CONSPIRACY NEWS
i
Reolist:
i
panace4
is
nota
Workers'control
does.
assassinaose
Romero,
of
fortune,
Kennedy
soldier
Freed,
the
Dona[d
job
he said; it will not make a boring
tbn expert who wrote the storY fuee was approached by a hired assassinainteresting.
utiçe Ac.tion has ahnounced a nation'"' '"'tion tea.m frorn the US which planneU
wide petition campaign to pressure .;. to kill Kennedy during his 19 61 visit
Walter Kendall, a founder of the
Congress into opening a p"ublic inves.r:.,,. to Fr¿nce. Romero d efìnitely rememlnstitute for Workers' Control in Eng¡è¡ö?ienn'sturgis as one of the repretigation into the J FK killinS. Accordsentatives from the US. James McCdrd,
iand and a teacher at Nuffeld College,
ing to Freed; investiþatorS. havi uh'
Oxford, believes that workers' control
covered two suspects allegedly involved according to Louis Tackwood, was in
is a practi cal way of implementing
in the assassination which resulted-evi- Dallas the day Ken ncdy w.a¡ shot, and
libertarian socialism. He told the condence has led'many to believe-from a flown afterwards to the Caribbean.
ference of a number of successful extriangular crossfire. The only suspect The Nati onal Archives have FBI reports ind icati ng Frank Sturgis was a
oeriments with workers' participation
idéntified, "J im Braden,' ' is a Los Anänd control. But he agreed with Blue
gelés èx-convict who was Photogrà phed friend of Lee Harvey Oswald and
itone that creating a non-bureaucratic
David Ferrie. Stu rgis had a Miami arat the sòene of th e assassination' ques'
societv is harder in practice than it
'tioned bv police, and quietlY released.
senal of wea pons, and original plans
iãr"¿l in theory. "ln real life, to say
were to kill ,FK i n Miami in 1963."
He is believed to have left the United
Krassner adds that in 1 5 years of
vãl it" against bureaucracy is like
States.
í"v¡tu voi are against sin," he-said'
On another front, Victor Marchetti, publ ishingThe Reolist only one libel
;ríõiido¿v is against sin, and in mY
a former high ranking CIA staff mem- suit against him has actually come to
ber, has identified Cla y Shaw as a Paid
court and that one he won.
experience they commit adultery as
ctA contact in the early 1 960s. New
they're saying it."
Sources

Motors

,

-Various

wtN 19

REVIEWS
SMALL CHANGES
Marge Piercy

Doubleday, hardcover, $8.95

ln the past week, two women I know from New York
came to visit me. I had notseen either of them in over a
year. The one I think of as strong, capable, original and
stable is at a point in her life where she weeps constantly

and compulsively criticizes herself, her work, her husband
and hcr four year old daughter, She's pregnant again. The
one l'd dccided was forever doomed to flounder among
grandiose and dogmatic schemes has, in the past year,begun to do exquisite batiks, as part of a women artists coop
erative. At the age of forty she looks better than ever. The
moral of this story is: growth is, at best, an uneven propo-

sition.
Marge Piercy's new novel Small Changes is about this
uneven proposition. How people move from A to B to C,
growing or shrinking through time and circumstances. How
escaping from one trap, the trap of an empty and joyless
marriage, for example, inevitably leads to a second and
third trap-the trap of the sexual revolution, the trap of
rigid ideologies. lt is a story about strong, promising young
people who are crushed and weak, timid young people who
gather strength.
The book has two main female characters, Beth Walker
and Miriam Berg. Beth is a slightly built girl from a working
class family who we meet on her wedding day: Her wedding
gown fits so tightlt¡ she can hardly breathe and when she
looks in the mirror, despite her mother's attempts to hide
her freckles, "her face looked like rough plaster, but they
all had to admit, you could still see her freckles." Beth is
naive, under-educated, without talent or special skills.
Miriam, on the other hand, is a math whiz from an old
Left family who, after her first year in college, turns from
an overweight, myopic duckling into a buxom beauty. Her
first love affair is poetic, exciting and satisfying, while
Beth's short-lived marriage is dull and dulling, sexually
pathet¡c. From these beginnings one would expect that to
Miriam would go the highest achievements, to Beth would
go the pain and failure. One would expect, or at least I
expected, that Miriam who begins with so much energy,
talent and success would, despite tribulations, end the
same. But Percy doesn't trust precociousness. ln her pre
vious novel Dance the Eagle to Sleep one of her heroines,
a tough, independenl sexually free flowerchild ends up
believing fervently in psychoanalysis and school teaching.
Piercy mistrusts blazing talent, sparkling nineteen year
olds. lnstead she opts.for slow, quiet, painful and lonely
growth processes which, in the end, yield an enduring
sense of self and possibility.
Miriam's sexual adventures, her inability to do without
love even for a day, her academic success which is bought
at the price of being hated and feared by male colleagues
wears her out, exhausts her resources. At the age of twentyfive, she is tired of fighting and a conventional marriage
seems to offer the one hope-a life of love and security.
Beth runs away from her husband, comes to Boston,
gets a job as a typist at MIT and for a long time she lives
alone in a tiny furnished room on Beacon Hill where she
reads dozens of used paperbacks. She moves into a
women's commune whích breaks up, then into a guerilla
theater commune. By the end of the novel, Beth is a fugitive, living under an assumed name with her lover, Wand4
20

wlN

also a fugitive, and Wanda's two children. When challenged
about her life-style by a male lover, Jackson, Beth repliés:

"cold" and'thus having to startlooking on my own in ¿

strange place by askin-g strange people), I do manage to
find the type öf women I am seeking and usually have an
"up" experience as a result.
It ceitainly s€ems that the editors of this catalog have
done a lot of this same hard searching and'tfie reiult will
move us oút of the Stone Age and save us a lot of footwork
and
time.
-"j.liuüitr"l"ss,
I do not want to leave the impression that
this work is meiely a women's "yellow pagesr" for the catalog goes far beyond that. The Survival Catalog is inevitably
to fõminists what the \Uhole Earth Cotalog is to the rest of
h;;;;ilt, and the book gives descriptioni of,women-owned
Ourìñ6tÉi, runs short reviews of books and aibums, interviews women involved in various activities (such as'rape
crisis center), cites pertinent legislation (suih'as the ldws on
terli vo,i rráw þ äle a job descrip
riîi¡ig"
(and lets yoí t no* where tdget a féminist
tion suî "náldivorðe),
to help you), prints leaflets and manifestos from organiza'
tions,
- -ói and displays some magnificenü posters.
t'"r""" r"t of quibbtes with
Several of my dissatisfactions are of a

I don't'want to face in toword somebody and make
them_my struggle-not even you) Jackson. I don't want
you for my life,.WÌth Wanda, we have problems,.we
frght, but we gren't each other's problem, We work together. I don't want to love a problem, . , t wont to
love somebody ond foce outword. .

.

Beth and Miliam meet at MIT where Miriam is a grad,
uate student, Beth a typist. Their lives intersect and sep
arate, intersect and separate and around them members
of the new Left move and change. Women have total collapses and rise out of their own ashes; women become gay
or find a good man or leave a bad man or get indicted. They
go back to school or start a school. The mèn get strung
out on skag, become carpenters, teachers, leave one wife,
find another. ln general, the men suffer less than the women
and they grow less.
Most feminist novels (using the term loosely) which :
have appeared in the last few years are about women alone
or women and their problems with men. Small Changes is
the first novel I have read (and I have not read them all)
which deeply concerns itself with women's relationships
to each other. Much of the book documents the clumsy
but hopeful way in which women are trying to climb over
the barriers which separate them-when they succeed, when
they fail. Wanda, Beth's lover, angrily sums up the issues:

llomen ore alwoys trying to push each other info the
mother role or accusing each other oftaking that over,
I won't be the one who has to give and give llke o personal
soup kitchen and who isn't ollowed ony weaknesses Most
women oct os if they're terrifred thot some socalled strong
womon will make demønds on them, Then they'll suddenly
be six and in mother's pocket agoin. I don't want a wife,
I don't wont to be your loving friend, And I think you're
strong enough to carry your share of the lood.
Smal I changes is i nte

IIi

ge

nt,

gr i ppi

ns

*' Iilldil,ijåt{¡l

THE NEW WOMAN'S SURVIVAL CATALOG
Edited by Kirsten Grimstad and Susan Rennie
Coward, McCann & Geoghegan, $5.00, paperback

After I had read The New Woman's Survival Catatog, I was
struck by an odd thought, a thought that seemed even
stranger as I realized that we are now well into the 1970s.
I suddenly comprehended thal despite the massive dq¡es
of media that barrage us daily, the Woman's Liberatio]r
Movement has somehow remained partially in the Stone
Age when it comes to communication. Surg we managed
to get our ideology out into the world in books like Sexual
P-ol¡tks, leaflets like the ,þloman-ldentifred Womon, and
finally magazínes like Ms. Even some sketchy newi about
what was going on outside New York or Los Angeles managed to filter around the country by means of small underground feminist newspapers tike Off Our Bocks, But
still the way of spreading vital information was mostly oral

and haphazard, to put it mildly.
ln facq women's liberationists are in the communication
condition often attributed only to homosexuals in this
society; that is, our information comes to us via a ,,grape
vine." When I travel to Florida, Ohio, New Englandf orany-my
where in the US for that matter,l usually ask
Ñew yoi.t
contacts to find out if they know of any women's groups
or far-out women I can rap with wherever I go. lnevitalily,
through this oral searching process (often complicated by
wrong addresses, incomplete names-and sometimes arriving

lawyer

ilr;;;'r

this.caralog

practicaliäiriä"¿

the remark seems, inadvertently perhaps, to be a put-down

of New York stores or women'i interest in them. Other

groups are slighted by complete ommission. Where are the
organizations for prostitutes, such as Coyoto? the organi:
zations for illigitimacy, such'as the several lesbian mõttrgíi'
unions across the country? the organizations for women':
in prison-since such groups dp ex.lst apart from the For.

-- äutã i;ri.i said, there are quibbles-perhaps impùrtant to
me because I expect a lot from a "Woman-made Boþk" as
this one says on the cover. My faith in women ässures me
we can notìce the inherent biases and make our choíce ao
.-¿ingiy unã i;rn iur" whuteu"r has been left out can an{
will biaä¿ed to-the next edition which I'm positive wìll
be out before long. And a third edition and a fourth' Because this useful book will be around a long time..-

THE pOSTWAR WAR
I jl¡¿" Slro*
by $ARtvllc (National Action/Research on the

Miiitary lndustrial Complex)

iïhïJ[i::i' i11å:'i',l,iJ'Jíi3J:::tliiJ;#Jñïîlï,îJi;iT;I"'
:ffi|#llifiilj]ñ:^ï'Ëii'i"îï"îi
nãäd a øtalo! like this most when I travel, und,l:ll¡,:.

tâ

. j

of Henry rhe K,s prize wínning performance in
port-Wá, Wãi, vvur rv)v ur rr^r\r'rrv
"¡rriiärv
pirïÞ;;i;;îÉ.
I rrrr4'
-b_ig-and åãiä1".'"sr' ".,iito',äi *ÃñMíõ er
heavy-not when I didn't notice any listings.f-or hernia
"i
--'"Hä
cliníós. The other item is the price-a hefty $5 f"ol
ar9 tf9 same mournfut Viernamese w_omen, rhe
llt-^

damned

^-,

if I'm going to lug around something that

Ëå',,îiH,i*låfåîï'liïi.íff:1,'ï;'.xåiïåJl;¡'li;"
o',îi#'J'}'*ed

someor'rheinherenrbiases,ïHi.""1r*,

within the book, alfhough there rivas no claim tr

,

;n::*ljsiitm,r*n*lj;JtgfT*,'*ii'",

tru+*gi**";l[;,$ffitå=;gffiffi,

}ålliîiinÈil*it,".m:îri.,ËiË;îigä"f
li{,îiii,üüi'-iï"!:ilg"sl¡il:,::ï'üüiiiåt¿it9.T.j1_{1-^^-., üié'nã,nur. fighrer bombers a hundred yards ahead of us.
.
;Jifiil¡¡ffsr3:'çl1t{åi1iff}îit};;$:r',
ililruS*1îd;iå1i':,',iT;'î;ålie,ffl",llullwn:,
much to my great delight how much going
yoú

'pagbs-dype.listingi. St¡ll, it ieents.that tt'".

.,,

i"¡nr"nt
9lil lf ..
would prefer to rook forward to. Bur-rhar,s
,
îie
iiri^g,and organiiing is whar rhis sride show is ail
f9-Ymight iúãiiit.ií¡ng p"oõlã *f.,uî tf.,àV don,t parricutarty wint to
Tlìe
¡ã"iä"¿ getting rhem to act on it. fn; irouUle i;, ;ñ;- . , ;
a
ffiriiii iîttlã ír'ãrt ãn *ivi or acting on ¡r. And so am I :
of city people, and tþus-míss"9 l:l
Àná io are all my friends. Five, eight, î.n y"år, ulo u.iioi
faqsg lroRortion
1
(ZI Tt'q book leans towards heterosexuality otl:::1",1 _
;;;"*y. But noï? r.lÄnylð lregesrs demonsrrating uàäinrt
lesbianism. strictlv l.tb.5:T:.yt:::::"":.T::t1",:."^q. j"
making money är inðïur, writing to cäñgress-,
"
"orpãri¡"s
is.

hills of west.V-irginiaand on farms i¡ Velmonlal9
York State. When doing their traveling the editors
have spent a lot more time between the big'cities.
editors seem to share the citv,:T:l¡ij:T,gi]^]ff^":::

.

ffi'"5#i:ltn¿rrtn:,"'ru*;*íff¿*r;F,
lîTi?i,i.'å',ii.,i:ïi:ryiifliTïd;:úirïii{:,"
feminist oriented-. ln general, lesbianism, becausg_there is
,"it *p"îs.s are pàid 6V en.'Ëi¡läi't"öi'äirl init:i',
no recognirion of the separare probtems.encoû.iTl:9.by"
homosexual women, seems to be treated assome sort

.

;i;ï: ã.Qøt nn¿ as rhe saigon cotonel ,uyrj, tr we have a
utï;""n fight this'war forever.,, ,
:.
i;;ãåã'*'t¡'iriå,r;ä;;;ä
ir,,ätotur
ü,rii';#
*ñii;
_
.' ¡;;ü"iå;ñîð,iiiã .-rJ"tîä.'ìr yo, have some u"tiànþ-i'-'
definitely gfgnlgd towards white m.iddletl..l!
111.:llther
wotfing
than Third-World women,or lowerclass

of
qpt"t'ã+g" àl feminísm, which.it ís not. (3)îh. b:-.I j:.,

ä3å'iti"þðívä-irñ"th;-

Y?i..t::.
ifrî'i;t" ro organize, rhe NARf\,ilC stide show is a grear --...,."
f¡_pini¡!. ¿ä
house. lt runs a litrle over a half
i.; have around
'i" rhe
title ::î::"";;;;i"
i'r.,;Ï""iï
jr13it'"t

There seems to be little if any.mentiqn of Black
Groups, for instance. Maybe the "new women" of the
w.ar t9l meanr ro ¡n.ruäJãr,r-äiac[, rurul, ¡.'u¡.i,

b;

toot#"rgroups

ii'"

ål [lÎili,åi,oräl'it"rio#rqi;o';:tä1""i:ytl'd

-

roresi'1

all the^shots of PRG soldieró in ihe
'
are slighted through maniirlution of space.
whole package, including.tlj9"t (J60 of them),
a
This is more suutre u¡'äs.ä;ffiïh;;i;;ã"'uliiä,i"¡ií"""'
-.I!"
;::tiPt,.3nd documentation costs $50 and can be ordered
harmfut. For exampte,
. from-NARMtc,112 s.l6th St., Phitadetphia, pa- 19102.
coastfeministuookrtuilr,'üjii;;
T,!: good news' incidentally' is that part of the show may
York city they merely reprint without
with srreèt dirôctionsänd'on the same pace ir
remark that "there are. curiously, substantially
Vietnamlsee articls p. 10). This, the slide show demonfeminist booksrores ,ñ

.
ihËr";,;ì;;i;h;d"j.*;;iü,;ti'
i;ty;i;uil-krì;ñ.*
,
"ott"nïu'i"unåi
q::Fii; :;,iïîliïr.lJili;åi?:TlÍË¡,s;.ir:,,;,i,'lr?:ililo",
i,i'äi¿in[;ñil:;l t;üä

iiåiçirïs*:;:r'"rT,il[r';;;l"ll

[:i;;:r:;,

fi[i[rm;îì:ïi;::

Tffå',:%ï1]r"ñ:Iå'1i!ffïä:"
wtN 21

.

People's

Bonnd
Bull¡rin
to
but
if

l¡m¡ted
20 words,
no g ¡nvolved
Otherwise $1 every 10 words.

Free

LIVING THE GOOD LIFE þy He|en And
Scott Nearins ($2,25) and MAN'5 SEARCH
FOR THE GOOD LIFE by Scott Nearlng
($2.oO). BOTH paperbacks for $4.OO.
Social Sclence lnstitute, Box 126, Harbors¡de, Maine 04642.

D5: New

POEMS ON

T

WOOLMAN HILL WANTS A FARMER BY
THE END OF MARCH and expsrlenced,
w€ll-organlzed. orqanlc farmer able to
producè a malör p-ortlon of the food con'
sumed by the 30 resldents of thls commuf}

ity Schoól Conf€ience Center. Thls good
pêrson must be ablê to coordlnate the
garden and anlmal operâtlon$ to educat€
the community ln m'ethods of organic
farmlng, and tó orsanlze the group work
þroiects and the falm recofda The ex.
èhanqe ls llvinq soace. qood food. and sub'
slstance sålary; Woolmãn Hlll ls lieautlf uF
loo acres of ívoods ànd Þastures and gar'
dens--therè are h€althv dows. piss and hens
to begln with. For moie lnfoimation wrlte
to Laurle camÞþêll. Woolman Hill, Derfñeld, Mass. o1342 ór call (413) 772-0453.
"Lonely" young pr¡sonêr

Pastan, H

poems

sets ava

FROM WIN
* POSTER of Dorothy Day con-

Buttôns: IMPEACH THE COX SACKER!
NIXON- - .DOES HE LOVE US ENOUGH
TO LEAVE US? IMPEACHMENT WITH
HoNoR. and 13 others 4/$1. For ¡rnþeachment comm¡ttees IMPEACH Nl XON
buttons at low quant¡ty Fir¡ces: $7/l0o'
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RISTMAS CATA_
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tor Alternat¡ves, 15OO Farragut St., NW,
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JIM HAYES-Where are vou now that we
need you? All is forglvenl Contact WlN,
L¡bertar¡an Book Club 1974 l€ctures.
Thursdays, 7¡30 PM. Workman's C¡róle
Center, 369 Elshth Avonue fSW corner
29th St), adm¡sslon free¡ Feb. 14. tww
NY Branch. ¡'LlP and Workers' C-ontrol"l
Feb. 28, Sam Dolsoff. ..The SÞan¡sh Col-loctlves"; Mar. 14. Nunzlo Pêrn¡cone" ¡¡Erico
Maletesta. The Fdrmatlvo Years." Mår. 28.
Sharon Ptesley. "Anarchlsm and Femlnlsm"¡
Apr. 11, Sylvla Barnes. r'Labor and the
l-elt," A-pI. 25, lrvlng Lev¡!¿s, ..The Anarchlsm of Gustav Lardanês"'l

REPRINTS of the Murray Bookchin interview from WIN 12120173
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2Ol, each

over 50, 15( each
Order from

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Re-ex¿nin¿tions of tbe work of Lenin, Gramsci, Mao

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þrr halç lean

I Settler State?
byMaxime Rodinson

bvDavid Herreshoff
"This is one of lhe. most fhoughllul
ond impressive bdois ever wrillen
oboul the history of Americon^rodicqlism."-Släughton Lyfrd, /I4onthly

foscism? :
How did foscism come lo power in "M. Rodinson's conlribulion is . . .
Germony ond lloly?
brillionl."-1.F. Slone, New Yor[ ReWhy did big business finonce the view of Boo&s
foscist gongs led by Hitler ond Muç "The mosl profound . . . summory of
solini?
tlíe position thot lsroel is o coloniol
Why did foscism r.eceive such wide loclJ' - Mìddle Eosl Jovrnøl
Whot is

Todoy the lerm "foscisf ib frequently
used os on epilhel for reoclíòn-from
lhe militory iunto in Chile to the

"1"

octobe , ligzs,"ol.,pro.rôL'ãi'
reexominolion of lhe slote of lsrqel
ond its. role in the Middle Eost. Ro-

Ihe

Revíew.

'

dinson, o noled French Orientolist
Wolergole loclics of the Nixon od- ond Director of lhe Ecole Proliques
" ministrolion. Guerin, o Frånchschoides Houles Etudep of lhe Sorbonne,
or, providcs q clossic study of this drows upon Hebrew, Arobic qnd
complor phertomenon. Reiecting the Weslern sources to supporl his thesis
widely held view thot foscism is o lhot Zionism, despite ils unique feopsychologicol molody, he exominesr lures, fils into the pollern of Weslern
lhe socioeconomic feolures of fos- coloniolism. This essoy, now ovoilci¡m's developmenl. He onolyzes lhe oble in English for 'lhe first lime,
role of the owners of heovy industry sporked on inlernolionol conlroversy
ond the supporl of the middle closs when il lirst oppeored in Jeqn-Poul
in foscism's rise lo power, ond con- Sqrtre's iournol les Iemps /Tlodernes.
trosts its "onlicopilolisf 'demogogy lo Ródinpon ,is olso lhe oulhor ôl lsroel
thc qcluol politicol progroms under o4{..ilre Arobs ond Mohommed., A
Hitler ond Mussolini. A Monod Press" Monod Press Book. Noles, lndex, ''.
Booh. 350 pp., tll.00, poper $3.25 Mopi." 128 pp.,.$4.95, poper 11.75 ,.

This book illuminotes o foscinoling
bul relolively unhnown chopter in
Americo¡ histcry, the birth of Americon Monism. Agoinsl the bochgroun/
of lhe Trqnscendentolisls, lhe oboli-

drich Sorge lô inlroduce the ideos '

of Morxism. This slory concludes wilh: '
lhe emergence of Dqniel De' Lecjn
ond lhe Sociolist lobor Porly, detoil-'
ing De Leon's conversion to Morxism
ond the evolulion of his porly's dis- ' '
tinclive policies. A finol chopler con'
siders the subsequenl effects of lhese
eorly yeors on lhe Sociolisl Porty
:

:

of Eugene V. Debs ond the Americon
Communisl movemenl. A Monod
Piess Bool. Noles, Bibliogrophy, ln-.
dex. 2ló pp., popêr only 12.75

Iitle

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wtN 23
2? WIN

,

'

lionisls, lhe feminisls ond olher homegrown rodicqls, the oulhor lroces lhe
efforls of lhe Germon revolulionory
exiles Joseph Weydemeyer ond Frie-

Order form, pleose prìni cleorly in blocfr letters:

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