Win Magazine Volume 7 Number 16

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ORGANIZING ALBANY, OR
FIDDLING WHILE
ROME BURNS
Things are looking up in the

Capitol District, but rememberi.ng
1911 we can say with Emma Goldman, "Political independence was but
the first step on the road [o the new
life." Political fragmentations on the
liberal-lelt, while never more conscious of their differences, have not
in the recent past been working
harder to forge new links.
The tragic experience of the Tri-

City

Peace Action Coalition (Tri-

Pac): it shifted from a single issue
approach (and all that entails) to a
multi-issue organization (and all that
entails) by a brief flurry of hands at
one meeting and back again a week
later and so on until a dampening
took place, and April 24th came and
went and Mayday came and went,
and the students went home, and
someone noticed Tri-Pac was dead,
decayed, recycled.
There were some recriminations:

"The Trots ruined it." "The People's
Coalition ruined it." "The Pacifists

it." "The Anarchists ruined
it." "The Liberals were scared off
ruined

by . . ."-take your pick.
Now it is Fall and things are
looking up because once again the
Trots, Pacifists, Anarchists, Peoples
Coalition, Gays, Women, Ministers,
Quakers, Priests, Rabbis, Left, Liber-

als, NWRO, WRL, YSA, PCPJ, GLF,
Wl LPF-in short, the names, initials,
professions, tendencies-are meeting
together, and meeting separatelY,
and aiming at long term local
organizing.

-Tony

Costello

FOUR ARRESTS AT
DRAFT TABLES

FIRST MARINE OFFICERS
WIN CO DISCHARGES
Two Marine lieutenants, Robert
Randolph of Lawrenceville, Va. and
John McDonough of Farmingdale,
N.Y., on September 3 became the
first Marine offisers to win CO discharges. Their cases were handled by
ACLU Attorney Marvin Karpatkin.
Although some enlisted men have
been released from the Marines as
COs, this was the first such case

involving

officers.

-J.P.

making friends with some Selective
Service employees and in getting
men to seriously consider nonregistration.
Despite the arrests, we have been
continuing to sit at the OaklandBerkeley board. At present, we are
leaving when threatened, because we
are awaiting the outcome of the trial
before risking any further arrests. We
are still fairly effective though,
despite the fact that we leave when
asked. We taik with manY men and
keep in contact with the board
employees.
We will be attempting to win

acquittal at our trial, so that we can
legally set up a table in the draft
board here, and so that people
around the country can feel free to
do the same at other draft boards.
Should the case lose in court, we
will continue the draft board project anyway. We are interested in
making this proiect as close to a
classical Gandhian Satyagraha campaign as possible. So the logical next
step after attempling uncompromis-

ingly to win our case through legal
means is to continue doing what we
believe is right, with the natural risk
of arrest. Some people would continue setting tables and leave when
threatened with arrest, but at least
ten others have said they are willing
to risk arrest and possibly lengthy
prison terms.

-Marc Coleman/
Gentle Strength

(See article
1

by Marc in WlN, October

, for more information about this

proiect.)

PROGRESS IN OKLAHOMA
Oklahoma's WRL is working with
other peace groups to bring nonviolence, through both direct action
and theory, to the Okies. We have

Four people who have been sitting
organized demonstrations, community
at a resistance table inside the Oakland dinners and we are putting together
a People's Library. We are working
Draft Board were arrested in August
on four consecutive days for trespassing and disturbing the peace.
John and Ying Kelley and Josh Nelson were arrested for trespassing; I
was arrested

for both

tresPassing

and disturbing the peace.
These new arrests are believed to
be sparked in large part by the move
of the Oakland and Berkeley boards

into the

same office. Another

reason for the arrests is that we
have been so effective both inl

with tax resistance, high school
resistance, and the People's Peace
Treaty. Work has been slow because
we are still bringing people together

and building a strong action group. So
far, the people have not been verY
responsive. The Oklahoma HighwaY
Patrol, due to higher Sovernment
officials, has been very repressive.
We have circulated the TreatY in
high schools, universities, and shopping centers, but we are still having

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trouble in building a general awareness of the Treaty and its potential.
The press has purposely censored all
news about the Treaty. lt has been a
main demand in three demonstrations
but has never been mentioned in the
papers

or on T.V.

Most people involved in our
actions and community work have
been students. We are working on
involving adults through actions and
leaflets. A few adults have particilpated in working with the f reaty
and planning actions but very few
actually join us in demonstrations.
Future plans center around a
state-wide nonviolence seminar,
:actions
as called for at the PCPJ
conference in Milwaukee, new and
creative attempts at building a sense
of alternative community in Oklahoma, and we will try to hold an
Orlahoma Coalition for Peace and

.returning

Justice conference. We hope to hold
fhe conference in Juiy so we can get
actions together for the summer and
fall.
We wish to enc'ouiage any suggestions or donations which might
help our progress. Please contact us
at: WRL, Box H, Norman, Oklahoma 73069.
-Joel Cohen

to lndia for more supplies.

Omega's No. 1 team crossed the

border at Petrapol (as they had
before), weie stopped by pakistan
Army soldiers and led away out of
sight of observers. On Tuesday evening it was learned that they had been
imprisoned in Jessore. The objective
of this team was to defy the
authority of Pakistan over Bangla
Desh and imprisonment was expected.
"To the best of anyone,s knowledge, this (Operation Omega) relief
was the first to actually get distributed
inside Bangla Desh since the pakistan
Army invasion of March 25.,,
Members of No. 1 team are
Christine Pratt, Joyce Keniwell, Ben
Crow (all British), and Dan Due
(American), with Ellen Connett as
link-member at the border. Members
of No. 2 team are Freer Spreckley,
Marc Duran, and Gordon Slaven.

OMEGA TEAMS IN
BANGLA DESH
According to Peace News, September l0: "Operation Omega,s No. 2
team completed their first aid-giving
mission without incident on MLndiy
last-corssing the border in an area
where the Pakistan Army are no
longer in control, distributing food
to last 800 people for three days and

-r.P.
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peck

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poge l:
page 8:

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menu

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@@ @@

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t

STAFF

CL'IT'

maris cakars
susan cakars

burton tevitsky

mary mayo

peace and freedom

fi rough nonviotent action

IN THE PROVINCES
michael brunson (box 12548, seatile,

339 lafayette street

wash.98lll)

new york. new york 10012
telephone (2121 228-0270

ruth dear (5429 s. dorchester, chicago,

i[.)

WIN is published twlce,monthly

seth foldy (2322 etandon dr., ctevetand
heights, oh.)
becky and paul (somewhere in new mex-

except July, August, and Janu-

ary when lt Is published monthly
by the WtN Pubtishing Emplre
with the support of the War Resistets League. Subscriptions are
$5.OO per year. Second class pos-

ico)

jim

gehres
3O309)

(box 7477, ailanta,

ga.

tage pald at New york, N.\/.
lOOOl. lndividual wrlters are re.

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hi. 96819)
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e4., .honolutu,

sponslble for opinlons expressed

and accuracy of facts

co.)

glven.

Sorry-manuscrlpts cannot be re-

mark morris (3808 hamitton st., phita_
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turned unless accompanled by

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self-addressed, stamped envelope.

Prlnted ln U.S.A., WIN is a member of the Underground press Syndicate and Liberation News Ser-

ca.94l03)

a

vlce.

Attica
The Kabouters

page I 5:

Northern lreland :
Ending the Union

page 1 8:

The Fall Offensive

poge 20:

Brazil: Paradis'e Now?

page 23:

WRL Meets

poge 24:

Friends of Bangla Desh i
and the People's Navy

poge 26:

Farmworkers Win Again

27:
jl:
poge 32
poge 33:
poge

Reviews

poge

Poem

Letters
Dovetails

Front Cover: Mark Morris
Back

Cover: What the opposition
is saying

We apologize profusely

to Robert Nichols for forgetting to credit him with
having written An American

Soldier's Funeral in the
9115171 issue.

October 15,1911
Vo-lume Vl l,_Nu-mbpr

]

Q

3

TBUDEAU PUTS

TSRAELI DRAFT
RESISTER JAILED
"Reuben Lassman, one of the
four lsraeli COs, was arrested by the
military police on September 6,"

t

.'.i-5*vuil

days

be resentenced indefinitelY."
The four young lsraelis, in refusing
to serve, stated: "We are unwilling to
serve in an occupation armY. lt has
been demonstrated in historY that
occupation means foreign rule,
foreign rule begets resistance, resis-

tance begets oppression, oppression
begets terror and counter-terror. we
were not born free in order to become oppressors. Oppression is a bad

BARBARA DEMING
IN' URED

to die for."
WRI urges that Protests over

reason

Defense,

La
vie
cosmique

-r.P.

age called up

to 8o to Viet-

to Canada?"

On September 2, while on the
way to the WRL annual conference in
Athens, Georgia, Fred Smedley,
Barbara Deming and I were involved
in a car accident near Alexandria,
Virginia. We were taken to the
.Alexandria Hospital. I was released
a week Jater and have completely
healed. Fred was released a few days
that.
after
' Barbara
was the worst hurt,
suffering punctured lung cavities from
her broken ribs, and a broken thigh.
For many days she was hooked to a
.respirator machine and other devices
in the lntensive Care Unit: Her lung
cavities healed up and she began to
breathe more normally after ten
days.

On September 17 she had improved
enough to have a cast put on her leg.
.She is in her own private room now
and is taking a liquid diet. Her
brother Queatin Deming, who is a

'doctor, his wife Vida, and Barbara's

close friend Jane Verlaine have been
there with her since the accident.
Quentin says that she might be
moved to a New York City hospital
fairly soon. Her spirits are good and
her ntind is clear and sharp as ever.
You oan send cards and messages to
her, Care of the Alexandria Hospital,
709 Duke Street.
-Peter Kiger

F
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Observer.

toughest and most cruel militarY
prison. lf after release he persists in
his refusal to be conscripted, he can

Lassman's imprisonment be addressed

you were a young American

that country's Prime Minister Trudeau
was asked in an interview in theSeptember issue of the United Church

for not appearing for his induction
and put into Military Prison 6m, the

to the lsraeli MinistrY of
Tel Aviv, lsrael.

"lf

of draft

nam, would you come

reports the latest WRI Newsletter.

"He has been sentenced to 21

CONSCIENCE ABOVE LAW

He answered: "God knows what

p;

I would think if I were of that age.
But I could perhaps answer your
question indirectly by saying that

sa

those who make the conscientious
ludgement that they must not
participate in this war and who
become draft-dodgers have my complete sympathy, and indeed our
political approach has been to give
them access to Canada whether theY

at

are draft-dodgers-or even more
serious-deserters from the ranks of
their armed forces.

1(

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think that the only ultimate

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guide we have is our conscience, and
if the law of the land goes against
our conscience, I think we should dis-

sF

obey the law.."

R

-,.P.

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-J

o1

GUERRILLA THEATER
AT AIRLINE
On September 10, in front of a
Fifth Avenue skyscraper, eight
"dead" persons with bloodied
bandages around their heads, lay on
the sidewalk. Behind them stood two
m'en holding a big model airplane
painted black and a placard which
said "World Airways." Located in
this skyscraper, World Airways,
America's biggest private air freight
and charter company, has been flying
armaments to Pakistan. Heading the
company is a retired Air. Force
general, Howard Estes. Wl N readers
who want to write a protest can
address it to him c/o World Airways,
666 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y.
10022.
The guerrilla" theater protest was
sponsored by Bangla Desh Action
Coalition, a new joint group including
the Friends of East Bengal, which
sponsored the ship picketing and
others. Heading the coalltion is lgal

Roodenko, WRL

chairman. -r.n

LEAVES AFSC ON TAX ISSUE
Tom Flower, who attended the

r

,Peacemaker orientation program in
Allentown, Mo., this year and last,
has resigned from his job as Peace

o

Education Secretary for the San
Antonio, Texaq American Friends
Service Committee because they

honored an IRS levy on his salary in
theamount of $5.06 for the telephone excise tax. Tom was somewhat
surprised by this action on the part
of the AFSC, because they had
earlier accepted and used a revised
W-4 withholding tax form claiming
.l
5 dependents knowing that he increased the number of dependents in
order to keep the government from
getting any of his money and using it
for war.
ln his letter of resignation to the
AFSC, Tom said, "Th.e conviction
that I cannot in conscience support
the slaughter, actual or anticipated,
of people led me to the position of
refusing to pay war taxes. A symbolic protest, in which the government
ends up getting the money, doei not

o

satisfy my criteria for war tax resistance.

"l

have understanding and em-

pathy for the Service Committee's
positions vis a vis the legal hassles
of tax resistance. Although I may
question some

of

those positions, e.g.,

would the loss of tax exempt status
through prirrcipled resistance be
restricting or perhaps liberating and
exhilarating. I realize that I lack
the experience and perspective represented in the AFSC consensus. I do,
however, know what my action
must be.
"Therefore, I ask that I be released from my position as Peace
Education Secretary. I will continue
to serve until a replacement is
found.

"

Tom is now looking for a job
where the government will not be
able to get any

of his

money.

VIRGINIA SUPREME COURT
HOLDS VN WAR.ILLEGAL
"Our

use

of armed forces in Viet-

nam does not constitute war in the
legal sense because Congress has not
declared war against North Vietnam."
So wrote Justice Thomas Gordon,
lr. in a Virginia Supreme Court decision, reversing a lower court decisior
in an insurance case involving a survivor of a Gl killed in a jeep while
on active duty in Vietnam-; The court'
,upheld the survivor against the insurance company which had resorted to

an escape clause excluding death "by
war or an act of war suffered . . .

while in military or naval service in

--Peacemaker time of war."

-f

.P.

5

6 DAY DEMONSTRATION AT
MILITANT pACIFIST ,
OF BOTH
woRLD wARS DEAD
Max Sandin, who was courtmartialed and sentenced to be
rshot for being a CO in World
War I (the sentence was later
'C0mmuted
to 18 months) and
who also was an objector in
World War ll, died in a Cleveland old age home on September 14 at the age of 82. He is
survived by his wife, son

and

FEDERAL REFORMATORY
FOR WOMEN

daughter and one granddaughter.
His obit in the Cleveland

^
[:.:;'ff:1,;r,:i|i:il|!,1"T;

Late on Tuesday, September 1 4,
inmates at the Federal Reformatory
for Women at Alderson, West
Virginia, which holds 600 women,

against nuclear warfare and
made annual income tax
declarations that stated he had
no intention of paying."
Right until the.end he pur-

began a sympathy demonstration for

prisoners at Attica State Prison in
New York. They went around the
prison grounds gathering support, including people confined in maximum

sued the tax resistance struggle,
instituting court action to stop

security who broke out to join.
During the week, 100-200 residents took over and stayed in the
building which had once been used
for the prison industry garment
factory. They held a work strike and

the government from withholding the funds from his
social security.
-J.P.

presented 42 grievances to the prison
nistration. These incorporated
demands forchanges in parole proce-

ad mi

*Th,e torch has been handed down
t o a n o th

nrc'Eips voice, primrily r

u, I r r, *
"

rotr,r," o,

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Thc Hipt Vo,e riE to r.i* dl pcoplc to full
humn dignily wilhout i!t[d to choic. of lifc

non-politic.l,

indcp.ndrtrt publicrtion comped of rrticld
$ot in by it! rer&B md s(mtimt rcPoncr,
it publitlrcd bimnthly itr Srtrtr Fc, Now
Mcxico. lt h8s bccn ctllcd a hippk, ncsp.Fr.
It i! u undlrgound mpdrc rpp.disS to
htdarc disidctrts, Gffetc intcllelult, iD
pudcnt $obt, thinkinS pcoplc of dl sttt,
tEoy bopp.6, stnighb, hcd!, tuirtr, gryl
md orh.r ertcd @l individub.

rtylc, ne, ciccd, [timd origin, or my of
thc othcr hrn8{pr uicty .@pt3i to rcport
ud @ttrert q dl rcu of intclctt to its
mdctr in a frc ud opcn mnar: .nd to
hclp iB rcrd.R rchidc F.e th,ough undrr.
tt8dtuB ed lorc. th.outh hmnious rc.
htioos with dl. Rcpraim, disord, d.rkns
ud oppraim hrw no phe itr thc n.w rta.

Ehmt ocs,
off tood vibct, cffctw eirh ioy,
of itt rctull
Som
oprimim
bcruty rnd
fcrtuG includc Fccdbrck, lcttcB frm ilt
groory radcn; r motily horeopc chrtlcd
sd writtcn with th* thinSt importrot to
you in miod; r Ftc for poct! to np eith you
ach i$uci @ion.l rcvic$ of hcrvy movi6,
b@k!, rccordr, ctc.i rcporl! ud uticlB on
hip .trd music rcu end ncumkcc; ud
othcr Mrtcd 8@d ltuff.
Thc Eips Vokc rcport! lhc

sent in from the Federal Prisons at
$shland, Kentucky and Morgantown,
West Virginia, were brought onto
the prison grounds. Prisoners who
were still occupying the old gaf ment

Hipt yoie ii . youth{ricntcd ncEp.F.,
put qt by youry pcoplc md rcld by
@ryom. It hs ben c.llcd thc Nc* Atc
Prpcl for Ncw fuc Pcoplc. why hes.
primrily lql prpcr gcocntcd s much
intcffit @ r miioul $alc? B.crus it't a
tqcthcr littlc ru. lt's hon6t ud it's ftc io
prinr .|l. "lt'i full of comcnt, gcip, rnd
othcr Fcdcrd offcns," orc of its rcsdcri
Thc

fi6

sid.

Dig

factory dispersed to their quarters
rather than risk a violent confrontation. When they were locked into
their quarters, many broke out

il, ruhrcribc!

through the

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Santa Fe, New Mexico 87501

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dure, which were on a petition which
378 inmatds had signed and sent to
the Attorney General earlier in the
month. There were also many demands concerning more recompense
for work and services performed by
inmates, and for expansions in vocational, ed.ucational, therapeutic and
medical programs.
Early Saturday morning, Septem'ber 18, gas-masked guards with clubs

---

-J

screens.

On Sunday afternoon, September
19, a group of 20 tu 30 gathered
near the visiting area at the inner
gatehouse and demanded to see the
press. They said that the demonstra-'
tion was not over (as the Warden
had said) and that many people
would not be going to work on
Monday.

Finally, on Tuesday, September
21

, tear

gas was used as inmates

protested while 66 so-called "ringleaders" were moved to the Federal
Prison at Ashland Kentucky to
await transfer to state prisons.

:-DeCourcy Squire

Attica

Attica is apalling but not surprising-not after
Kent and Jackson. WIN readers already know something about prison, partly because many of them
have been there themselves and. also because of
Wl N's continuous coverage of prison questions (including our special prison issue of September 15,
1970). The facts of Attica have been widely
reported by the mass media and do not need
elaboration by us. Simply stated, hundreds of
heavily armed men fired massively upon men armed
only with sticks and knives, and in the process
managed to kill more than forty persons-nine of

them hostages.

Three things occur to us. The first is that
pacifists do choose sides and, using whatever nonviolent means are open, our side is that of the
rebelling inmates at Attica. Their cause was iust,
their demands were reasonable.
Second, Attica revealed how clearly the Establishment feels there is a "class basis of morality".
Senator James Buckley of New York State, when
he first heard that the hostages had been killed by
the convicts, said this was a time when the full
penalty of the law should be applied "without
mercy". Later, when it developed that the hostages
were killed as a consequence of Rockefeller's orders
rather than convict actions, he fell silent on the
matter of seeking out the guilty. After all, the very
rich are never as guilty as the very poor, right MrBuckley? One thinks of those who did show mercy,
of the convict who refused to kill his hostage but
instead threw him to the ground and covered him
with his own body when the firing began. The guard
lived. The convict was shqt to death.
Third, we see a link between Attica and Saigon.
Rarely do we see so clearly that in addition to the
war we wage in lndochina, the Establishment also

wages war against the poor and the non-white with-

in our borders. Usually that domestic war is carried
on silently, as when Nixon proposed Congress pro-

vide federal welfare grants of $2,400 a year to a
family of four-a sum on which it is impossible for a
family of four to live in any of our major cities. Such
a measure is a legal way of institutionalizing starvation. When will the middle class realize there is a'
link between unemployment and welfare, between
welfare and a rising crime rate, between the heroin
addicts being.created among our troops in Vietnam
and the events at Attica? When will the white
working class realize that they have more in common
with rebelling black convicts than with Nelson Rockefel ler?

Must the poor always pay the cost of our edu'
cation? Must more than forty men-poor Blacks and
Puerto Ricans and workirg class white guards-be
shot down before we realize our prison system is
criminal? Must more than a million Vietnamese die
before we realize the war is not an unhappy mistake
but a deliberate result of the kind of social and
economic system we have?
The fall campaign is on (see p. 18 )-the
October 13th Moratorium, the October 25'29
nonviolent actions in Washingtop, the November
6th regional mass rallies. Those events are no longer
routine, no longer merely a "calendar of events"'
Attica has given them special meaning. They are
now the channel for our fury at the rigid institutions that deform and brutalize us, 4nd they become

the means of showing our compassion for all those
trapped by those institutions, guards and convicts
alike, troops and peasants. These are all our
brothers and sisters-liberation, when it comes,
must come to all.

-wlN

'

The Kobouters ("elves") of Amsterdom ore successors to the Provos ond ore ottempting to found an olternative
society bosed on mutual aid and the respect for noture. They seem to hove goined significont popular support in
Hollond. Running in the J une 1970 municipol elections on o platform of radicol ecology ond anorchism, they
secured five seats on the Amsterdom city council out of o totol of forty-five. Other Kobouter groups in Hollond
0t the some time goined council seots in The Hogue, Leeuwarden, Leiden, Alkmoor, and.,Arnhim.
It hoppened thlt one of the members of Ecology Action Eost, Grey Fox, wos going to be in Europe ot the
beginning of Jonuary. He volunteered to tolk with Roel von Duyn, who helped stort the Provos in 1965 and the
Kobouters in 1969, The following interview took ploce in Roel's home in Amsterdom on Januory 8, 1971 :

GREY FOX: Could you start by telling us something about the Provos?
VAN DUYN: The Provos died because in our
Provo procedure there was not enough construction
of our own life. We were in a way negatiVe; that is, we
were dependent on the establishment, which we tried
to provoke, to shock, to attack. l'n some ways we succeeded. The mentality of the people was changed a
little in an anti-authoritarian way. But it wasn't
enough, because the Provos were only a protest movement. After a while we became tired of this. We
stopped the Provo movement because we were becoming a machine of ourselves.
G: What was the actual theory behind the Provos?
ln other words, what did you want to accomplish

with the Provos?

This is condensed from ROOTS, published
by Ecology Action East. The complete
intervkw and other material on the
Kabouters is available from ROOTS at Box
344, Cooper Station, New York, N.Y. 10003.

8

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V: We wanted to accomplish then the same thing that
we want to accomplish now. We wanted an antiauthoritarian socialist society. But in the Provo movement we didn't prove to people that it was possible
to make such a society. That is what we are trying to
do now. I would like to tell you a bit about the
psychological background of the Provo movement.
We were then in a mood of utter despair. We wanted
a revolution, but we thought that it was impossible.
We thought that everything was going to hell and
that doomsday was approaching. We felt that we had
to beat the enemy wherever we could catch him in
the time which was still available. But after a while it
appeared that this activity was without results.
Afterwards I wrote a book about the Kabouters.
It's going to be translated soon in the United States.
The title is The Messoge of o llise Kabouter-this
Kabouter is Kropotkin. He said that the origin of
revolution is not despair but help. I was very much
impressed by his ideas on help.
G: I wonder if you would sum up again lust what you
thought the Provos would accomplish.
V: We thought that we could change the mentality of
people by showing them that it is possible to do without authority, that authorities can be attacked, and
that the people do not have to bow down before
every authority. We created some little alternatives,
like the white bike plan, which you know of.'

G: Yes.
V: But the mainstream of the Provo movement was
protest. I think that protest is a very good thing. Protest is very hea[thy in an authoritarian society. We
have to continue this protest. But I think that now
we have to combine prolest with a movement for
the construction of a new society. We have to show
people that such a new, creative society is possible.
And we must learn about this creative, new soeiety

ourselves. We must learn to make revolution in our
own lives and to use the movement for experiences
that would follow total revolution. I don't believe in
revolution as a phenomenon that would come someday*surprising everybody from one day to the nextand which would have no practical antecedents before
it. For example, I think that now we must train each
other in the economy of mutual aid. Therefore, after
we become Kabouters, we started an alternative
industry with all sorts of alternative prolects like our
alternative agriculture, which is based on the idea of
not using drugs, poisons, or artifical fertilizers. The
idea is to have a natural balance with one's natural
enemies. The system is taken from the anthroposophs (the followers of the teaching of Rudolf
Steiner ) and is called biological-dynamical agricul-

ture.
The food that we grow in the countryside is sold
by us in the shops of Amsterdam. lf you like, you can

visit some of them tomorrow. ln these shops, we sell
food very cheaply, mostly for lower prices than the
chemical foodsellers. These shops are also points of

action in the sections of the city of Amsterdam. Our
policy is to form a council of the people in each
section of the city. ln this way, self-management will
solve local problems of housing, social problems,.and
also ecological problems. The movement for selfmanagement is now growing very quickly in Amsterdam.
We are now in a period of town renewal, as they
call it. About 40,000 old unlivable houses are supposed to be demolished in the next twenty years.
This has given a stimulus to the people to concern

themselves with problems of housing, because there
is such a lack of houses in Amsterdam. lf they want
to demolish 40,000 houses-slums-then we have to
do something. ln general we have a slum defense
policy. But there are a lot of houres in Amsterdam

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which are empty because they are owned by people
who make a profit by selling them empty. They make
more profit by selling them empty than if people are
living in them. So we squat these houses. Because of
this policy we now have a lot of influence in the city
council. Some of the Social Democratic aldermen are
supporting our policy. We managed to occupy houses
against the will of the government and against the
will of the owners of the houses. This squatting has
become a big success. ! think that it was thanks to
this policy that we got such a lot of votes. We have
five seats out of forty-five on the city council.
G: What percentage of the vote do the Kabouters
have in Amsterdam?
V: We have 12% of the vote. And in the future we
should have a much larger percentage of the vote,
because 65% of the people below twenty-one years
of age are supporting us. (laughter) lt should actually
mean a dictatorship by Kabouters (more loughter).

G: ln ten years there should be a Kabouter who

is

queen (sti tt more lo ughter).

V: But unfortunately the people under twenty-one
years of ageare not allowed to vote.
We also have a self-center for old people. lt is very
active. About 600 Kabouters are available every day
to help old people. lf old people have any problems,
there are five telephone numbers that they can call
day or night. Kabouters will then go to the old
people and help them with whatever they might need.
This is done without any payment. The old people
then do something in return for us. They may bake
some cakes or do something else. So this is a mutual
aid economy.
We also started schools for little children. Even
before the Kabouters. we had the white kindergartens
in which we tried to educate children in a nonauthoritarian way.
G: Like the Kinderlaeden in Berlin?
V: Yes. The ideal is that about ten parents have one
kindergarten. The parents alternate every day.
Every day there's a different parent in the kindergarten to take care of the.children. So there is collective responsibility in each of these groups.
G: Does the city help pay for these kindergartens?
V: No. We squat a house and then we set up a kindergarten. Of course, when the children grow older, they
have to go to school. So we had to start our own

schools.

V: Yes.
G: What are some of the things you are producing in
this center?
V: For example, we produce our own clothes. We
also produce, for example, engines for white auto

Another thing: On February 6th, we will be
organizing an alternative bourse.
G: Bourse? You mean a stock market?

cars-electric auto cars.
G: Why do you call this a bourse-a stock market?

V: Yes.

G: That's a joke?
V: Yes. lt's just a name. Do you know the game of

G: How can there be an alternative stock market?
Y: (loughing) Because it is. We are organizing it in a
building that is a center for young people. ln this
center we have about sixty alternative producing
units, that is to say, alternative factories and alternative service centers. There are two very important
features of these producing units. First, they produce
things in a clean way. There is no pollution. And the

l0

second thing is that there is democracy in the working
organization.
G: Do you mean that you have afactory council?

V: Now. ..

Monopoly?
G: Yes.

V:

We are also producing an

alternative Monopoly

game.

G: Yes, yes. That is great (loughter),

V: Representatives of factories and newspapers come
from foreign countries to visit us. And I think that
we have to stimulate the idea of alternative economy
very strongly. Because I think that this is the solution to all of the problems of pollution. At the
present time we can only make small changes in the
way in which we are polluting, but the fundamental
problems remain, for instance, like the problem of
the use of carbon fuels. I agree with Murray Bookchin that we have to replace oil and coal by electric
energy, sun energy, and other forms of clean energy.
ln Holland, for example, we have natural gas that
is very clean.
I think that it's very important to show people
what we want, to show it in practice, and to show
it to ourselves too. The experience of new forms of
schools, factories, and shops is a more important
thing than the mere provocation of people. I don't

any results from this policy. I don't see how it
will lead to a solution. I think that the left in
America must make its program broader-to work
with two hands. Not only should the enemy be
attacked with one hand, but the other hand should
be used to realize what one wants right now.
G: You have been quoted before about your idea of
the "two hands." Could you explain this a bit more

see

fully ?
V: What I mean by the theory of two hands is:
With the left hand we try to make our own utopia
in the midst of the old society-like the mushroom
on the rotten trunk of the tree. With the right hand
we attack the enemy and infiltrate into the old
society-like we are doing in the city council. I
think that this was the problem, too, in the
Spanish Civil War. With the left hand they tried to
set up self-management in the factories and with
the right hand they tried to fight against Franco.
But in the end, the only work that was done was
that of the riEht hand. The work of the left hand
was abandoned. The Stalinists got so much influence that self-management in the factories was
abolished.
G: But as you see

it the r:ight hand is radical too?
The policy of the right hand is a radical policynot a liberal policy?
V: No, that's not the problem. lt's a question of
tactics. We have to combine the tactic of attacking
the enemy with the tactic of constructing the new
world. Well, you can say that in a way it's a mixture
of utopianism and revolutionary action. But I see it
as one whole and complete policy. lt's not split
into two things. But there are two tactics.
G: Could you at this point tell us how the Kabouters
are organized? That's very important.
V: We are organized in the way that the Freestate
is organized. We have about twelve departments; in
these departments alternative civil servants are
working. We have a department for agriculture, a
department for housing, a department for old
people, a department-and this is a department of
the right hand-for sabotage and violence. This is

rather new. ln the city council I introduced a plan
for sabotaging the army. I proposed a school for
sabotage and that we say to the soldiers, "Be
irresponsible. Don't follow the commands of your
leaders, but put sand in youi rifles and sugai in the
oil tanks and let them explode. And train yourself
in the sabotaging of every occupier." We started the
university for sabotage in Amsterdam. Then it happened that there occurred a lot of cases of sabotage
in the army. The government cried a lot and we had
conflicts in the city council. The Social Democrats
called me a fascist. I don't know why, but it seems

that that was the only word they could think qf
(loughter). And this department is still working.
There are other departments. For instance, the
department for ecology. For instance, this department planted trees in the streets. We think that we
lack trees in the center of Amsterdam. So we brought
them from the woods and planted them in the
streets. But the police came later and dug them out
again. The police arrested the trees. However there
were television people there. They made films
about the trees, and these films were shown on
televisio n.

I also made a proposal that there be gardens on
the roofs of auto cars. Like this. (Von Duyn shows
a model cor on the roof of which plonts, shrubs,
and flowers hove been plonted.) This would combine
nature with culture. There would also be gardens on
the roofs of houses and agriculture would be carrled

out in these gardens. I also proposed that there be
holes in the streets-long holes-and that.motorists
be required to drive their cars in the holes (loughter). Fhen if you were walking along the street, you
could only see a moving scene of gardens. But the
city council didn't accept this as a good idea
(loughter).

G: Aut let us get back to the organization of the
Kabouters. Would you say that the Kabouters are
organized in an authoritarian or nonauthoritarian
way?

lt is of course nonauthoritarian.
G: But you have departments and presumably reiponsibility. You hbve alternate civil servants.
'6oesn't all this imply an authoritarian structure of
V:

organization

?

V: The civil servants are all volunteers. They have
autonomy of action in their departments. The
departments have their own meetings where they
decide what

to do.

But there needs to be some coordination of these
departments. So every week we have an interdepartmental meeting. ln this meeting deputies of
the departments discuss their common problems'
On Thursdays we have a meeting for everybody' We
call this a People's lVleeting-the people of Orange
Freestate. Also we have a more or less centralized
financial committee to coordinate the money problems of the departments. And we have a Kabouter
newspaper.

G: Would ycu say the Kabouters are anarchists?

V: Yes.

U

G: Do you have a Kabbuter policy, so that you can
say, "This is a Kabouter PolicY."

example. How many people are there in this depart-

V: Yes.
G: How do you make this PolicY?
V: We proclaim this policy in the city council. ln
fact we use the city council only as ambassadors of
the Orange Freestate. We are ambassadors there
because it's a foreign country.
G: But of course the city council doesn't think of
you that way.
V: Sometimes they think about us. The mayor of
Amsterdam calls the Orange Freestate a "befriended

V: Today I don't know. But every department is
decentralized into several groups. lf you are
interested in a special topic, then you go to the
meeting about this special topic.
G: ln other words, you have a meeting of the
whole department and then meetings of each of the

state.

ment?
:

"

But we don't think of it this way. We declared
an eighty-years' war against the Kingdom of the
Netherlands. We called it an eighty years' war
because we fought eighty years against the Spaniards.

big?

V: That's a theoretical problem.
G: You don't have that many people in a meeting?
V: Sometimes we have meetings as big as that. Then
we have to look for bigger rooms and bigger buildings.

V: Yes.
G: How long

G: Do you vote or do you come to decisions by
consensus?

ago?

V: ln June. But Kabouter years are going faster than
human years, so we are now about ten human
years furlher along. And they are going faster now,

V: ln some exceptional questions, we vote. But in
general we do things by consensus. Or we iust say,

hecause we are

not."
G: ln other words, if a person doesn't want to go
along with a program, he doesn't haVe to? He does
what he wants to do himself?
V: Yes.
G: You said that you have a coordinating committee

in a hurry.

meeting . . .
G: Anybody?

V: Anybody can go to the meeting. Then you
speak with the people-if they trust you'

can

G: How does one become a Kabouter?
V: By thinking like a Kabouter and acting like a
Kabouter. By going to meetings and foining in the'
activities.
G: What if someone says,

"l am a Kabouter." But
you don't like the way he thinks. Can you tell
him, "Don't come to meetings." What do you do?
V: Yes, we have such problems. There are some
persons we don't like. But they call themselves
Kabouters and they come to the meetings. So we
tolerate them and talk things over with them. lt's
not such a great problem.
G: What happens?
V: Nothing.
G: ls anyone ever. thrown out?
V: No, we would never do that. We think that we
have to talk to peopie. lf they are not like the way
we would like them to be, we try to turn them on.
I don't think there is any point in kicking people
out.
G: Well, let's take the department of education, for

0.

V: Yes.
G: Let us say that 300 people were interested in
one of these meetings. Would this meeting be too

G: You actually declared this?

G: Let us get back to the Orange Freestate. You
told me that each of the departments is made up of
volunteers. So let us consider the department of
sabotage and violence. lf I am a Kabouter, can I
just go and join that department? Can I iust say
that I am a member of that department? Or must
I be chosen as a member of that department?
V: No, you do not have to be chosen. The department has its own meetings. You can go to the

'

special groups,

"Decide for yourself whether you want to do this or

delegates from each one of these departments..
What if the coordinating committee wants to establish a policy that is against the desires of one of the
departments, such as the department of education?
V: That is impossible, because the departments are
autonomous. They decide, and the coordinating
committee can only coordinate. lt cannot decide a
policy for a department. lf a department wants to
do something, it does it. The members of the
coordinating committee merely inform each other
of what they are doing. The coordinating committee

with

has never made any policy for itself, because it is
not its function to make independent policy. The
.coordinating committee just follows the wishes of

the departments and tries to coordinate them-tries
to see that the departments are not working against
each other. But we try to avoid this. And this is the
work of the coordinating committee. ln general
however there is the principle that every meeting
decides for itself, so the coordinating committee
could not decide for the meetings of the departments. That would be imPossible.
G: Do you keep a written record of the meetings of
the coord i nating committee?
V: Yes, and it is published in the Kabouter newspaper.

G: Are there written records

of the meetings of the

departments? For example, the department of education?

V: No, the depa.rtments do not keep records.

)

S

G: You also said that the one committee that has a
central role is the finance committee. Does this
committee make policy? Or just what does it do?
V: The finance committee combines people with
money with people without money. lt coordinates
the needs of money. For instance, if I have money

from selling my books, I go to the finance committee and say,

"Look, I have money. To whom

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I give it?" Then the finance committee might say

that I should give it to the department of old
people, because this department lacks money.
G: Who makes up this committee?
V: The committee members are chosen by the
People's Meeting. About eight people.
G: Then the People's Meetin! is the basic meeting?

V: Yes.
G: How were the departments originally set up?
V: We started the Orange Freestate on the 5th of
.l
February 970. We said, "OK, let's construct a
state. Let's make departments." Then we. divided
the big room into several sections. Some people
went to each section to start a department. And
each of these departments decided when next to get
together for a departmental meetinS.
G: What are the functions of the People's Meeting
then?

V: lt discusses theoretical questions, general municipality policy, and the coordination of the various
groups. lt's also a place for the people to make
contact with each other.

G: Does it pass resolutions?
V: For instance, in the People's Meeting we discussed the question of whether we should enter the
elections. But there were never any resolutions made.
Ther'e were however several press statements that
were accepted by the People's Meeting.
G: How big is the People's Meeting?
V: lt depends. Yesterday it was rather small-about
fifty people. During the summer however there''
were beiween two and five hundred people' The
People's Meetings are held once a week.
G: The People's Meeting couldn't pass a resolution
abolishing the education department?
V: No, that would be impossible, because the
education department is autonomous.
G: But the education department could abolish
itself?

V: Yes.
G: ln other words, once a department has been

started, it cannot be abolished by the People's
Meeting, but the People's Meeting does set. up the
department in the beginning. Or, it's not very clear
what the powers of the People's Mtieting are, and
you'd rather keep it that way.
V: Yes, this is true. The People's Meeting makes big
decisions for general policy-like whether to enter
the elections. And it does have power to appoint
members of the finance committee.
G: Would you say that all

of this

has grown up

organically? ln other words, there's no written con-

stitution or anything? lt's just giown up this way?
V: But about two months ago we made an alter-

.

t+

native constitution.
G: Who approved it?
V: I drew it up and then we discussed it in the
Kabouter newspaper. One of the provisions of the
constitution is that if anyone thinks he has to

work outside the borders of the constitution for
certain necessary reasons, then he has to do it.
G: ln other words, no one has to follow the
co

nstitution

?

Y:No (more loughter).
G: I wonder how all of this got started. All of the
Kabouters must have been with the Provos originally.
V: Some of them.
Gi But how did the Kabouters actually start?
V: I was a member of the city council as a Provo.
I entered the council in the autumn of 1969. Then
I started to talk about Kabouters. Afterwards more
and more people started talking about Kabouters
and thinking about Kabouters. The Establishment
thought that it was crazy,but it is unusual to have
a Kabouter on the city council (loughter);Then we
held a People's Meeting and it became the first
People's Meeting of Kabouters organized in'the
Orange Freestate.
This Orange Freestate is now a very imperialistic
state, because it wants to expand to other countriesto have an international freestate based on an alternative economy. We want to spread these ideas
throughout the whole world. But now we are still
confined to Western Europe. We are in contact with
some little islands of the Orange Freestate in Copenhagen,'Belgium, and France, but we are still mainly

in Holland.
G: What about the Yippies? Are they going

to

be

an island of the Orange Freestate?
V: That depends on whether they want to build up
the Orange Freestate-whether they want to buildto construct.
G: Tell us something more about the Orange Freestate.

Y: (showing proclamotion); This is the proclamation

of the Orange Freestate.
G: lt says ''l\,,lational Gazette."'You modeled it of
course aftdr the royal official iournal.
V: Yes.

it is dated FebruarY 5,1910.
Yes.
But since then-in the winter of 1970 iust
V:
now-there have been fewer actions of the Orange
Freestate than there were in the summer. Perhaps
it's a question of the weather. But the departments
of the left hand are still working. For example, we
are still helping old people, squatting houses, selling
food, making clothes, and conducting schools. But
there are very few actions in the streets now. But I
think that this will start up again in the spring-frith

G: And

the spring offensive.
I hope that you can make something out of this
interview.
G: What do you mean?

V: For instance, the ideas about the alternative
economy. I think that it's very important for people

to experience it, to try it. You can change peoplers
opinions by giving them examples of the new
society. '.

-from ROOTS
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The position of the Protestant community in
Northern lreland has been bedevilled by colonialism. They camb to lreland as the result of a cruel
policy of forced settlement at the expense of the
native Catholic lrish in the early 17th century. The
-l920
constitution linked their fortunes, tragically,
to those of the colonial power. The ruling elite is
still drawn from their ranks, still largely English
public school educated. Parallels with Rhodesia
and Algeria ar'6 obvious.
Press those parallels, and you can end up
arguing for an ultimatum to the Northern lreland
Protestant community, similar to the one given to
the French settlers in Algeria. The French settlers
had to choose between accepting Aigerian citizenship and remaining in Algeria, or choosing French
citizenship and, for the most part, going to live in
France or at least remaining in Algeria only as
aliens. Protestants could be offered the choice of
deciding finally whether they are lrish or British
in the context of a re-united lreland.
No one suggests that the parallels are exact.,
It is more like Algeria 300 years on if the nationalist struggle there had been defeated. For the Protestant community in lreland are far more closely
integrated into lrish society than the French
settlers were in Algeria. Protestants, especially the
Presbyterians, have at times been involved in the
'l
nationalist struggle. ln the rebillion of 798, Wolf

I

Tone, himself a Protestant, tried to unite Catholic
and Protestant peasants against the English landlords.

But

it

is true that

for the most part the

Protestant community have retained a consciousness

of their separate identity. The argument could be
that in so far as it is a colonial consciousness,
identifying itself with colonial Britain and holding
the "native" Catholic lrish in some contempt, the
parallel with Algeria holds. Therefore a similar
solution is called for.
Deciding Units
logic. Against it is the fact that all
nations are the creation of migration and conquest;
history is a record of peoples carving out territories
for themselves at the expense of earlier inhabitants.
Today's task is to put an end to this process and
settle the confusions and injustices of history as far
as possible aocording to the principle of self-determination. But history leaves ragged edges. How do
you decide what constitutes a "people", or a
national unit? How far back in history do yorr go?
By and large you have to grant that people
have the right to be where history has placed them;
self-determination has to work within that context.
As to deciding what constitutes a people, the
criterion has to be whether or not a consciousness
of a separate identity exists. History, culture,
religion, may help to shape that consciousness; it is

It is a harsh

situation is such that they can voluntarily accept
federal solution or full unity.
Another argument against an imposed unity

a

is

that it would not work. lf Britain proposed such a
solution with the agreement of the lrish Republic
(an unlikely event in itself), the immediate outcome
could be a declaration of independence in N. lreland. Britain with over 12,000 troops in the province could force the issue, but it would be an
inauspicious beginning for a re-united lreland.
Moreover any lrish government afterwards, including a socialist one, could well face a more or less

permanent armed rebellion in N. lreland.
Biafra, Nagaland, Bangla Desh, Southern Sudan,
the Basques should sound the warning. The 70's
are likely to see a rash of revolts by communities
seeking to break down existing nation states. I
would forecast that "people's wars" in the next
10, 20 years will be more frequently of this type
than straightforward anti-imperialist struggles.

#
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*
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the consciousness itself that matters.
Deciding on what units are to be acknowledged
as valid is still more difficult. lf for instance you
take the whole of lreland as a unit, then the
Protestants form a minority community within it.
But if you go on reducing the size of the units
within which the self-determination of the malority
operates, you would end up having to divide Belfast
street by street.

of Withdrawal
As a matter of fact this concept of street
republics, working in a kind of anarcho-syndicalist
manner, has much to offer; it is the basis of the
grass roots politics, the co-operation of working
people and their spirited defiance of bourgeois
authority, that still, admit all the tragedy, gives
excitement and hope in Northern lreland. lts
development, especially if it can in time cross the

{

Problems

sectarian lines, could open up new revolutionary
alternatives in lreland. Even so you cannot ignore
the larger regional and national context in which
such street communities have to operate. The
national question cannot altogether be avoided.
Presumably if there is a problem about deciding
the boundaries of a national community, you have
to work downwards from the largest unit through
traditional units such as province, county, city and
so on, where a consciousness of forming a unit still
exists among people. Operating on these
principles the right of the Protestant community
to self-determination should be accepted; they
should be allowed to remain separate until the

t6

.But it is one thing to say that the Protestant
community has the right to choose separation, it is
another to say that the colonial link with Britain
should be.allowed to continue. Britain's acquiescence is needed for that option to remain open.
Britain could close it by exercising its own right of
self-determination and stating that within a given
period it would end the Union with Nl.
ln the interests of everyone, not least the Nl
Protestant community, this is what Britain should
do. As long as there are British soldiers in lreland,
or Nl remains British territory, generations of
lrishmen will see the problem as one of continuing
the anti-colonial struggle. While that situation continues, no amount of internment and repression will
end the sectarian bitterness and bloodshed.
British withdrawal would not end the problem
and there would be immediate and acute dangers.
Certainly a conference of all interested parties
.

would be needed to work out a new constitutional
arrangement, which would have to include guaranteeing civil rights to all Nl citizens and leaving thi:
way open for eventual unity in lreland-assuming
that for the present it is not acceptable. Without
British withdrawal the situation is bound to worsen,
perhaps to the point where civil war becomes
inevitable.

Ending internment and withdrawing British troops
is an urgent priority. When the soldiers first arrived
in 1969 they were welcomed by the Catholic community as a force to protect them against Protestant
mobs ind a means of ensuring that reforms were
pushed through. Yei sending them was a mistake.
They provoked a counter build-up of the IRA and
caused the initiative to slip out of the hands of the
Civil Rights and. People's Democracy campaigns
which to some small extent had managed to cross
the sectarian lines. The bombings and shootings have
been the direct consequence. The militant but largely

the situation normalized while reforms are instituted
is a paradigm of colonialist ignorance and miscalculation.
Perhaps the current civil disobedience campaign
will convince the British Sovernment of this. lf the
campaign is sustained with mass participation it
could make the continuation of official forms of

government impossible in the disaffected areas and
strengthen grass roots socialism. The danger is that
it may become a tool of Jack Lynch's brand of
bourgeois nationalism or split up into warring
factions. A support campaign in Britain operating
say among British troops and at recruitment centres
could be positive.
lf parallel campaigns gained impetus in Nl, Eire
and Britain, a strategy of trying to break the Nl
union with Britain but otherwise working for the
present within existing boundaries might in practice
be accepted. lf the further step of conceding the
right of the Nl Protestant community to self-determination ever became generally accepted, a coalition

or working agreement between the radicals of the
Protestant and Catholic communities could emerge.
The main political demand of a British campaign
must b,e the separation of Britain and Nl. The demand
will be a difficult one to put across for it requires
a shift in British consciousness, particularly among
left-liberal circles in England. I see it as part of a

right wing IRA provisionals have been the principal
beneficiaries.

lnternment and Beyond
Now the main hatred of the Catholic community
is directed against thB British soldiers. When they
move Into Catholic areas like Ballymurphy they
come as an invading army and are treated as such.
This was certainiy my experience during a visit to
Belfast a few weeks before internment. The army's
role in enforcing internment, the fact that Civil
Rights and People's Democracy activists have been
among those detained and the widespread evidence
of brutality have finally ended the possibility of the
British army playing a neutral role. They declared
themselves at war with the IRA; they find themselves at war with the Catholic community. The
notion that with the gunmen and "extremists" in
jail, the Catholic community can be won over and

I

broader strategy to break down Great Britain, as
the advocates of intermediate technology suggest,
and build a socialist politics on the basis -of its
national communities.
, This is not to argue for a narrow chauvinism or
the breaking of all links, but to suggest that a true
internationalism requires a solid substructure of
national communities acting with autonomy and
self-confidence. The anti-colonialist struggles of the
past few decadei give weight to this approach.
It is not even to argue for nation states and
governments as we know them at present; new
forms of political and economic co-operation need
to be built if libertarian socialism is to become a
reality, forms which link the communities of the
street and factory to the wider network of communities which contain them. One of these will
be the national community, as it would have been
in Spain if the social revolution had not been
crushed.

The sense of being English, or Welsh or Scottish
or lrish, is still more real than the constitutional

notion of Great Britain and could provide a solid
and worthy base for building a radical politics. But
the left in England has always been wary of English
nationalism and has allowed it to become the preserve of the Right. This is due in part to a lingering
paternalist notion; the children may rebel aird decide to leave home, but the father must preserve
the family unity as long q1 he can; thus for England
to declare its own separa.teness would be unnatural,
a betrayal.

But at this point unless it does so in relation to
Ulster, the prospects there are that the next 50 years
will be even bloodier and more chaotic than the last.
_MICHAEL RANDLE t'f
PEACE NEWS

Despite the confusion of three organizations
working out of the same office, I find comfort in
the fact that we are confused because we are organizing rather than wondering what to organize. Last
year at this time, there was planning of the abortive
October 31 demonstration by the National Peace
Action Coalition (NPAC). The PCP.f was still the
National Coalition Against War, Racism and Repression, and therb still seems to be debate if the
N.C.A.W.R.R. action at the United Nations in
November existed or was a success.
This fall things look better. The People's
Coalition does exist and has called for an October
13 Moratorium and November 6 Regional Rallies
jointly with NPAC. There is unity on the dates of
these events as well as the content of a ioint "Call

itting in one of the rooms of the Peace f reaty,
The Peoples Coalition for Peace and Justice (PCPJ),
Moratorium, and the Harrisberg Defense Committei:
office is confusing to say the least. After a couple
of days, one begins to wonder which of the organizations he or she is working for. The task becomes
even more difficult when the first of the normal
6,836,599 daily phone calls is "Hey brother, is this
the Vietnam Vets office?" With my self-confidence
renewed by five hours sleep of the night before, I
thought awhile to make sure, and then informed the
brother that they were not here. After I found the
number in our file next to last weeks coffee, the
brother thanked me and I returned to the task of
what has come to be known as the Fall Offensive.

it

WM
,<''
,

l.v)*

u#

{t
,Y

P!

to Action". ln addition, the People's Coalition has
called for a series of nonviolent direct actions in
Washington, D.C. from October 25 to 29.
rh
',il!$

These actions by themselves are a great impro
ment over last fall's lack of visibility, and they a
not alone. The slaughter of Attica has brought
thousands into the streets of Albany in a call for
Governor Rockefeller's resignation and indictmer
for murder. On October 2,.demonstrations at D;
bury, Cook County, and other prisons throughor
the nation will focus attention on the repression
and inherent racism of our country and government. These events coupled with Vietnamese stu
riots and the one man "election" of Thieu, offer
movement an opportunity not seen since the "D
Johnson" campaign. lt is in light of all these det
opments that we enter the Fall Offensive with a
eye

*!*

i

to "Evict Nixon!"

On October 13, business as usual will stop in
United States. The daily killing which goes on ir
name of the people will be halted by the people
Towns and cities across the nation will have a

National Moratorium, to pause and begin the pr
of turning America around. Shops and stort
will close, churches will open their dooys to teat
ins, town councils will vote on withdraUing thei
towns from the war-all in a determine{ effort I
show Nixon that we will not wait any lcnger.
Already there has been response from labor
indicating that they will hold rallies at 3:00 p.n
in New York. Thgre have been similar responses
from Boston. Three in the afternoon means one
cess

thing-work stoppages! This new step forward o
new energy and spirit for the movement.

tii:r:

,71

.,l- )))

On Wednesday, the focus will be to "Freeze

Nixon*Not Wages." ln the morning there will be
rallies at the Labor and Commerce departments.
These rallies will also speak to the dangers of

_y_ J

iz J

passage of Nixon's Family Assistance Plan (FAP).
The ZAP-FAP demonstration coupled with labor's
protest to the wage freeze is meant to show Nixon

ln addition to labor, there are actions planned
against the Nixon Family Assistance Plan which, in
the guise of welfare reform actually would reduce
what is now starvation level payments, in addition to
legalizing forced labor. Philadelphia is talking of
actions to protest the high transit fares which are
prohibitive for the poor, and relating these to the
true inflation cause-a war economy. There will be
many other communities integrating the war and
issues of social justice as they did not do in
re a great improveility, and they are
;a has brought

in a call for
and indictment

rany
rn

rnstrations at Danrisons throughout
n the repression
try and governr Vietnamese student

'of Thieu, offer the
len since

the "Dump

of all these devel)ffensive with an
:

will stop in the
uhich goes on in the
d by the people.
ln will have a
Lnd begin the proiual

Shops and stores
dools to teach-

eir

vithdrahing their
ermineld effort
it any )onger.
nse

to

from labor

at 3:00 p.m.
imilar responses
lies

loon means one

'step forward offers
ovement.

October, 1969, the first moratorium.
There are many actions of varied scope planne(.
The key to the Moratorium is that local groups can
act according to their own insights and community
conditions. The National Student Association has
already called on its member schools to go on strike,
and community leaders are endorsing the Moratorium.
Some cities might have late afternoon rallies for
workers oriented around the wage freeze, Others
might have their city councils approve legislation
withdrawing their city from the war. Still others
are planning to engage in acts of non-violent direct
action. The number of imaginative iddas is endless
and the picture of such events happening around
the country,in the context of a continuing Fall
Offensive, is very powerful.
Beginning on Monday, October 25, there will
be the initiation of the election year campaign to

"Evict Nixon!" This will also begin the PCPJ
campaign of non-violent direct action. Multiissue in content, multi-tactical in style, the week
will focus on the serving of an eviction notice on
Nixon. The strategy is still being developed so, like
a train schedule, the following is subject to change
without notice.
On Monday, October 25, (Yeteran's Day) there

will be a massive rally at the Sylvan Theater in
Washington, D.C. in commemoration of People's
Armistice Day. lt is here that we will call on Nixon
to respond positively to the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Vietnam's Seven
Point proposal. His China trip is no response. The
door to peace is in Paris not Peking. There will be
efforts made for a transatlantic hook-up for a
message from Madame Binh.
On Tuesday, a memorial service for those who
died at Attica due to state-sanctioned murder will
be held at the White House. We will hold this
service even if our freedom of assembly is denied.
The denial of life cannot be allowed to go unnoticed.

I

that the people aie serious in their intent to evict
him. Following the rally, people will gather for
nonviolent direct action at the White House to serve
this eviction notice.
Thursday, the action will turn to the State
Department where there will be a march led by an
international brigade to the State Department calling on the U.S. to halt its complicity in international imperalism and genocide. There will be
to the U.S. support of
Yahya Kahn's army by its continuing shipments of
arms, even though all other western poweri have
long since refused to deal with the dictatorial
special attention given

will again follow
the rally with nonviolent direct action at the
White House. As on Wednesday, we will continue
general. That afternoon, people

the serving and enforcement

of Nixon's eviction

notice.
masse to the .White
to engage in nonviolent direct
action to "Evict Nixon!" With a warning that
"Nixon is Through in72l" the election year
campaign to serve the eviction will be in full

On Friday, we will go en

House at 8:00 a.m.

swing.

Every evening during the week there will be
strategy sessions in churches, iails, and schools to
plan how to carry the Evict Nixon Campaign past
the fall. Discussions of the movement's relation to
primaries and the Republicah National Convention
will be just some of the topics. The October 25 to
29 actions are iust the beginninp.
The next stage of the Evict Nixon Campaign
will be the November 6 regional rallies. Legal
rallies, massive in size, will show Nixon that his
presence is not desired in the White House.
Following the People's Coalition week of direct
action, these rallies will bring people together in
regional areas in a visible show of strength.
So it is in this crowded office that we work on
the Fall Offensive. The fighting off of the phone
company, the fixing of the typewriters, with all of
the other assorted shit is here, but there lS some_CHR!S MEYER
thing happening.

,

t9

Y
c
I e.
i I f.' dise

2
Now.

ln the previous issue of WlN. At the request of the Becks, fro.m
the United Stotes, reod
Brozil, the editir decided to deloy pubticotion untit ihe Becks could return vfely to
o
reply'
the piece, tolk obout it with me ond possibly write
in prison
I found thot two-hours,tatk with'the Becks have chonged little of whot I sow in their situation
question
o
is
there
lUhere
ond how they hondled it. I have mode the chonges the facts seemed to wZrr7nt.
obout the oirrrory of reports from Brozil, I hove noted it in the orticle.
they sow in
The Becks, on their port, hove decided not to speok out os yet obout mony of the things
them in
with
orrested
were
who
friends
their
ond
They
thot.
for
deciding
Brozil. They'houe volid'reaions
ond how
know
they
whcit
Brozil hove 0n importhnt story to tell. I am sure they will find their woy of telling
they feet obout Brazil. And when they do, I know it will be importlnt'
Brozil in this
ln o way, it is on unhoppy quirk of fote thot our poths must -cross on the woy back from
too specific'
ore
they
if
perhaps
die
ond
people
may
suffer
that
know
unhoppy monner. Becouse tie'Becks
enough. Our points of
being
specific
nobody
with
died
ond
people
suffered
hove
iony
too
thot
And I know
qre much the some.
view ore probobly irreconcilable but t think our hopes for Brozil
prisons and civilian and military internal security
Most of the Living Theater is out of the
The Living was important, we all
organizations.
Brazilian jail. I worked on the campaign to get them
truth about Brazil was also importhe
but
agreed,
out and I am delighted it was successful. But I have
The following orticle wos to have oppeored

some second thoughts about how we won their
freedom.
A worldwide campaign was launched after their
arrest on July first. lt sought to reveal the truth of
their bust in Ouro Preto, Brazil, and their incarceration in narby Belo Horizonte: that it was a political
bust in that the moconho (mariiuana) allegedly
found at their communal house was planted there
by police. That after the arrest two members, a
Brazilian and a Peruvian, were severly tortured with
electric shocks and beatings, and that others in the
troupe were beaten and coerced into signing fake
confessions to the charges leveled against them'
ln planning the campaign we were relatively
confident that it would work because the Brazilian
government has, over the past year and a half, had
i gt.ut deal of publicity about their rough handling
oiprisoners which includes the widespread use of
torture. Torture was our main issue, freedom of
expression was the secondary one. lt was agreed
upon at the first strategy meeting that the campaign

would also serve to educate world public opinion
about the mBerable repressive measures employed
by the Brazilian government against those it deems
to be its enemies. Specifically, torture in Brazilian

4h
ffi

I*

tant.

I first smelled a rat about what the true nature
of lhe priorities were a week and a half before

their release when one of the three members of the
group who were released and were here in New York
coordinating the world-wide campaign called me
and said, "Cool it on the torture issue." I couldn't
believe what I was hearing. "Were they or were they
not tortured?" I asked. "They were, I was in prison
with them when it happened. But we're negotiating
with the Brazilian authorities. We must cool the

torture

issue. We must

or no deal."

on eight
years living and working as a newsman in Brazil
that the Living people were no longer in any
physical danger now that the Brazilian authorities
I argued.

lt was my contention based

realized they had a troupe with a world-wide
reputation on its hands. Leading figures from the
world of arts and letters were writing angry letters
to Brasilia to remind them.
"Look, we're up here free, they're down there

in jail. So cool it p-l-e-a-s-e!"
So, I admit, I cooled it. There is no arguing
with that point. But it is a familiar point. I have
heard it at least four times over the past year in
Brazil.

I
I
Having to cool it once again on the torture issue
reminded me of the recent case of Rubens Paiva,
an ex-federal deputy and civil engineer. He was
arrested by Army security police (by far the
worst of the dozen or so civil and military security
agencies now active in Brazil). ln a nutshell, Paiva
was arrested on the 2Oth of January and never
heard of again. Periodically Alfredo Buzaid, the
Minister of .l ustice, had Mrs. Paiva in to discuss
the case of her missing husband. Repeatedly Mrs.
Paiva was assured that her husband might be
released soon.
But there was an if. He would be released ff
the Paiva family gave no information or interviews
to the press. Repeatedly Mrs. Paiva almost gave me
and other journalists interviews. But each time she
nearly spilled what she knew, Minister Buzaid would
encourage her with promises of her husband's freedom if, always if, she kept her mouth shut about
the case. Several weeks ago that same Minister
Buzaid went before the Brazilian Council for the
Defense of Human Rights, a group which supposedly
dversees Brazil's adherence to the U.N. Declaration
of Human Rights, to cast the deciding vote to close
the investigation into what happened to Rubens
Paiva withoul announcing any conplusions. I imagine
Mrs. Paiva is a little sorry she kept her mouth
closed and did what the Brazilian authorities wished.
I believe the best defense of people mistreated
by the government which imprisons them is worldwide publicity of their cases. The best defense of
nameless prisoners tortured in the jails of this
world is not to keep silent about their cases.
Covering up torture does not and never did bring
it to a stop. Not in Brazil, not in Viet Nam, not in
America. But as in the Paiva case and others as well,
I was asked to cool it about the Living and I cooled

it. UNTIL.
Until in the 24th of August issue of the New
York Times I read an interview with the Becks.

The Times reporter was ,loe Novitsky whom I have
known for years. Joe is a pro and he knows how
to get his quotes right. lt appears that our cooling
it on the Living case was not only to save their
skins, which was unnecessary, but also to save their
speciol privileges in jail, which was unwise. Speaking
of the Becks, Novitski said, "Their untrammeled
work routine, their four hours together daily and
fheir frequent interviews all make them privileged
prisoners by normal Brazilian standards."
Privileged prisoners is an understatement. As a
normal routine the Brazilian police use electric
shocks, several versions of the water torture, rape,
sodomy, systematic beatings, and every humiliation
and pain-giving technique known to Western and
Eastern police forces in their pursuit of confessions
or plain sadistic pleasure. For 45 days a priest
friend of mine was beaten, given electric shocks,
made to lie in a bathrub full of water for days at
a time, lived with a black sack over his head as
most political prisoners do nowadays in Brazil,
and forced to witness beatings and rapings of his
fellow workers. Special privileges indeed.
The Brazilian government, when it realized it had
celebrities on its hands, granted the Becks special
privileges and showed them how to keep those privileges. The Becks denied that anyone in the troupe
was tortured by Brazilian police, thus giving the lie
to fellow Living Theatre members working for their
release. Again the Times article: "The Becks
emphatically denied that they had been tortured,
beaten or mistreated . . . The issue, so far as the
group is concerned, should be laid to rest by sworn
affidavits by two members, Vicente Segura, a
Peruvian, and Evanildo Silvino, a Brazilian, to be
inserted into the court record. ln the affidavits

4t
d.l

Techniques and tactics vary. lt is time to change
our strategy. Confrontation politics are unknown in
Brazil: there are no marches, no liberal publications,
no public speeches, no demonstrations. Things have
moved into another stage of struggle. Old reforinist

according to their'lawyer, the men report that they
were pushed and shoved and had their feet stepped
on during police questioning." (Here in New York,
the Becks said they had no knowledge of any such
affidavits. )
So here was a group

of people with the international connections to draw world attention to
what is happening in Brazilian lails. But to win
continued good treatment for themselves and their
release they decided to tell lies to the world when
they might have told the truth. I can understand
and even sympathize with that. The Living people
here in New York are now saying they did it to
protect the Brazilian member of the group. That's
a matter of strategy. I don't think the Brazilian
authorities would have touched the Brazilian in the
group even had the torture issue continued, although I am sure the Becks would have lost their
privileges. ln the end it was a matter of a strategy
'lmportant
which I don't agree with and it is an
opportunity which has been lost. And a chilly
feeling inside me says that all of us who "qooled
it" as the Living asked broke faith with thousands
of people in Brazilian iails who do not have the
chance to make the deal the Living agreed to.
None of this got me too emotionally stirred,
however irritable the tone of this piece may sound.
But one thing Julian Beck said iust plain pissed me

methods serve more than ever to strengthen the
very structure we want to transform.

Torture? Horror? Let's put it this way: the
source of all torture and all horror lies ndt inside

national boundaries, but in the nature of the
structure and in its psychology-social, economic,
and political. This structure does not know national
boundaries. lt is everywhere. Symptoms of the
disease with which this structure is infested manifest
themselves now here, now there. ln the United
States they shoot first and ask questions afterwards.
We are returning to Latin America in a few
months to continue to work there in the struggle.
We hope to return to Brazil, to get the presidential
order of expulsion revoked, and to work again with
the Brazilian people with whom we feel a strong
bond of love. We must balance our desire to serve

.

off: "l think we'd all

agree that the treatment here

is much more humanized than our experience of
United States prisons." Only Julian Beck could say
a thing like that because only someone with his

international reputation would get that kind of VIP
treatment in a Brazilian lail. But for the sake of the
thousands who languish mistreated and forgotten in
filthy, vermin-infested Brazilian iails, not for what
they have done but for what they think and feel
and believe, for their sake couldn't .f ulian Beck
have skipped that
prison system?

little testimonial for the Brazilian
-LANCE BELVILLE

September 20,1971. New York City: Most of us
are out of the Brazilian iails. The two Brazilian
members of the company are still in Brazil, though

awaiting the end of the trial which continues to t

us in absentia. We are out of iail but a part of us
remains there in iail in Brazil with our thousands of
comrades who are still locked up and still suffering'
More than ever we feel that none of us are free until
we are all free. We continue to fight for their liber-

ation and the liberation of seventy million of their
countrymen who are iailed in the lower depths of
life by the nature of the structure in which we live'

this struggle against the desire to serve in a propaganda struggle which announces again and again

tl

is a wolf urto man.
It is time to Sather the forces, to unify

that man

o

t
a

{I

t

t

our
fractured strength to oppose the monolithic
opposition. Our movement is vertical: UPRISING.
We have to stop putting each other down. Our
imagination and our cleverness are two of our most
important arms, we have to move into a new stage
of struggle by freeing them, and using them as we
have not used them before.
Two notes: 1) lt ls clear that we are out of

because we were protected by the privileges
class, race, and money. We expect that such
privileges will disappear as the work of the movement progresses. 2) We spent time in five different
Brazilian iails. The conditions are far more primitive

jail only

of

than they are in U.S. lails. (We've been in a couple
of dozen.) We found that the psychological relationship between the penal system and the prisoner was
very different than it is here in the U.S. For instance,
both at the Penal Colony (600 inmates) and the
Women's Penitentiary (200 inmates) in Belo Horizonte, there is less of the terrible dehuminization,
humiliation, degradation, the stripping away of
identity of the inmate which is so dommon under
the U.S. penal system. The U.S. penal system tries
not only to incarcerate but to brutalize and punish.
The Brazilian character is not yet so severely in the
grip of heartless technology; its sadism is psychoIexual, like all sadism; but materialism has not fet
erased compassion from the Brazilian heart as it
.has in Amerika.-f UD|TH MALINA/f ULIAN BECK

7x
n

&
lBd

lo

The War Resisters League recognized that the
situation had changed a year ago by agreeing to the
election of a regionally representative National
Committee. The new committee met for the first
time at this convention, and was soon confirmed as
the main governing body of the WRL. ln the future,
most important decisions will be made by the
National Committee.
Another matter which was of concern to many
participants was WRL's relationship with the
People's Coalition for Peace and )ustice (PCPj).
Though there were no votes on suggestions for
WRL's contribution to the policy of the Coalition,
David McReynolds, the WRL representative at the
PCPJ meetings, seemed receptive to complaints about
past actions of the Coalition. People were concerned
that there are too many national rather than
regional or local demonstrations, and that civil disobedience sponsored by such a disparate and undisciplined coalition can easily degenerate into
violence.

The Labor Day weekend convention in Athens,
of the War Resisters League was mainly business, but it definitely was not business as usual.

Ga.

ln contrast to the many conventions which

to meaningless resolution
passing, the WRL convention devoted much

devote themselves

of

its

time to discussing specific problems. One of the
malor topics considered by the conference-the
first ever held in the South-concerned relations
between the WRL National Office and the folks
in the provinces.
Basically, the folks in the provinces wanted
more say on the WRL's stands in the meetings of
the People's Coalition for Peace and Justice; on
the WRL's international work, particularly work
through the London-based War Resisters lnternational; on the WRL's approach to regional and
local organizing and to funding local groups; and
on the WRL's priorities as expressed in the budget.
Since the WRL's strength comes from its grass-

roots membership and not from a few moneybags,
and since it is traditionally an organization of
democratic socialists and anarcho-pacifists, those
demands seem perfectly reasonable. The War Resisters League could be expected to practice the
internal democracy it urges on society at large, if
any group could.
That the internal democracy broke down enough
for local groups to need to make such demands in
the first place is an accident of history and not a
sign of bad faith on the part of the folks in the
National Office. Until recently, most WRL members
lived in the Northeast. An Executive Committee
chosen solely from that region was therefore

perfectly reasonable.

ln addition to discussing these controversial
questions, participants in the convention gained a
good deal of useful information from speeches and
reports. Local groups affiliated with WRL told of
their organizing activities. lt was quite encouraging
to hear of the work being done by people in the
Southwest, the Midwest, and the Southeast, areas
where the League had not been strong in the past.
Ann Davidon reported on the conference of the
War Resisters lnternational which she attended
earlier in the summer. David McReynolds told of
his recent trip to Hanoi.
. Among the speeches the most notible was that
prepared by Barbara Deming, long time activist in
the struggle for peace and social lustice and frequent
contributor to movement iournals. (She was unable
to attend the convention in person because she'was
involved in an auto accident on her way to Athens.)
Her speech stressed the need for pacifists to remain
"angry" at the iniustices they see around them. She
warned against passiveness, and concern with superficial harmony, especially in areas such as the
oppression of women where the iniustice seem.s less
blatant at first glance.
The convention saw the start of several new
projects. The League will devote resources to
educating the American public about the U.S.
responsibility for the genocideal actions of West
Pakistan in Bangla Desh. lndividuals and groups
within WRL will be working on the proposed
Christmas boycott and on a proiect to aid prisoners,
' those in city iails as well as resisters.
ln addition to all the work at the convention
there was time for people to meet each other, to
relax, and enioy themselves. These lighter activities
ranged from going to the local bars to the showing
of several tapes by the Atlanta Video Cotlective.
All in all, the convention had important results.
Some issues were decided and people communicated
with each other. Because of that communication,
that proof that internal democracy can work, the
War Resisters League may evolve into a stronger
and much more effective tool for ending war.

_SUE BASS & J!M GEHRES

Boston's Nonviolent Navy has never lost an
engagement at sea and has, in fact, just won a big
one. With more determination than boats, the Nonviolent Navy sponsored by the Boston Friends of
Bangla Desh and the Non-Violent Direct Action
Group (N-DAG) stopped the Malam Jabba from
entering Boston Harbor. The Malam labba, a West
Pakistan flag ship, was supposed to:'load arms at the
Boston Army Base Pier, unload rubber from Singapore or simply sit in Boston harbor for two daysdepending upon which story one chose to believe.
The ship had previously loaded at Norfolk where it
was rumored to have picked up arms and military
supplies "still in the pipelines" between the U.S. and
West Pakistan.

At any rate, Friends of Bangla Desh had decided
to blockade the Jabba protesting all economic or
military aid with the sole exception of food or
medical supplies for relief efforts for the oppressed
Bangalis to be administered by an international aid
organization, not the West Pakistan government.
And that's what we did.
Well, in fact, we never really actually had to
blockade the ship at all-we never even saw it. We
just scared it to death. lf the ship hod come to the
harbor, the outcome may have been different, for
our navy-a collection of canoes, kayaks, and sail

boats-was rather modest, our seamanship rather
lacking, and several of our boats boasted small but
substantive leaks. Though our crews could swim,
for the most part, Boston Harbor water has been
known to disintegrate metal on contact.
But we did it, and others may learn from our
experiences (and mistakes).
The Baltimore action (see WIN 911111) luly
14-1 5 was covered in Boston After Dark by a
N-DAG member who helped bring the idea for a
similar action back here. lnterested parties quickly
coalesced into a group which we called Friends of
Bangla Desh. The group was joined by half a dozen
Pakistanis studying at the Harvard Center for
Popdlation Control, some of whom had been in

21

there
East Bengal and could describe the horrors
t
and the history leading up to them.
We learned from the Baltimore group how to
follow ship movements in the commerce magazines,
what contacts were necessary for us to make-i.e.
longshoremen, pilots association, Customs, Coast
Guard, shlpping agents, and Harbor master. We
began contacting these groups as we also leafletted
Boston to get more people informed and intbrested
in what was going on both in Pakistan and here at
home. When we discovered that the Malam Jabba
was to arrive in Boston within a month, we organized
for that event. We had a small "consciousness
raising" demonstration at the federal building and
state house to get publicity. A friendly state senator
got a resolution introduced in the State House condemning U.S. aid to West Pakistan and urging
Massachusetts' Congressional delegation to support
the amendments in the Congress to end such aid
(Gallagher in the House and Saxbe-Church in the
Senate). The resolution passed and got some press
coverage.

lnterest picked up. A Globe reporter joined
in efforts to track down the Malam Jabba and

us

its
cargo as did Senator Kennedy's and Congressman

Drinan's offices. Members of the group went on
several radio shows. But the ship was delayed and

its arrival postponed.
This upset plans but the group decided to proceed anyway with a rally on Castle lsland (opposite
the Boston Army Base Pier where the boat would
dock) and the launching of our fleet, our ryjghtY
nonviolent navy. We had no trouble getting permits
to walk to the island (it's fust called that and not
really an island) and rally at the spot we wanted.
To avoid any hassle we did not ask permission to
launch our fleet because we were determined when
the time came to launch whether it was legal or
not.
The rally conflicted with the opening day of
trials in Concord for those arrested at the People's
Coalition for Peace and .l ustice sit-in at Hanscom
I

I
I

I

Air base (about 2-50 arrested), but the sun shone
and the water was not too choppy. And the local
press, no doubt intrigued with our announced navy,
showed up in force.
Police asked one of the persons carrying a canoe
over his head where he was going "with that boat?"
But was apparently satisfied with the response that
the two were going to the beach to launch themselves in the harbor for he said nothing when that
is what they did. Along with a kayak. A 35 foot
sailboat joined the canoe and kayak in the harbor
having sailed up from Hull with a huge flag flapping
in the stiff sea breeze: "No Arms f61 p2[i5tan." The
press was very generous and reported that the group
had launched a "modest example" of their fleet as
a prelude to when the boat actually arrived. Though
the T.V. footage stressed pictures of our mighty
fleet, the audio commentary stressed our message
carefully and succinctly spelled out on signs:
250,000 dead,7 million refugees, Stop the Slaughter, Stop Aid to West Pakistan, Freedom for

*ffi'J.?:;:'ili;

n"r. the newscasters were r-isht
about the "modest example" for, at that time, we
know of few other boats that didn't show up and
the Malam Jabba was now scheduled September 1,
a week and a half away.

Well, things were beginning to look up. And our
boat list grew to 17, including a gigantic yachthouseboat. N-DAG trainers began to get nervous
about how to train boats in nonviolence and how to
go limp in a kayak. Those of us who had already
experienced rowing or paddling in the harbor were
getting worried about tide flows, storms, and wakes
of ocean freighters. But despite last minute doubts,
from three boats and a handful of people we were
growing in size, becoming a formidable force . . .

or it

seemed so to us.
Others decided so too, for again informers told
us that a meeting was scheduled for the next day to
decide what to do about us. The participants, as it
turned out included the U.S. Coast Guard, the
Harbor Poiice, the Boston Police, the Metropolitan
Police, and representatives from the State Depart-

ment

of Public Safety and an unidentified

officer-probably Admiral Zumwalt. (J.

naval

Edgar

Hoover has to pay his spies and informers, ours
are all free and voluntary.) And they could not
decide what to do for the meeting was continued
to the next lVlonday, the day before the scheduled

arrival of the Malam Jabba.
Back at the ranch, things picked up even more
with the return of Senator Kennedy from his
inspection of refugee camps, the Boston Globe
launched editorials against the military regime in
So we tried harder, constructed a telephone
Pakistan (you lust don't pick on Kennedy's in Massyachtsmen
a
at
tree to alert our supporters and
and get away with it.) And our navy
achusetts
Our
activity.
notice
and
intensified
moments
increased in quantity if not quality-which we gleeactions and modest example frightened the local
fully and carefully leaked to the press (tne press
shipping agent. They went on radio to announce
always prefers a leak to a straight-out report), and
rubber
unload
Singapore
that the ship was only to
anyone else who cared. N-DAGers from 'experience
in Boston and had no arms aboard. Shipping agents
knew that secrecy is impossible in these matters
lie. Robert McCloskey, a spokesman for the State
and that publicity and openness were our
anyhow
Department later contradicted this story in the
as well as intrinsic parts of nonviolent
weapons
chief
office
Brooke's
office,
Kennedy's
Post.
Washington
direct action.
and even Congresswoman Louise Day Hicks got
The meeting reconvened Monday and was getting
into the act and began pestering the shipping agent
when a Coast Guarder interrupted to
nowhere
and the State Department.
present that the Malam .f abba had lust
those
inform
and
Guard
the
Coast
our
in
spies
Meanwhile
Pilots Association told us exactly when the boat was changed its course and was on its way back to New
Orleans where it had come from many months bedue and how long it would stay in Boston, two
The meeting adiourned and we were informed
fore.
got
new
time
we
days. Which was great except every
of the news before the local shipping agents knew
information we had to have another intermidable
meeting to decide tactics, etc. Apart from individuals (for we called them to check). Finally, even they
found out and announced quite frankly to the
friendly towards us, we did not have great luck
press: "The ship won't come because of a threatened
met
delegation
A
contacted.
with organizations we
protest by Boston l:riends of Bangla Desh and
with the longshoremen officials (we leafletted and
(the national East West Shipping Agents? the
they
met informally with the rank and file as much as
Richard Nixon and friends?) couldn't
military?
U.S.
the
load
not
we could) who told us that they would
up here and running into trouble."
coming
chance
to
arpromised
to
refuse
(however
they
never
ship
agents were less frank and
The
shipping
national
load the ship). The Pilots told us that they could
had
made
the boat too .late to come to
storms
said
not refuse to guide the boat into the harbor and,
Boston.
they
because
over
run
us
yes, they would have to
So we won without firing a shot. The Malam
could not stop the boat without turning it around
abba
never came to Boston to load arms at the
.f
which would take several miles and would in all
Boston
Army Base, unload rubber from Singapore
piers
narrow
the
the
in
probability knock over half
or just sit there for two days-depending upon
harbor. The U.S. Customs said they might inspect
which story you believe.
the ship for arms. And the Harbor master became
The nonviolent navy has yet to lose a battle at
hysterical and told us'we would all be killed and
sea.
lf you live in or around New Orleans, get a
of
the
order
(he
specify
however,
did not,
arrested
canoe, a kayak and a sailboat . . .
these events).

_ANDY KLEIN

fie fatn rrfrltrr;rufu asain

he United Farm Workers of California has just
signed a contract with Hueblein, the largest liquor
,conglomerate in the world. The contract signing
terminated the boycott of ltalian Swiss Colony
wines, Smirnoff Vodka, Hamms Beer, and Kentucky
Colonel Fried Chicken. lt was the international boycott which lasted less than three months, which
brought Hueblein to the bargaining table, and
which assured the fact of a decent contract.
I was fortunate to have been involved in three
days of these negotiations in which Cesar Chavez,
Jerry Cohen (UFWOC attorney), and Dolores
Huerta (UFWOC V.P.) were the chief negotiators
for UFWOC. The contract is the best we've signed
so far, and is a precedent for future corporation

boycotts. ln addition to $2.40 minimum wage,
R.F.K. medical plan and pesticide protection, the
company pays for four full-time union contract
enforcers. This is an extremely important precedent,
because the mere signing of a contract does not
mean the end of the struggle for farm workers, but
iust a beginning. There is a provision in the contract
for a political education day, in which farmworkers
who choose can donate this holiday money to a
political education fund. This money will be used
for voter registration, bus trips to Sacramento, and
other projects that the ranch committees designate

Cesar's second question was "Where was the boy-

cott most effective?" Barry's unhesitating response'
was "the San Francisco Bay Area gave us the most
headaches." Cesar's third question was "Where is
Vivian today?" (Vivian Levine is our full-time
European boycott organizer who succeeded in
getting a work stoppage from London's dock
workers who load Heublein's Bristol Cream Sherry
on ships headed for the states. Vivian also got a
work slowdown from a French communist union
working in a Heublein factory). Barry's answer was

"London."

Cesar continued "Where was she last
week?" Barry: "Brussels." Cesar: "Very good. And
where was she the week before?" .. . ln fact,
Heublein told us that they had been sending out

daily "boycott notes" to their management people
pinpointing our activities from their point of view.
They agreed upon signing the contract to show us
these notes so that we could better evaluate our
effectiveness!

ln spite of this success we still need full-time
for the boycott. We are now working on
organizers
as important.
These negotiations were a fascinating experience
scab grapes, trying to influence the remaining table
grape growers to negotiate. ln the wind for future
for me. Cesar and Dolores really educated the
boycotts are guild wines, lettuce (after four months
corporation executives about the lives of the farm
workers. There was no mistake in anyone's mind that of negotiations no grower has yet signed), Libby's,
it was the effotts of the boycotters throughout the
.lolly Green Giant, and Sunkist oranges. These boystates, Canada and Europe, that made the difference. cotts have not started. We can effectively boycott
only one at a time. There are work communes of
Upon signing the contract, Cesar asked three
boycotters throughout the U.S. and Canada. lf you
questions of Gil Barry, V.P. of Heublein. The first
want to give farm workers organizing a try at room
question was "Where did the boycott most surprise
and board and $5 a week, give me a fing at 323you?" Barry's answer was "Atlanta." ln Atlanta the
0506 or write Cesar Chavez at Box 62, Keene,
boycotters were met at picket lines by red-neck
California.
picketers
time
in
spent
of
the
and
several
shotguns
for trumped-up charges. But they continued to go
-KIT BRICCA/GENTLE STRENGTH
fail
back and picket. Their efforts were respected by
the AFL-ClO unions in Atlanta, who upon hearing
of George Meany's opposition to our Heublein boycott, said that they didn't care what Meany said,

they would continue to support us morally and
financially.

t:
H

2L

t

l-

Mr. Newfield's most-of-the-time employer, the Village
Voice, calls him a "muckraker" in recent ads. He is a

DOO16
BREAD AND ROSES TOO
Reporting about A merica
lack Newfield
429 pp. New York: E.P. Dutton & Co.
$3.9s

journalist of protest and a first-rate investigative reporter.
He is as honestly questioning as he is critical, he is as objective as he is objecting. Calling him a "muckraker" may
get him (and the Voice) readers, but it hardly does Newfield's work justice.

Mr. Newfield doesn't have much sense of humor in
print (he is, after all, writing about some very terrible and
tragic things) but like any political writer worth his carbon
paper, he is a namecaller of the first water. A few of his
epithets: "Nixon, you give a bad name to plastics." The
United States generally ends up "this wounded dinosaur of
a country." General Westmoreland is "the Custer of Asia."
New York's Mayor John Lindsay is the "up tight white

knight." And dear, glad-hatted Bella Abzug is "the moral

equivalent of General Patton."
I

rlr
l'
I

I was asked td write this review because I am (among
other things I hope) a journalist, an above ground one trying
to dig my way into the murky realities of being an underground one. There is a general impression in the overground
press that the underground is inhabited by sometimes-talented, sometimes-truthful, always-amateurs. The capitalistic forces which the mass media lournalist must serve often
lend him to judge his fellow journalists as he judges himself:
by the salaries earned and the circulation of periodicals
worked for. Wrong-headed as it is, among too many of my
colleagues in the lournalistic profession that rs the way it
is. So let me pass on overground technical judgement on
Mr. Newfield, as much to relieve me of an impulse of my
own past as to inform the reader. Newfield writes well
enough to do the pages proud of any magazine or newspaper in this country. Whot Mr. Newfield writes wouldn't
make it in many of the big outlets of the mass media (he
was once cut from the New York Post's squad of apprentices, a decision I wish the Post had the sense to mourn
and am sure they don't even remember) and therein lies
the proof of the lournalistic pudding he so ably cooks up.
Newfield is a "new" journalist writing, basically, for the
underground press. lt is a pity he does not have wider exposure to the American reading public. I hope this book
helps in giving him that exposure.
B&RT is a collection of articles and book reviews most
of which appeared in the Village Voice and the New York
Magazine between May, 1965, and April, 1971. They are a
rare and moving document of the blood and ideas of the
middle and late 1960's and the opening months of the

present decade. A list of some of the titles of the nine
sections that go to make up this book give some idea of the
lash of Newfield's typewriter ribbon: WHITE POWER/

BLACK RAGE; THE KIDS: TWO CHEERS FOR THE
FREAKING FAG REVOLUTION;VIETNAM: THIS ENDLESS WAR; NEW YORK POLITICS: A CLOWN SHOW;
THE MEDIA: MEDIUM FOOL; JAILS: THE ULTIMATE
GHETTO.

Naturally in every pound of protest there's bound to be
an ounce of petulance. Of LBJ and the War: "He is not my
President. This is not my war." That statement is a little
too easy for someone who admits he voted for.lohnson and
Kennedy before him. And the war is our war, and that
includes Mr. Newfield, until we do enough to stop it.
lf petulance follows protest, moril indignation can birth
moralizing. ln a review of The Real Mojority by Scammon
and Wattenberg, Newfield advises readers who might be
attracted by its Machiavelian approaches to political maneuvering: "Ambitious politicians would do better to forget
the Reol Mojority and follow the counsel of Shakespeare:
'To thine own self be true.' " That is Newfield, the Movement moralist, at his worst. Maybe politicians won't win
heeding the cynicisms of the Reol Majority's authors, but
they probably won't do much better trying the Shakespeare shuck in the American political hog pen.
Newfield is a journalist with the instincts of a writer and
much of the craft to boot. His style is curiously unrepetitive
for one who writes so much, so often, and usually in newspapers. The ideas come thick but clear, refreshingly undogmatic and democracy-oriented in a time when the politicdl

Left and Right are increasingly seeing the democratic
our society as subversive, ridiculous, andlor

systems of
atrophied.

Newfield the thinker reserves his best insights

and

closest reasoning for what he hates. That would be fine if
he saved the lance of language for thrusts into foes alone.
Unfortunately he writes quite a bit about his heroes. lf he
likes you, then like the whore with the heart of gold, the
sky's the limit. ln November, 1966, he calls John Lindsay
"courageous, considerate, truthful, ethical, idealistic." Ewn
in the days when Lindsay was still the white knight, that
string of adjectives is a bit much. And once Robert Kennedy
broqght his charisma to bear on Newfield, it was hard for
Jack to find unkind words in his typewriter or clear, critical
sight in the lenses of his glasses. The two last articles in the
book are about Bobby Kennedy and his death which New-

field witnessed. While it is nice obituary writing, it caught
none of the cynicism of Kennedy. The very tough political
hack side to Kennedy, which was pretty apparent to those
of us who ever traveled with him, completely eluded Newfield. So much does Newfield-the-doubter want to be New-

actors and the audience, initiating them into a new way of
experiencing and being in the world. The play is action and
transformation. lt is revelation.
Music is a voyage. lt is sound. lt is order. lt is what
happens to us when we listel. lt is what changes us. What

field-the-lover that he sees people in almost Messianic terms
once he likes them. The present generation of young people
also fall into that category in this book.
As a writer, Newfield is poorest at what interests him
least: men as individuals (that includes Robert Kennedy).
The profile of Mailer is anemic, a neat trick to work on
someone as protein as nasty Norman. Ralph Nader becomes
indistinguishable from his movement. And Ramsey Clark's
profile reads like a rough draft for a fund-raising brochure.
But the profiles, though the weakest writing, are the
most representative of the message which gradually builds
in reading the pieces (and is unnecessarily spelled out in
the prologue) : That it is movements not individuals that
America and especially its young people must look to. And
that a far-ranging, humanistic populism is where whatever
smidgin of political salvation lies for America. Whether or
not you can agree with the results of Newfield's love
affairs with physically and ideologically dead politicos, or
think that soft-core populism can meet the old dinosaur's
hard-core problems, it is fascinating to see how Newfield
gets there. And you learn a lot about the dinosaur's pathology-agree or not with the prologue's prescription.

makes us new.

-LANCE BELVILLE

l/luSlc

Change and transformation-two words that apply
equally well to the work of LaMonte Young and Marian
Zazeela and to the creations of the Living Theatre. The
willingness to allow space, to put aside the role of manipulative creator and passive spectator, to allow a place to
move and grow, or to stay still, to be silent.
The transcription of Paradise Now to written form began six months after the premiere of the play and consequently the play in book form was not read by the act until more than a year later-after more than fifty per-

formances had already been staged. lt is a book derived
from a performance rather than a performance derived from
a book, and so this review is necessarily a review of the
book, Paradise Now, rather than of a performance, of the
words behind the action and of how that action is experienced through those blocks of letters, of pages, of words.

The form

of Paradise

Now is built on the archtypal

Kadmon, the Celestial Adam in whose
image Man, the Earthly Adam was created. lt is a precise
structure incorporating elements of the I Ching, the Zohar,
the Chakras, the Hassidic Rungs and the emotive aspects of
color. Each section of the eight rungs-taking the place of

structure

of Adam

or scenes as dividing points in the play-includes
appropriate sections from each of the texts as well as
actions of the performers and a confrontation between the
performers and the spectators, a confrontation in which
the dividing line between performer and spectator blurs
and fades. The goal-the BEAUTIFUL ANARCHIST NONVIOLENT REVOLUTION. A revolution which is a permanent revolution because it involves a real transformation
acts

rather than a temporary change. A revolution in which the

PARAD!SE NOW
Collective Creation of The Living Theatre
Written down by I udith Malina and I ulian Beck
Random House
$6.9s

SELECTED WRITINGS
LaMonte Young, Marian Zazeela
Edition X, Munchen. LaMonte Young, Marian Zazeela
Side

I

l.aMonte Young. 31 Vll 69 10:26-10:49 PM (23)
A part of larger work The Tortoise, His Dreams & Journeys
Side 2

LaMonte Young. 23 Vlll 64 2:5O:45-3:11 AM
the volga delta
The book, $4. The record, $9
Available postpaid from Heiner Freidred
Lindenstrasse 20, 5 Cologne 'l , West Germany
or from
Lightyears lnc.,61 Crosby St., New York, N.Y. 1001 2

l
i

g

s
a

il

I
lu

, The play is a voyage. A voyage which is charted, which
has a purpose and a destination. The play changes both the

Z8

revolutionary is,

in the

process

of

transforming society,

transformed himself.
En Sof , the final mystery, is the mystery of the street.
"The obsolute collective connot be 'mode,' it con only be
colled ond summoned. Since it hos olwoys existed it needs
only to be nomed ond addressed oright in order to appeor."
ln a real sense Paradise Now is an invocation, addressing itself to summoning whatever that transformation is that
changes a Sroup of people into a collective body.
This book is in a very real sense a poem and as such it is
difficult to do more than describe the content. I am not an
anarchist. I am not a pacifist. And as a woman, I found the
symbolism dominated by male-oriented, patriarchial source
material. So that obviously there were many parts of the
text that bothered me. There is so much in this book of
real meaning and beauty:

IF I COULD TURN YOU ON,
IF I COULD DRIVE YOU OUT OF YOUR
WRETCHED MIND,

I

IF I COULD TELL YOU,
WOIJLD LET YOU KNOW.

it reminds me of something
unreal. Almost a cry of
almost
past,
of something
almost
despair, rather than a cry of hope. As if, finally, in the end
the transformation is a thing of the future, that the play
And yet, in many places,

prepares in some ways, and in some ways hinders. "ln the
City Absolute there zre no doors ond no walls. For there
oll things wy 'thou'ond oll honds ore joined in on unending
embroce. This is the beginning . .

."

left . . . Perhaps it is sofe for me to mention now
thot once you'enter o new world, of o sound, or
ony other world, you will never reolly leove it.
-SUSAN SHERMAN

As the Living Theatre talks about action and change,
the music of LaMonte Young is a music of stasis, of time
transformed in a different sense. ln answer to a question by
Richard Kostalanetz in an interview in Selected Writings a
question as to why LaMonte Young choose the title, "The
Tortoise, His Dreams & .lourneys" for his larger work, LaMonte replies, "Tortoises hove been tortoises for two hun- dred million yeors which is 199 million years longer thon
people hove been people. .. I'm interested in stosis,and in
things thot stoy the some olthough they chonge in detoil."
Selected Writings is a collection of the work of LaMonte
Young and Marian Zazeela.lt contains a "Conversation with
LaMonte Young" by Richard Kostelanetz as well as notes
on his pieces, a lecture, a poem by LaMonte Young, calligraphy and "The Soul of the Word" by Marian Zazeela and
"Dream House" a description of an environment in sound
and light "with singing from time to time."
ln part of his conversation with Kostelanetz, LaMonte
says, "The trouble with most of the music of the post is thot
man hos tried to moke the sounds do what he wonts them
to do. lf we lre reolly interested in learning about sounds,
it seems to me thlt we should ollow the sounds to be
sounds insteld of trying to force them to do things thot
are mainly pertinent to human existence... lf, however,
we go to the sounds os they exist ond try to experience

for whot they ore-thot is, o different kind of existence-then we may be oble to leorn something new,"
Environment or context is essential in LaMonte's and
Marian's work and this is nowhere expressed more than in
the care with which both their b6ok and record album are
put together. The covers, by Marian Zazeela, of both the
book and record give almost a tactial feeling to the contents. The total design of the record iacket was "con'
structed by permuting the plocement of a single lineor
element." Like LaMonte's music, the variations emerge
slowly, they must be looked at, listened to. Their power
lies in the concentration that brings an infinite amount of
variation and contrast out of what, at first glance, seems
almost perfectly static, unmoving. LaMonte says of his
music, "My own feeling hos olways been thot if people iust
oren't corried owoy to heaven l'm foiling. They should be
them

moved to strong spirituol feeling."

How does one, in a review, express except in the most
minute way the work of artists that are meant more than
anything else to be experienced, whose entire meaning is in
experience. LaMonte Young and Marian Zazeela's work
must be read, looked at, listened to. The work of the
Living Theatre must be felt. ln the case of LaMonte Young

and Marian Zazeela it is easier'in the sense that a book and
record are available. How much the booli, Paradise Now,
can give a real feeling of the Living Theatre is hard to say.
ln any case the book certainly has a validity in its own
right and is a document of a very important part of the
history both of a theatre and of a movement.
Perhaps the best comment to end on is one made by
LaMonte You ng in his " Lecture 1 960":
When we go into the world of o sound, it is new.
When we prepore to leove the world of the sound,
we expect to return to the world we previously

L' LJ
VITAMINS
When you don't have much money for food, you should
guard the vitamins you buy, by not cooking anything
longer than you have to or at too high a heat..But there are
also sources of vitamins, other than pills, that can

supplement what's already in things. Three of these amount
to wonder foods because of their versatility and benefits:
1. Nutritional yeast. This is bought in health food stores
by the pound, and sometimes in grocery stores as "brewer's
.
yeast" (to distinguish it from "baker's," which makes
bread rise). lt is also sold in tablets, but it tastes terriblemuch better to put a pinch of the powder in everything you
eat, from spaghetti-cooking water to rice to orange iuice to
baby formula, everything. This way, even though you lose
some of the powerful benefits from cooking it, at least its
ingestion is painless. lt is the best food source for vitamins
B-1 , B-2, 8-6, niacin, phosphorus, and iron. lt costs around
60 cents a pound, pretty cheaP.
2. Skim milk powder. This is sold everywhere cheaply' lt
is much better for you than whole milk-besides being less
fattening, it contains more B-1 ,B-2,8-6, B-1 2, calcium, and
phospholus; and it is one of the best food sources for all
these things. Use it as a liquid (made according to directions
on the box: 1 cup powder makes 3 cups milk) for all
cooking, and lower your milk bill by a lot. Use it in baby
formula, too. Use it in coffee, and make instant cocoa right
in the cup by slowly adding hot water to milk and cocoa
powders while stirring-no pot to wash. But especially, use
it as a solid: Add it to bread doughs, pancake and other
batters, whole milk for drinking (or make it double strength
for drinking), oatmeal, sauces, casseroles, meat loaf,
anything. Use it double strength when recipes call for
evaporated milk. Equal parts of ice water and milk powder,
with a few drops of lemon luice and honey, will substitute
for whipped cream if you whip it long enough. Note: Skim
milk powder in baked things, like bread, will cause them to
brown faster, so experiment with a lower over temperature
and a longer cooking time.
3. Wheat germ. Everybody knows wheat germ is good
for you, but few know what to do with it. (Just for the
record, it's rich in vitamins E, B-1 , B-2,8'6, and iron.)
Always buy the unroasted kind, and shop around because
the price varies. My husband likes it sprinkled in soup. I use
it for a topping on casseroles and ice cream; whenever
recipes for anything call for breadcrumbs; to stretch meat
loaf; as an enricher, with milk powder and yeast, in all
dgughs and batters; to bread cutlets and vegetable burgers;
in all cold and hot cereals; as a cereal all by itself for the
baby, mixed with hot instant milk; sprinkled on fresh fruit;
and many other ways. lt's much cheaper than chopped nuts

29

or coconut for rolling cookies in.
These three vitamin-rich, cheap, good foods can replace
vitamin pills if you also eat good sources of the things they
lack: VITAMIN A (in liver, carrots, parsley, dried apricots,
\/atercress, egg yolk, swiss and cheddar cheeses); VITAMIN
C (in rose hips, violets, parsley, turnip greens, mung bean
sprouts, green and red peppers, watercress, strawberries,
orange and lemon and grapefruit and tomato juices, soybean
sprouts); VITAMIN D (in sardines, salmon, egg yolks,
butter, liver); and IODINE (in kelp, dulse, lrish moss, ocean
fish, and other seafoods).

HONEY
Honey can be bought cheaply from anyone who keeps
bees, or bought in supermarkets at slightly greater expense.
(l got a five-pound tin for g1.79.) With refined sugar at
about 20 cents a pound, honey seems expensive-but not
when you know how good it is. lt is a miracle food in many
ways:
'Honey keeps forever. Some was found in very ancient

Egyptian tombs in perfect condition. Some people let it age
for a year before using it.
'Honey is rich in iron and other minerals and vitamins,

OO8 YALENCTA

IAN

FRANCT'CO'7.

CALIFORNIA O4ITO
282-O8tO
The first primer we wrotb was called
VIETNAM, A THOUSAND YEARS
OF STRUGGLE. It's simply written
with lots of illustrations. Since then
we've done one on ecology called
THE EARTH BELONGS TO THE
PEOPLE. We've.also done some pamr
phlets with lots more to come. The
latest is DON'T CARRY MORE
THAN YOU CAN EAT. . .OR. . .
HOW TO SURVIVE A LITTLE BIT
LONGER THAN YOU WILL IF
YOU KEEP ON DOING WHAT
YOU'RE DOING RIGHT NOW. 10
cents. Write for lit list. PEOPLES
PRESS, 968 VALENCIA STREET,
sAN FRANCISCO, CA. 94110.

especially the darker varieties of honey.
'Honey is predigested by the bee and is the most quickly
assimilated sugar and, therefore, excellent for athletes and
others in need of quick energy; but it can't overload your
bloodstream with sugars the way some others do.
'Honey can even be fed to newborn babies with no ill
effects, and is the best sweetener for formula
lf you shake up some honey and water in a jar, this
liquid won't separate and you avoid the stickiness of honey.
lf you make this mixture the approximate strength of fruit
luice and keep it in your canteen at a demonstration, it will
greatly increase your energy and endurance levels.
Honey is loaded with potassium, which is why it kills
bacteria. lt also contains iron, copper, manganese, silica,
chlorine, calcium, sodium, phosphorus, aluminum, and
magnesium! lt even has them in exactly the right balance
to keep humans healthy -as well as bees.
What's more, it has all the vitamins necessary for health
and is an excellent source of them, as it keeps them better
than vegetables. (Did you know that fresh spinach loses half
its vitamin C within a day of being picked?)
I could go on and on about honey its virtues are diverse

and plentiful. lt doesn't irritate your insides or bother your
kidneys. lt's a very mild sedative and laxative. About the
only thing wrong with honey is that it might cause cavities
if you held it in your mouth too long. Some people say that
eating enough honey will cure arthritis, bedwetting, overweight (because it's filling and energy-giving), fatigue, constipation, and a host of other ailments. lf you have a stuffy
or sinus trouble, try chewing some honeycomb.
nose
' Honey
attracts moisture, which is why it's good at killing
germs, so keep it tightly covered. This property also means
that baked things containing honey keep better than other
kinds. lf you substitute honey for other sugars, remember
that it is twice as sweet as ordinary white sugar; and it is
a liquid, so decrease other liquids in recipes slightly. A little
honey in a cup of mint tea is one of the best hot drinks
there is. "strained" honey means they took the honeycomb

out-try both kinds.
As with everthingy else, use your imagination-it's
seldom one finds such a health-giving food that tastes so
good. Honey sometimes gets hard or crystallizes; if this
happens, just heat it, or, if you have to, add a little water.

Enjoy.

-Kothy Hill

}JASHINGT()T{, I[qy

5: ST0pUI{G TRAFFIC

"Good morning, commuters. Some delay has been
reported in the vicinity of Key Bridge. ln this area we
suggest you roll up your windows or turn on air
conditioning on account of tear gas."
This radio voice,
the traffic light eyes, the breath of poison
belong to a bureaucrat getting up Monday,
zipping his fly
after not making love to his wife.
His car door shuts like a call girl orgasm
as he thinks of broad green golf courses

!.
where he will lead out his clubs,
motorboat accelerating upon a lake,
spinning until tired. His wife
sits in bed with a glamour magazine.
Her thin fingers lick the pages
which blacken as she runs through them,
staying ahead.

But you and I fall through the square
of the perfume ad, woman tigress,
and land in the backdrop jungle,
where the black cloud from a burned child
hugs the earth, tear-gassing village mothers.

Their tears fall in Viet Nam,
rise to white clouds across blue

sea

and.fall

through the burning eyes of Washington demonstrators,
later a riVer of laughter from their mouths.
They fed doughnuts into window slots
and plucked from antennas
peaches of stillness to break and share.
They overturned ashcans, spilling the shame
of our waste in front of hard bumper lips.
Arrested, they chanted songs of New Jerusalem
as the city busses arrive at jail
where they have headed all along.

The freeways and facades of Washington
are the slick spun walls of a worm colony
in the fork of a sapling,
larvae who fear their legendary wings
and who have discovered,

after Viet Nam experiements,
how to ingest the whole tree rising to light.
Hastening to their complexes,
they are honestly surprised
when hands of demonstrators, green
fly up under the wires.

buds,

At one intersection,
a workman in a pick-up,
wheelbarrow and cement in back,
banged at the rear end of a girl
in an old Pontiac, his hands

frantic on the shift.
She held her wheel while his tires
spun a black cloud of burned rubber.
He finally goes soft against her.

For an hour the strands of traffic
strangled only each other as blood-red azaleas
were shed into air:
not long enough to hear
the peaceful voice spread from the bud.
Untieing their tear-gas bandanas,
ragged bandits, these faithless lovers,
escaped to load in the night
reefers which smoke out the old man
hiding with his money. Finally
he comes out hands up, dancing.

leffrey J ustin

Just finished reading Abbie Hoffman's

missive in your September 1 issue (after

reading Games People Play, incidentally).
His injured self-righteousness leaves me with
feelings of pity and contempt. By what incredible arrogance did this ptrthological egotripper decide three years ago that he was
the Movement? The superstai,$om ol this
macho male is the antithesis of what I understand the Movement to be all about' Who
needsaleader, another Big Pig to dictate to
our docile mentalities what we should believe and do? Good riddance!

-i*:"fri;;

When I read "i quit" (WIN, 9/1/71)
my first thoughts were, "Oh, Abbie Hoffman's flipping out from being a celebrity.
Well, that's what you get." Thinking about
it later, though, I don't know actually if

Abbie has ever really desired to be a
celebrity. Part of what he may have been
trying to do could be explained like this:
If you feel at all free and happy,you want
to communicate that to as many other
people as you can. You feel like it's
definitely your karma to turn people on if
you dre high-whalever you ate turned on
to-you want to share with as many people
as possible. Maybe that's what he was
trying to do, maybe along with some'desire
for his Self to be noticed. That desire
could interfere with the Purity of Intention
to communicate and now the reaction to
that desire'could be taking place. That
reaction being that, after you become Well
Known, people start treating you differently.
People don't treat you equal to the way

they treat other people nol do they think
of you in the same way. After a ivhile,
your words have no meaning; all that
seems to matter to people is that you, the
famous totempole, are speaking those words
and doing those deeds.
People decide on an image of You and
stick to it. Nothing you say or do is valid
because the people who worship

you will

accept your actions and words without
thinking. And the ones who have decided
you zue on an Ego trip will say yer an asshole and leave it at that. You're damned
if you do and damned if you don't. You
may as weil forget about trying to com-

I

municate except with the few people who
know you and love you or know You and
14

hate you. But at least they love or hate
you for who you really are, not an image
of you that they have decided on.
Now Abbie is sick of his efforts to
break through, being frustrated by his
image backfiring on him and writes WIN a
letter explaining he's got to recuperate.
Why didn't you print his letter with the
letters from other WIN readers? Because
he's a celebrity? Abbie wants out of his
image and you're helping to preserve it by
not treating a letter he writes the silme as
you treat letters from other people. By
doing that, you create and sustain an
inequality between "Abbie Hoffman" and
People. Isn't Abbie a person too? With
feelings? It's like you're saying, "Well,
you asked for it!" (With the picture of
the martyr, too).
Maybe he has asked for it in the past,
but it seems to me that he feels differently

it now. Please think about it.
"Everybody is a Star. . ."
-Sylvia Lester

about

Toronto, Ontario

l'am 19 years old. One year ago I
wrote to the draft board here and told
them I was morally not at liberty to
cooperate, even to the point of asking for
a CO. So now I go to trial starting
October 15. If you are out traveling, or
even if you aren't, it would be nice if
you could drop in. This will be one of the
first (but I promise not the last) trials of
this kind in our area.
The Quaker House will be open and
there will be no problem putting up old
friends or even new ones.
Fullager
1005 SW Eighth Avenue
Gainesville, FL 32601

-*Neil

I was wondering whether anYone has
considered pressing DuPont not lo take
Corfam shoes off the market (Corfam
being more durable than leather but not
attracting sufficient shoe sales).
I hesitate to propose any action which
must surely have lower priority, by far,
than working against war and repression.
Nevertheless, we should at some time be
prepared to deal more actively with the
ongoing slaughter of animals for food,
clothiitg, and industry.
, This letter is not the place for arguing
whether the killing of animals is a rrild
form of murder (although perhaps justified
when essential) nor whether it is also

objectionable for one to kill plants!) It does
seem to me, however, that in a better
world man will not unnecessarily be killing
animals and that it is not too soon to
think about how a reduction in slaughtering
can be brought about.
In the single example mentioned at-the
beginning of this letter . . . naturally, one
would not stad a pro{orfam action without looking in some detail into how Corfam

itself is produced"
Yours for

peace,

-Herb

We read in WIN several months ago
that the Bureau of Prisons had instituted
a new policy-No. 7300.14-which amounted
to "open corespondence"-i.e,, no mole
correspondence lists. After many queries
among the officialdom here and in
Washington, we finally were informed by
Congressman Dellums that the "new
policy" was not a Bureau policy but
simply a Lewisburg Federal Penitentiary
policy. In short, it doesn't apply here or
most other federal joints. Perhaps you
could print a correction?

-Rondy Kehler
LaTuna, Box 1000-5038

This is in response to Suzi Williams'
letter in WIN, Oct. 1. I've admired and
loved Suzi for many years, as I do so
many of our comrades who have done
time for their belief in the oneness of
humankind, but I must draw a distinction
between political prisoners and other
kinds of prisoners. Admittedly, the distinction is sometimes, perhaps often,
difficult to draw, but I think it is an
important one. Otherwise, everythingevery human action and response-becomes
justified.

It is not a matter of sitting in moral
judgement on any other human being. It
is'a matter of recognizing that people have
choices to make and that some choices are
preferable personally. and socially-to
others.

The problem arises, I think, from a
confusion between the subiective and the
objectivo. True enough, the car thief in
the next bunk was fulfilling his needs as
much as I was fulfilling mine in demonstrating or acting against some real evil.
But on the objective level, his as an antisocial act and mine, I hope, was the
opposite. Perhaps a better line could be
drawn between those who look upon all
other people as potential friends and
those who see nothing but potential
enemies; between those who look upon
the evils in the world as an arena in

which they try to apply their creative
energies, and those who look upon the
world from "the outside" as something to
be ripped off.
Of course we have to be sensitive to
the social conditions which encou.rage antisocial behavior. And we must be sensitive
to the personal conflicts and frustrations
that often can find no other outlet. Of
course we say that the prevalent methods
of dealing with antisocial behavior is
primitive and inhuman. But to find all
causes for such behavior outside of the
individual is to fall into the static and
medieval concept of "predestination".
The logic of which is saying that Lt. Calley
had no other choice
-Igal Roodenko

Your magazine is gentle, and causes a
nonviolent, creative swirl within me. The
September issue was beautiful and full of
marvelous bits of literature.
And thank you for the coverage on the
Constellation Ptoject (WtN gttl:-l). i ttrint
your choice of putting Lynd's article before
the Connie one was appropriate.
The vote is carrying on very well. After
the vote, we are not sure what we will do,
except that we will continue to work: education, helping the Connie crew organize a
boycott of ships services.
The people of San Diego are coming
out: students, businessmen, navy officers,
housewives. Democracy seems to appeal to
the hearts of all of them. The political
repercussions of this

mass organizing

will.

last after the project, hopefully. San
Diego may be our next liberated zone
within the eye of the hurricanc.

-Brother Jim Stewart
San Diego, California

DM
CHICAGO-You should more realistically direct your efforts to raising
relief funds, advised Atty. Teige of
World Airways, telephoning from Oakland, Calif. The occasion was the 8/3.1

visit of a delegation of Friends of East
Bengal to WA's Chicago office on the
umpteenth floor of the Equitable Life
Assurance Bldg. to protest the leasing
of Boeing 707's to Pakistani lnt. Airlines. We emerged from this unsatisfactory session to find another 5 members of the delegation in the hall,
surrounded by police evidently there
to see we did not forcibly break a
lease. . . "WE.HOPE to prepare a trial
th4t will blow everybody's mind," said
Johnny Baranski of the "four of us"
(Johnny, Mary Beth Lubbers, Thom
Clark, Eileen Kreutz) after their 9/8

court appearance. Their trial begins
Oct. 18 at the Federal Bldg. They've
issued a statement challenging J. Edgar

Hoover's contention that the backbone of the "Berrigan forces" has been
broken and expressing solidarity with
those arrested for attempted raids on
SS and FBI offices in Buffalo and
Camden. ("four of us" Defense Com-

mittee, 926 Chicago Ave., Evanston,

lll.) . . . A SPOKESMAN forthe

Fed-

As I bicycled my way to work this
morning, a thought crossed mY mind
which I thought would interest your
readers. I am sort of a Gandhi Freak and
have always been intrigued by his spinning
wheel doctrine. It seemed to have tfuee
effects: for the individual-identification
with the poor, through physical labor,
which had great spiritual effects; collectively-to wear homespun became a morale
booster, a symbol of the movement for
independence; and lastly, the economic
effects-less cloth had to be imported
from England. Thus it was a sign that the
Indians could be independent of the
British, and that in the long run, it would
not be economically advantageous for the
British to hold on to India.
My thought was simplY that the
bicycle could and should become the
American spinning wheel. The effects
would be the same: identification with
the poor, not only through the physical

eration of American Scientists for Experimental Biology objected to their
being forced to hire high-priced craftsmen to hand out lD cards during their

convention here. "Normally we hire
for such work," he said. (Chi.
Daily News 8/27.)
DENVER - SPRING AGAINST.
THE WAR, a direct action group, is
now Rocky Mountain Freedom Conspiracy which meets at 430 W. 9th
Ave. . . . ANN AND BURTof BouIder,
who were jailed as a result of the May-

girls

day demonstration at the Denver Federal Center, were also subpoenaed to
testify about Daniel Ellsberg before

the L.A. Grand Jury. They refused
and were dismissed, although accessory
or conspiracy charges could still be
filed against them. (Fall '71 brochure

of

lnstitute/Mountain West,701

Washington, Denver 80209-also,
WlN, Oct..l).

S.
see

_

SINCE
AUTOMATIC IUSTICE
1938, Federal fudge Swinford of Cov-

work but also because it really is cheaper;
it could (in fact, already has, in some
ways) trecome a morale booster and a
symbol of the new world coming; and
finally it could have great economic
effects if enough people did it. Not only
would it reduce pollution but it could
seriously cut down on the amount of
gasoline this country uses. The results of
this are ir.npossible to predict, but it might
at least reduce the chances that we fight
another war over oil rights as, at least in

part, we do in Vietnam. The bicycle, which
is not just for the young, could be the
way to join together the ecology and
peace movements.

Happycycling! _?::r7rl,ffif:

TAX RESISTERS Chester and Martha
Brickett of Laconia, N.H., report in an
open letter to friends that they are
asking Congressmen, the President,
and the Vice-President whether there
is hope for enabling legislation to per-

mit conscientious obiection "to the
killing of human beings for PurelY
political reasons."

I can lust imagine

the "automatic" reaction of

Judge

Swinford to a case like that! . . . ONE
THING that is very helpful to us here
is the good community of resisters,

writes ,oe Mulligan from

Sandstone.

"Recently we were ioined by two tax
resisters from Chicago (MeYer and
Himmelbauer) and they bring a certain
maturity and stability and solid com-

to our prison community."
STARRY NIGHT THEATER iN

mitment

Binghamton, N.Y. is holding auditions

to form a full-time company to travel
over the N.Y.-Vt. area. They do origi-

nal plays and hoPe to find PeoPle
"who love to use spirits/bodies/minds/

ington admitted, he has automatically
handed out 5-year sentences to all

voices/words/puppets/music and communication, to share, grow and make

C.O.'s who came before him. On
appeal by .l ehovah's Witness HarrY W.
Daniels, Jr., the Sixth Circuit Court

Gary Wurtzel,69 St., John Ave.

overturned the sentence

WAR

change." Contact J oAnn Smith or

-Ruth

Dear

33

Editing revision, rewriting, from somebod!
who learned the HARD way-at WlN.

Gu€rrilla theater-a hit-and-run form of
radlcal political theater-is qirickly becoming one of our most effective

Super-reasonable rates;

consclousness-raising mediums. Many,
many folks are turnlng on to it and getting together troupes to do gigs. lf
you're interested in startlng a troupe, Ed
Hay€s of the Quaker Project on Community Conflict, 13 East lTth Street,
New York City, 1OOO3, is interested in
helping you. Also available from the
Quaker Project are copies ot "A Guerrilla
Theater Manual". (For these, a small
charge of 25t pq copy is chargecl for
postage and handling.) For
mation, please write Ed or

UNITED WORLD PRESS COOPERATIVE,

a free, sharing syndicate of the peoples'
media can use seriously written articles
dealing with all phases of the counter-

culture as well as the death-kulture
which it is replacing. Cartoons, poetry,
columns, photos (b/w) also needed. This
type of material can be very useful to
small, new, or struggling media groups.
Sample packet sent on request. UWPC is
a politlcal (non-tax-exempt), non-profit
organization. People forming, or formed,
as media groups can plug into each other
contact us. UWPC,
,th(u UWPC
Rama Pipien- packets, reference lists, etc.,

further inforcall him at

212-74!-0750.

'with any form of communications

sys-

including touching. Write
tems
UWPC,
- The Rama Pipien Collective,
P. O. Box 641, Newcastle. CA 95658.
Reader and library subscriptions available
for small annual fee. Packets sent free to
prisoners and services people, Venceremos.

The Men's Pages
essar"s on male sexrole liberation: 50
- cents from Bob Shurtleff, 909 Foster, Evanston, lL 602Ol.

ne6ds are

HELP WIN
Sell WIN on your campus or
in your community. We'll
send you a bundle (as large
or small as you can use) and
charge you 15d per copy.
Yoq sell 'em for 30d. Return
unsold copies for credit.
Write WlN, 339 Lafayette
St., New York, N.Y. 10012

prepared for all our brothers/sisters
.strugglin9 to servethepeople and stopthepig

Black man serving time behind bars
wishlng correspondence wlth anyone. Will
answer all letters. Plea5e be sincere. charles
Nalls. P.O. Box 3173, Columbia, S.C.
29203.

my

small but pressing. Will consider any job
that doesn't require leaving the Southwest.
Write to: Paul Johnson, Somewhere in
New Mexico, c/o WlN.

for further details.
THE TURN-ON BOOK: How to
synthesize LSD, THC, Psilocybin, Mescaline drug extractions, more. $2.oO.
THE ALCHEMIST: CHEMISTRY OF
HALLUCINOGENS: AII NEW. MOSI
substances described are legal, dosages and

List of-Alternative Orgahizations, $4.O0

postpaid. Alternatives Foundation, P.O.
Drawer'A, San Francisco, Calif. 94131.

Mllwruk.G. wlsconrln 53203.

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effects are given. Detailecl procedures for
Amphetamines, lndoles, Lysergamides,
Cannabinols, Natural Plants, many more,
$3.OO. Both books $4.OO. Quantity rates
available. Turn-Ons Unlimitecl, Oept. 16,
6311 Yucca St., L.A., Ca. 9OO28.
Ecstacy or refund. Sent in plain envelope.

COMMUNES, U.S. A.-A comprehensive
guide to existing American communes
(religious, scientific, hip, psychedelic,
group marriage). Extensive bibliographies;

THE SoclALlsT TnlBuNE fo' bulldlni
. notltct rlln 3ocLlltt mov€mant' Th'
only r.gulrrmdnt for lolnlng ui li bdlcf ln
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iJI
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iterature

LocaI

REVOLUTION & EQUILIBRIUM by Barbara Deming.

WRL

Summarized in WIN's review as "an illuminating
personal odyssey of an eminently perceptive thinker,
lucid writer, and humanely, courageously, committed

Groups

ber and Staughton LYnd

N.Y.

12201

Atlanta,

Ga.

by David Dellinger.
His selected essays from 1943 to the present, including
first-hand accounts of Cuba, mainland China, North and
490 pp. $2.50
South Vietnam.

43201

DEIrOit WRL
Oqklond Univ. Chapter, Oakland Univ., Rochester,
Mich. 48063

SAL SI PUEDES: CESAR CHAVEZ AND THE NEW

llayne Stote Univ. Chapter, Wayne State Univ.,
Detroit, Mich. 48200
Jomestown WRL, 12 Partridge St., Jamestown, N.Y.
14101

Lowrence lilRL, Canterbury House, 116 Louisiana,
Lawrence, Kansas

' Box 530, Kearny, N'J.

01032

Oklohomo WRL,1335 Jenkins, Norman, Okla. 78069
llashington llRL, Peace & Freedom Through Non-

violent Action, American University, Box

231

,

Washington, D.C. 20016
llRL Southwest Regionol Office, 1003 Forrester
North West, Albuquerque, New Mexico 81144
Austin WRL*Direct Action, P.O. Box 7161, Univer-

sity Sta., Austin, Texas78l12

Ft. llorth WRL, 6151 Calmont St., Ft.

Worth,

Texas 761 16

Socorro WRL, Box 2452, Campus Station, Socorro,
New Mexico

WRL lilestern Regionol Office,833 Haight St.,

San

Francisco, Calif . 941 11

ln addition to the above groups, there are about a
dozen ef forts to organize local W R L's going on
around the country. These are what we could call
embryo WBL's and when they reach the stage of
being able to organize and work outside the WRL

will list them

AMERICAN REVOLUTION by Peter Mattiessen.
"At a time when vio]ence seems to have become a fact
of public life, Chavez has maintained the principles of
372 pp. $2.95
nonviolence:" (N.Y. Timgs)

GANDHI-HIS RELEVANCE FOR OUR TIMES AN
anthology including writings by A. J. Muste, Joan
Bondurant, Mulford Sibley, G. Ramachandran, etc.
383

Milwoukee WRL,1437 E. Brady St., Milwaukee, Wisc.
s3202

membership we

paperback, 293 pp $2.95

REVOLUTIONARY NONVIOLENCE

30309

Columbus WRL, 1954 lndianola, Columbus, Ohio

Newark WRL,

$3.95

THE ORGANIZER'S MANUAL Practical suggestions for
grass roots organizing by the O.M. Collect-trr:tffti*

WRL Southern Region Office, Atlanta Workshop in

7477,

pp.

THE RESISTANCE A history and analysis by Michael Fer-

Albony WRL, Box 1237, Albany,
Nonviolence, Box

269

humanbeing."....

as local WRL's.

lf

pp.

92.95

REBELS AGAINST WAR by Lawrence S. Wittner
The story of the U.S. peace movement from 1941 to

1960.

286 pp. $2.95

WE HAVE BEEN INVADED BY TFIE 21St CENTURY
by David McReynolds. Selected essays from WIN, the
Village Voice and elsewhere, plus new material by one
of our own Home Folk. Introduction by Paul Goodman.
270PP. $1.25

WRL BROKEN RIFLE BUTTON $6/100, $1112,101each
WR.L BR.OKEN RIFLE PIN

on heavy metal.

$

1

ND BUTTON (Nuclear Disarmament symbol)
black and white $6/100, 8ll12,l}d
rn assorted colors $7/100, $l/10, 101 each

.

ND PIN

black enamel on steel. $1

ro: WAR RESISTERS TEAGUE
339 Lehyettc Strcet, New Yort, N.Y. 1(fi2
for items checked.
]Ienclose$

I
t llenclose$

contribution

to the

WRL.

Name

you

would like to begin organizing a local WRL or would
like information on the local WRL program please

I

I

zip

I

write to the National Office.

-

I

.FLOWER POWER'

SICK SYMBOI
The flower symbol illustrated below ls seen everywhere these days: on compact
cars, doors and windows of
resldences, and on mall boxes.
Sold wtdely as stickers and decals, they have become very
popular. There are those who

don't care for these flower
decals because they associate
them with theHlppte movement.

However, they're decoratlve
and add a btt of gaiety to our

otherwlse drab exlstence. Such
the popular reaction to thls

ls

Itttle

symbol.
Sometlmes

it pays to dig a
deeper. Any Hippie wlll
tell you rhese flowers are the
symbol of his movement; that

llttle

they represent "Flower

Power." And what is "Flower
Power"? That's where theHtp-

ple

Movement gets

lts

power:

from the flower. .More speclfically from the poppy. Even

more

specif

icially, f rom

z

oppy -produced derivatlve
known as heroin, the use of
whlch has resulted in degradatlon and death for an unknown
number of youngsters.
No matter how pretty these
flower decals appear, you'll
never see them on the car of
a Conservative. THE INDEPENDENT AMERICAN, which
has just been alerted on the
real meaning of these ornaments, urges you to warn your
frlends of the sinlster signiflcance of these seemingly lnp

Comparlson of the above symbol
wlth the llluetrated oplum pop-

les clearly reveale the orlcin
of the "flower power" orri'a-

nocuous decoratlons.

TIIE IIIDEPEI{DEIIT A}IERICAN

ment.

IHT NETWOIX

O'

'AIIIOIIC

Fcbruety-llrch

TEIIEIWIITEIS

1969.