College news, October 29, 1952

VOL. XLIX—NO. 5

ARDMORE and BRYN MAWR, PA., WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 29, 1952

Copyright, Trustees of
Bryn Mawr College, 1952

PRICE 20 CENTS



English Writer
Probes Causes
Beneath Revolt

Continental Differences
Fatal to Charles’ |
Sovereignity

Miss C. V. ‘Wedgwood opened
her lecture tour in the United
States on October 22 in the Dean-
ery at 8:30 p. m. Her topic was
“British Society on the Eve of the
Inter-Regnum Civil ‘War.” Al-
though Miss Wedgwood believes
that the internal causes of the
English Civil War, traditionally
listed, are the most important, she
brought out certain aspects of the
European situation which effected
Charles I’s unpopularity, thereby
contributing to the growing dis-
content of the people.

Charles, lacking funds, was
forced to tolerate the Long Par-
liament. This body had its own
way for eighteen months, when
“the King at last dug his heels in”
over control of the army militia
bill. In 1641 rebellion broke out
in Ireland. Parliament wanted
control over the army because
‘they did not trust Charles to fight
for the Puritan interests, since va-
rious incidents had indicated his
possible alignment with the Cath-
olic powers. So the spring of 1642
found Parliament and the King
trying to raise separate armies.

At the same time the Continent-
al Religious ‘Wars were lingering
on between the Catholic Haps-
burgs of Spain and Austria and
the Protestants. France, Miss
Wedgwood continued, though Cath-
olic internally, often allied herself
with the Protestant States against
Spain. When Charles announced
a French-English Alliance, the
English people saw only that he
was uniting with a country which
persecuted the Protestants, not the
fact that the two countries were
allies fighting a common enemy.

Mr. Bachrach:
Mr. Schneider:

“Fear, greed, and hatred of rea-
son have all but engulfed Ameri-
can life in the past few years. The
fear of the subversion of our gov-
ernment by a handful of com-
munists and the evidence of wide-
spread corruption are symptoms
of this socio-political decay. To
reverse this trend it is necessary
to elect a man who still has the
courage to fight FOR freedom
rather than being goaded into ac-
ceptance of McCarthyism. What
is needed is a positive program of
economic and social reform which
will capture the imagination of
the people. It is clear that Stey-
enson hag the will and ability to
rally behind him the democratic
forces of the nation toward a real-
ization of such a program.”

Mr. Broughton:

I was undecided but I am now
going to vote for Stevenson. Of
the two main problems on each
side, corruption in Washington and
McCarthyism, the Democratic can-
didate seems more able to clear up
his side.

Mr. Carpenter:

“] find it amusing (but baffling)
to contemplate the Bryn Mawr
faculty perched high in _ their
shaky economic tree, busily sawing
off the limbs on which they are
seated.”

Miss Clayton:

Both are fine men, but Ike can
certainly doa better job of clean-
ing up Washington than any other
candidate.

Mr. Dudden:

“TI am not yet convinced that
Eisenhower has done what he had
to do in order to lead a five-times
defeated minority party back to
power. As matters now stand, I
venture that Stevenson will be
elected President by a comfortable
electoral majority, but I think his
popular margin may well be ex-
tremely slim or even non-existent.”



Continued on Page 2, Col. 3

Mr. Goodale:



Sophias and Dallas Fill Cloisters
In Annual Lantern Night Service

by Margaret

My house guest was a little
puzzled. She stumbled down two
more steps only to be faced by a
high beam flashlight behind which
a voice said, “Watch your step on
the window sill, please.” Across
her face marched various and sun-
dry expressions; a bewildered
squint in the dark and frank curi-
osity. She had heard of Lantern
Night.

As the first red lanterns rose in
the air to announce the coming of
the sophomores, she went up on
her toes and craned her neck to
follow the syncronized swing of
the lanterns. Before she could
quite swallow the fact that the
words she had been hearing were
Greek, the solemnity was broken
by a stampede on a small scale.

The large black spot across the
cloisters had dispersed into min-
ute fragments, shifted its position,
and solidified in the opposite cor-

McCabe, °54

ner. There was no time now to
explain the situation. The fresh-
men were leaving the cloisters and,
at that point, my guest was in an ex-
tremely precarious position, hang-
ing half way over the wall of the
Library roof counting the lines of
the retreating freshmen.

When the strains of the music
became blurred, a faint melody
was obvious in the immediate vi-
cinity; she was humming a tune
which was a cross between Sophias
and Pallas. It was distinctly out
of tune, but, rather than verbally
admit she was impressed, she gaily
struggled through two more
phrases. Her expression had be-
come one of satisfied interest, but
she would allow no smile to betray
her. But betray herself she did.
Outside the Library she drew on
her gloves and said, “You must
enjoy remembering this”. That



was sufficient. She understood.



I am for Eisenhower. Some real-
ly strong leadership is needed to
get the world out of the mess it is
in today. Even a little military
leadership wouldn’t be a bad idea.
Did you know that everyone up at
Princeton is for Ike?

Mr. Herben:

Since my two choices, Groucho
Marx and William McKinley, were
not nominated, it is hard to say

Election Eve Rally
Features Faculty’s

Soapbox Eloquence

The results of the presidential
election on the Bryn Mawr Cam-
pus, held Monday, November 3,
will be counted that night at a
mass rally in the gym. While
four faculty members speak about
their election choices, the Under-
graduate Council will count votes
and post the returns after every
fifty ballots are tallied.

Mrs. Helen Taft Manning, Miss
Janet Yeager, Mr. Donald Brown,
and one other professor will speak
on the subject, “How I am voting
and why.” Two favor Stevenson,
and the other two are voting for
Eisenhower. Following the speeches
and adding to the excitement of
the occasion will be a song fest.

Throughout the day, Monday,
everyone in the college will have
an opportunity to register his
preference of candidate. Under-
graduates and graduate students,
the faculty, administration, main-
tenance staff, and maids and por-
ters will be included, totaling al-
most a thousand votes.





The LEditorial Board takes
pleasure in announcing the ad-
dition of six new members to
the staff of the College News:

‘Lynn Badler, ’56
Jackie Braun, ’54
Ellie Fry, ’54
Joan Havens, ’56
Sue Habashy, ’54
Jan ‘Warren, ’55

CALENDAR

Thursday, October 30

4:30 p. m. International Club
tea in the Common Room.
Friday, October 31

8:00 p. m. Freshman Hall plays
in the Mrs. Otis Skinner work-
shop. Pem East, Non-Res, Rock,
Radnor.
Saturday, November 1

8:00 p. m. Freshman Hall plays
in the Mrs. Otis Skinner work-
shop. Rhoads, Denbigh, Merion,
Pem West.
Sunday, November 2

7:30 p.m. Mr. Geddes D. Mac
Gregor, Associate Professor of
Philosophy and Religion, will give
the address at the evening chapel
service,
Monday, November 3

7:30 p. m._ Alliance election
rally in the gym.
Tuesday, November 4

Election day. .
Wednesday, November 5

7:15 p. m. Marriage lecture in
the Common Room.

9:00 p. m. Legislature meeting
in the Rumpus Room.







e



Faculty Members Assert Varied Political Opinions
Most of Professors Dolled Favor Adlai Stevenson

whom to vote for. I don’t liké’what
that little man from Missouri is
doing running around the country
making a fool of himself ... If you
want some more Harry Truman,
that’s the guy to vote for (Steven-
son).
Mr. Hubbard:

“A plague on both your houses!”
Miss Lang:

“Stevenson ...
mendoys integrity.”
Mr. Lattimore:

“Stevenson, through a combina-
tion of wisdom with personal and
intellectual honesty, is to my mind
the best presidential candidate who
has come up for election in my
time. He is shrewder than Wilkie
and more forthright than FDR. I
like Ike personally, but not as a
presidential candidate. I don’t want
Nixon.”
Miss Leighton:

“Stevenson’s election is import-

a man of tre-

understanding of the complex
forces leading to political action is
superior to Eisenhower’s. In times
like the present when decisions of
magnitude are inevitable, the
President must be in command of
these forces. What makes Steven-
son remarkable is that he com-
bines this talent with vision.”
Mrs. Manning:

I am going to vote for Eisenhow-
er because I do think that it is
“time for a change” and because
the record of the Truman adminis-
tration makes a change impera-
tive.

Mr. MacGregor:

As an alien, I can not vote, but
I am taking note of this election
with great interest. The election
is much more colorful than a sim-
ilarly important one would be in
Britain. I gather that both Ike and
Stevenson are excellent exponents
of their parties.

Mr. Nahm:

An election should not be run

on an ethical basis, but on a poli-
Continued on Page 2, Col. 5

ant, it seems to me, because his,

Miller Explains

Democracy and

Role of Genius

Emerson’s Study Poses
Still Existent
Problem

“Emerson was a genius, this
was his burden,” stated Mr. Perry
Miller in his lecture on “Trans-
cendental Genius and American
Democracy.” Mr. Miller, Profes-
sor of American Literature at Har-
vard and noted scholar of Ameri-
can Puritanism, gave the Ann
Elizabeth Sheble Memorial Lec.
ture in Goodhart auditorium on
October 27 at 8:30 :p. m.

“Emerson was a product of his
culture; he was a child of Boston”
and of Harvard. For reasons deep
in New England society, after
1812 the concept of Democracy be-
came almost stagnant. A few men,
however, found “new _ flavor”
through transcendentalism, and
Emerson was one of these men.

Bored with Democracy, Emerson
fled back to Nature; his Bostonian
heritage was corrupted by his
genius. He wished the path of
trancendentalism had never open-
ed itself to him, but “new ideas
pressed upon him, and another part
of his nature was forced to re-
spend.” That is why he was a
genius, and why his genius was his
burden.

The genius Emerson, then, enter-
ed into literature as the “castigat-
or of Boston.” He castigated not
the masses, but the complacent, in-
dolent scholar which the society
that he knew had produced. At the
beginning of the nineteenth cen-
tury the best literature evidenced
a “revolt against convention.”
Most Harvard men preferred the
sobriety of colonial New England,
but the few who accepted his “‘chal-
lenge of revolution” over night
became lesser geniuses.

This problem of genius constant-



Continued on Page 2, Col. 4



Thespians of °56

The Mrs. Otis Skinner Workshop
will be host once again this Fri-
day and Saturday nights at 8:00
p. m. when the ’56 Freshmen pre-
sent their one-act plays—the prod-
ucts of their first combined efforts.

Denbigh freshmen, directed by
Doris Kaiser, are giving Rosalind
by J. M. Barrie on Saturday night.
This is a whimsical story with just
a touch of the fey about the life
of -a famous actress. The Long
Christmas Dinner will be Merion’s
presentation, also on Saturday
night. Directed by Jane Keator,
it paints a searching portrait of
a family over a period of years.

Star Struck is the hilarious rep-
resentation of life in the home of
a famous movie star — complete
with lion acts and starlet suicides.
Pembroke East is giving it Fri-
day night under the direction of
Marianne Clark.

Pembroke West’s offering on
Saturday night has an interesting





story behind its authorship, as it is

to Tread Boards

Repetoire from Thurber to Pooh

an adaptation by Helen Goldberg,
a Bryn Mawr graduate, of a story
by Katherine Mansfield. Titled
The Daughters of the Late Col-

,onel, it is being directed by Lynn

Dallett.

Another adaptation, this time
taken from James Thurber, is A
Ghost in the House by Richard S.
McKinley. This mysterious presen-
tation on Friday night is Radnor’s,
directed by Connie Alderson. Sus-
pense and revenge in India is the
story of Command Performance
which will be presented Saturday
by Rhoads. Amy Heinel is di-
rector.

A third adaptation is Rock’s
Winnie the Pooh, taken from two
chapters of the A. A. Milne story
by Sallyann Burgess of the Class
of ’56. Nonnie Powers is direct-
ing. the show to be given on Fri-
day night. Also on Friday night
is the Non-res comic production
Juliet and Romeo, directed by Kit
Masella.












Page Two

THE COLLEGE NEWS

Wednesday, October 29, 1952





OLLEGE NEWS

FOUNDED IN 1914

THE C



Published weekly during the College Year (except during Thanks-
giving, Christmas and Easter holidays, and during examination weeks)
in the interest of Bryn Mawr College at the Ardmore Printing Company,
Ardmore, Pa., and Bryn Mawr College.



The College News is fully protected by copyright. Nothing that
appears in it may be reprinted either wholly or in part without permission
of the Editor-in-Chief.



j
\

EDITORIAL BOARD
Sheila Atkinson, ‘53, Editor-in-Chief

Frances Shirley, ‘53, Makeup

Margaret McCabe, ‘54, Managing Editor
Barbara Drysdale, ‘55 Elizabeth Davis, ‘54
- Judy Thompson, ‘54 Mary Alice Drinkle, ‘53
EDITORIAL STAFF
Mary Jane Chubbuck, ‘55 Sue Habashy, ‘54

Claire Robinson, ‘54, Copy

A.A. reporter Marcia Joseph, ‘55
Joyce Annan, ’53 Anne Mazick, ‘55
Eller Bell, ‘53 Pat Preston, ‘55

Ann McGregor, ‘54
Kay Sherman, ‘54
Barbara Fischer, ‘55 Lynn Badler, ‘56
Ellie Fry, ‘54 Joan Havens, ‘56
Jackie Braun, ‘54, Science Reporter

STAFF PHOTOGRAPHER
Judy Leopold, ‘53

BUSINESS MANAGER

M. G. Warren, ‘54
Julia Heimowitz, ‘55, Associate Business Manager

BUSINESS STAFF
Vicky Kraver, ‘54 Claire Weigand, ‘55

SUBSCRIPTION MANAGER
Elizabeth Simpson, ‘54

SUBSCRIPTION BOARD
Karbara Olsen, ‘54 Adrienne Treene, ‘54
Saren Merritt, ‘55 Mary Jones, ‘54
Diane Druding, ’55 Diana Fackenthal, ‘55
Mimi Sapir, ‘54 Dorothy Fox, ‘55
Sally Milner, ‘54 Gail Gilbert, ‘55
Cathy Rodgers, ‘55

Caroline Warram. 55
Jan Warren, ‘55



Subscription, $3.50 Mailing price, $4.00
Subscriptions may begin at any time

Entered as second class matter at the Ardmore, Pa., Post Office
Under the Act of March 3, 1879





Letter

|Seniors Away Recently

Feel Foundations
Shattered

To the NEWS:

We, the four pillars of the
Frencn House nave aimost been
removed from our foundation. We
have been unearthed by. the lack
of confidence shown us. It seems
that an absence of nine months
from this college has made us
pregnant with ignorance. We have
to come back to a freshman status
and must take an examination on
Wed. Nov. 19 on. self-goverment
rules. As anyone may guess we
could not have stayed two years at
Bryn Mawr without having taken
this exam, passed it, and abided by
its rules. Furthermore, it appears
to us, that there is no provision in
the Constitution of Bryn Mawr for
obliging seniors who have been
abroad their Junior Year to take
the exam again. Unless an amend-
ment is made to the Constitution
we will refuse to take this exam.
We demand judicial review.

Legally yours,
Beatrice Camille Freeman, ’53
‘Maxine Anne Skwersky, ’53
Millie Filiniora Thompson, ’63
Nora Anna Valabregue, ’53

Wedgwood Indicts Irish
For Monarch’s Downfall
Continued from Page 1

Charles’ sister, the Queen of Bo-
hemia, because of her beauty and
wisdom, had become a Protestant
heroine, so when Charles would
not send armies to aid her hus-
band, Frederick, elector of Pala-
tine, he became even less popular
with the Protestants of England.
_ During the ten years Charles
reigned without Parliament, his







Self-Gov

The Self-Government Association wishes to clarify its
position on the drinking rule for the sake of those who have
been wondering about borderline cases. The rule stands that
“cases of intoxication will be severely dealt with”.

If the behavior of a girl is such as to unnecessarily draw
attention to herself, or is unnaturally loud, or in any other
way obnoxious to anyone, then she will probably be consid-
ered intoxicated and as such bring disgrace on the college.

Too Many Cuts

‘One of the greatest privileges given to members of all
four classes at Bryn Mawr is our present system of unlimit-
ed cuts. This system was established by students here sev-
eral years ago. Since over a period of the last ten years the
amount of cutting has increased, the administration feels
that the privilege is being abused, for it considers it the duty,
not the free choice of every student to attend every class.

On the basis of this administration policy, all courses at
Bryn Mawr are planned to necessitate both their class hours
as well as their outside study hours, all arranged in the min-
imum five-day class schedule. Thus, it is not possible to ob-
tain a complete working knowledge of any subject without
regular preparation and class attendance.

We have the opportunity, under our present cut system,
to arrange our time freely and, when the necessity arises, to
take class time off to attend other events. If we continue to
abuse this system, however, the administration may see fit
to change it. Because of this, we must plan our activities
around a regular attendance to classes to retain our privi-
lege.

Elizabeth Cadbury Jones

Bryn Mawr notes with regret the death of Elizabeth
Cadbury Jones, member of the class of 1896, and wife of the
famous Quaker leader, Rufus M. Jones. —

Mr. Rufus Jones, who is considered one of the most dis-
tinguished members of the Society of Friends, was elected
to the Board of Trustees of Bryn Mawr in 1898. He remain-
ed a member of the Board for fifty years and was president
for twenty. Mr. Jones was a close associate of M. Carey
Thomas, and his intimate connection with the college is part
of our heritage.

His wife was a great inspiration to him and a much re-



chief anxiety was the shortage of
money which caused his policy of
neutrality on the Continent, and
which was again very unpopular
with the Puritans.

As was previously mentioned,
the position of France was ex-
tremely equivocal because of the
differences between its political
and religious policy. Also, Charles
was married to Henrietta Maria,
sister to the King of France, who,
though charming in the court, was
unpopular with the English people
because she was too ostentatious-
ly Catholic. There were many
fashionable conversions among the
nobility, and the penal laws against
the Catholics were lifted. For the
first time in years, the priests
wandered about the streets in com-
parative freedom.

The biggest objection to Charles
was the Ship Money tax he im-
posed to better the Navy. Al-
though the people under ordinary
circumstances would have been
glad to see the Navy improved,
again they feared Charles would
use England’s strength on the
wrong side. The Spanish had been
chased into English waters by the
Dutch, and Charles had more or
less promised to aid them. But in-
stead of participating in the battle
between the Spanish and Dutch,
lazy Charles, Miss Wedgwood re-
marked, preserved his precious
fleet and “went down to Windsor
and started hunting.” The Dutch
destroyed the Spanish fleet. If he
had aided the Spanish, it probably
would have produced revolution,
and even as it was it made a poor
impression on the English people.

The Irish Revolt in 1641 was an
important cause of Charles’ down-
fall. The beheading of Stratford
precipitated the revolt. Though
severe, Stratford had the trust of
the Irish people.
rest spread throughout Ireland and
in 1641 there was news that the

At his death un-

Genius Does Not Always
Support Law of Society
Continued from Page 1

ly worried» Emerson: how could
the genius, who must live by the
law of genius to produce his best,
‘be reconciled to American Democ-
racy? “To genius is everything
permitted, and not only that but
it enters into other men’s labors,”
he stated in his journal. But does
everything have to be permitted?
And, what is éverything? In other
words, genius is a challenge to so-
cial serenity.

Napoleon and Goethe, two real-
istic geniuses who represented to
Emerson the reaction of Nature
against convention, did not com-
ply with the mores of society.
Goethe was immoral; Napoleon
“the very bully of the common.”
Yet, these two men, according to
Emerson’s criteria, in some ways
incarnated the highest nature, and,
therefore the genius should emu-
late them. It was impossible for
Emerson to separate the genius
of the artist Goethe from that of
the politician Napoleon. Genius
could not emulate one and not the
other.

But besides believing in genius,
Emerson had faith in Democracy,
which to him was “the spirit of
love for the general good.” His
Bostonian snobbery would not al-
low him to respect Jackson and
his “democratic” followers, how-
ever. He thought that the more
sophisticated means which the
Whigs used were preferable to
those of the “democrats,” but that
the ends which Jackson strove for
were superior to the aims of the
Whigs.

Although the outlook seemed
black to Emerson when he survey-
ed the vulgarity evidenced in the
practice of Jacksonian democracy,
he said, “I do not for these effects
despair of our republic.” Emer-
son saw Democracy not as “an es-
pecial prerogative of this country,
but of all times.” Therefore, a
gentleman could not repudiate it
and remain a gentleman.

So, the enigmatic element in
man presented _theproblem.__of
reconciling genius with morality,
of reconciling the political genius
with democracy. Unless Napoleon
were a devil, and therefore unable
to be controlled, Napoleons must
be domesticated in America so
that young geniuses could develop
their potentialities.

In his later life, Mr. Miller con-
cluded, Emerson decided that no
Napoleon was ruled by a _ devil.
Such men only accentuated a part
of ourselves, for all men are one.
Therefore, they could be domesti-
cated by society, and, by the same
token, genius was fragmentary,
1. e. deficient.

The eternal law of man and the
world which beat Napoleon, al-
though that law entails desolation,
will always win. Here, Emerson
rather complacently assumed that
Democracy will always prevail, for
“eonversions do not make people
completely over”, and the role that
the genius should play which Em-
erson had spent his life defining
could never quite conquer his heri-
tage and his ultimate faith in
Democracy.

The problem which confronted
Emerson, that of the conflict be-
tween genius and Democracy, was
a part of a greater problem, “the
‘ordeal of what it is to be, or what
it is to try to be, an American.”



Irish were rising. Because the
Irish carried the King’s banner and
did not revolt against the crown,
although they did drive against
the rest of England, Parliament
distrusted Charles even more.
Miss Wedgwood concluded that
the incidents she wished to em-
Continued on Page 5, Col. 5





the Quaker movement which



spected leader in her own right. She embodied the best in

is the inspiration that founded

and has guided the development of Bryn Mawr.

Current Events

Agriculture Vote Plays
Important Role
In Election

4

“The role of agriculture in the
campaign” was Miss_ Mildred
Northrup’s topic at the Current
Events lecture held Monday, Oc-
tober 27, in the Common Room.
The agricultural states may. hold
‘the balance of power in the ,cur-
rent election. The farm bloc is a
powerful one—its vote will be even
more decisive because it is difficult
to predict just how it will vote.

A main issue is the fact that
the Republicans seem to have
nothing better to offer than vir-
tually the same program with
which the Democrats have been
successful for the ‘past twenty
years. Where Stevenson has stood
on the Democratic record with re-
gard to farm aid and legislation,
Eisenhower has no such bulwark.
Eisenhower is hindered by the
public memory of the agricultur-
ally unprofitable twenties, when
the Republicans were in power.
Since the Republicans must ac-
cept Democratic policy, they are
being forced to run in. other is-
sues, citing current high taxes and
inflation as unbeneficial to the
farmer.

It is difficult to tell just what
the farm vote is thinking. Agricul-
ture doesn’t respond in the typ-
ical pattern to supply and demand.
Usually price and supply rise
and fall together, but if agricul-
tural prices fall, the farmer is
forced to produce more to keep up
his profit. Due to this increased
supply, prices keep on falling.

Miss Northrup stated that from
the twenties and thirties the po-
litical meat of the current cam-
paign is being made. She sum-
marized the role of the farmer
from his prosperous World War I
years, through the Depression,
during which he suffered greatly,
and the pre-World War II years
when the “support for agriculture”
cry grew stronger, to the present.

The fact that in 1948 the parity
price formula was given up and a
sliding scale formula, which is not
to the advantage of the farmer,
was adopted, has caused much
bickering. Other issues concern-
ing the farmers are those of Soil
Conservation, the Rural Electri-
fication Program, Home Owner-
ship Program, and others. Agri-
culture’s response to these issues
is a basic problem today.

Majority of Professors
Rally for A. Stevenson

Continued from Page 1

tical basis. Change for its own
sake is not an asset. I guess I am
just a good Democrat, although I
thought that I was an Independ-
ent.

Miss Northrup:

“I am going to vote for Steven-
son because of his record as a man
and as an administrator, because
his campaign has shown him to be
-@ person with an honest mind and
because on most of the issues dis-
cussed I am in basic sympathy
with the position taken by him.”
Miss Robbins:

I would not place any bets on
who is to win, although I am a
Democrat and I certainly hope it
igs Stevenson. I’m very encouraged
by the fact that a new person of
such ability, someone who has not
been a general or been in the lime-
light before, has come to light in
national politics.

Mr. Sprague:

I am still on the fence, but tend-
ing toward Stevenson. The cam-
paign speeches of the candidates
have changed me from a definite
Republican vote.
Miss Stapleton:

Stevenson is better qualified for
President in regard to ‘civil gov-

Continued on Page 5, Col. 3

»










Wednesday, October 19, 1952

THE COLLEGE NEWSy

Page Three



Youth For Eisenhower



C Sonne Assails

Economic Policy

especially contributed
by Carol Sonne, ’53

Economic policy is*a large term
that has been flung around rather
loosely lately. But obviously in
these years of increased govern-
ment control it is a factor which

will affect every one of us. Very.

few people can honestly say they
are satisfied with economic condi-
tions as they stand now. Will the
Republican party be able to
change any of that? I firmly be-
lieve they can. :

The most pertinent economic
threat to our country today is an
internal one, the threat of infla-
tion. It is wiping out the middle
class business men, impoverishing
the fixed income. group, and slow-
ly strangling everyone except the
government itself, and, ironically
enough, big business. Why?
Spending is fine—say the Demo-
crats. More money is pumped into
the system, prices go up, but: then
so do wages, so everything is fine.
More goods are being produced,
because more people can afford to
buy them.

Cash for Production

The government is better off, for
it has printed and spent these ex-
tra dollars, the country is better
off because it has more cash for
new production, and the people are
better off because their wages in-
crease correspondingly while in-
creased productivity has given
them better goods to buy.

Moreover, say the Democrats,
this increased government spend-
ing gives a certain stability to the
economy. Government bonds in
every bank insure security for all.

Beautiful on paper, beautiful in
theory, beautiful to the “intellec-
tuals”—but let’s gét our feet on
the ground, even if we are in an
ivory tower. :

With government spending,
prices most certainly do rise be-
cause there are more dollars to
pay for the same amount of goods.
But, as every American knows,
wages do not increase correspond-
ingly. There is on the average a
two-year lapse before they are
raised at all,and even then it never
covers the rise in the cost of liv-
ing. I am sure the Bryn Mawr
faculty would be the first to agree
with me there! So the wage earn-
er is hit—hard.

Who Benefits?

Who then benefits? The govern-
ment, because it spends the money
before prices start rising and is
ahead of the spiral. There is also
another group which benefits—and
this is where the Republicans
really have the last laugh. Who?
Big business, because they can pay
off their debts more and more easi-
ly as the value of money decreases,
i.e. as the dollar that they owe is
worth less, while at the same time
nothing keeps them from shooting
their prices sky high—for the gov-
ernment buys much of their pro-
duce, and they: seemingly can af-
ford anything.

All right, what can be done
about it? Obviously, cut spend-
ing. Hear the Democrats laugh
and say, “Impossible,” but the Re-
publicans have a more positive ap-
proach to the whole, thing.

Two major ways in which the
Republican party can cut down
spending are: :

1) Cut thirty per cent of th
government officials; this would
not only shrink the pay roll and

oy ed on Page 6, Col. 2






Ike Explains Policy
On Farm Program

especially contributed by
Sally Moore, ’56

Eisenhower’s views on farm pol-
icy were most clearly expressed in
his speech at the national plowing
contest at Kasson, Minnesota, on
September 8, when he stated that
he favored full parity and federal
aid on a basis that would leave the
farmer his own boss. He pledged
that the Republican Party would
go forward with positive, aggress-
ive, farmer-run programs.

General Eisenhower said the Re-
publican Party stands behind the
price laws now on the books which
were the result of unpartisan ef-
fort. He added that in making
future farm laws, he would call
upon the farmers for knowledge.
He stated that agriculture is en-
titled to a fair, full share of na-
tional income, and that the farm-
ers would rather .earn their share
than have it as a government hand-
out.

The General criticized the admin-
istration for its “bungling, fumb-
ling” handling of agriculture’s
problem. He charged them with
trying to get federal control of
agriculture, and denounced the

Brannan Plan as a slave act which

aims to control the farmer and so-
cialize agriculture. He favored
conservatism, but claimed that
with too many federal programs,
the administration was defeating
its purpose. He wants more ex-
tensive conservation programs car-
ried out by state governments.

State Control

Governor Stevenson lost a great
deal of necessary support in Lou-
isiana and Texas when he came
out in favor of federal control of
the Tidelands. Eisenhower gained
this support when he came out for
state control, and gave his reasons.
I'he federal government, he said,
‘was overreaching its powers and
becoming dangerously centralized.
The federal government has no
right to seize the profits from
these off-shore oil lands which
rightly belong to the states, and
which the states need.

The state governments need and
have been using the money from
the Tidelands to promote civil
projects in their state, and partic-
ularly in the field of public edu-
cation. The University of Texas,
subsidized from the Tidelands, has
always been a wealthy college,
well known for its high standards.
If the federal government takes
away their source of revenue, their
standards will fall hopelessly.

Eisenhower believes firmly in
states’ rights. He not only wants
state ownership of the Tidelands,
but also state and local operated
programs for conservation and de-
velopment. He contends that the
federal government, if they oper-
ate many large scale programs in
different areas, cannot possibly
have the interest in each program
that the people directly concerned
will have. It is a well known fact
that mass production lowers the
standard of the individual product.
And why should every state in the
union pay for all the other states’
projects?

Governor Shivers of Texas and
Governor Kennon of Louisiana
have supported Eisenhower on the
Tidelands issue, for they know how
necessary those Tidelands are to
the states. Governor Shivers has
encouraged the pro-Eisenhower
faction in the Texas Democratic
party, and Governor Kennon has
come right out and said he will
vote for Ike.





Harvey Berates
Arrogant. Party

To the Editors:

It has become fashionable for
Stevenson supporters, when con-
fronted with an Eisenhower voter,
to assume the too-polite expression
of a cultivated lady thrown into
conversation with a country milk-
maid. Remarks the worldly one:
“You mean you’re not for Steven-
son? Why, how could anyone be
for Eisenhower?”

Either this smugness is decidedly
out of place, or there is some-
thing terribly wrong with a theory
of government which has held that
reasoning power and _ leadership
abilities may occur from time to
time—even so long a time as 20
years—in more than one party or-
ganization. When a party has
been (so long in power as to pre-
aol tag blatant certainty, that
no other party could possess the
intelligence to govern this coun-
try, and to proclaim that presump-
tion in the very face of its own

failure to govern’ successfully,
then, indeed, is it time for a
change.

The Democrats assert, of course,
that they have really governed
with unerring hand: human nature
or Russian ubiquity are blamed for
their failure to protect American
power and moral prestige. But I
am far from convinced that the
Democratic administration has al-
ways acted wisely in its conduct
and formulation of this nation’s
foreign policy. Since when are
Koreas classified as unavoidable
accidents? Nor, in domestic is-
sues, can I accept philosophies
which hold corruption a normal,
albeit regrettable, state of affairs,
and the evolution of Bigger, Om-
nipotent Government the sole pro-
tector of the dignity and values
of Western man.

International Position

During the past 20 years this
country has faced unprecedented
problems at home and abroad.
Both Republicans and Democrats
appreciate measures of social re-
form and the mounting responsi-
bilities of our international posi-
tion. It is therefore utterly ri-
diculous to label Republicans union
busters, isolationists, “Aryan”
racists, or Wall Street warmong-
ers aching for another depression.

No one disputes that during 20
years of Democratic administra-
tion this country has changed, and
progressed, in many ways. Re-
publicans do assert, however, that
these changes have not always
been for the best and that Demo-
cratic leadership has, in fact, made
some grave mistakes in the name
of “progress”,

Now it is one thing to make
mistakes, quite another to be un-
able, by the very nature of the
political processes, to acknowledge
these mistakes. The dynastic
Democrats of today’s government
suffer from acute myopia: they
cannot see their mistakes and are
not looking for new viewpoints,
personnel or policies. They have
become so certain of their own in-
fallibility as to be more high-
handed than open-minded about
their own actions and depression-
born slogans.

In this campaign much has
been made of the “captive can-
didate” theme. Eisenhower’s nom-
ination must be taken for what it
is: a defeat of the Old Guard. The
Democrat’s convention, on the
other hand, ignored the popular
candidate and nominated, with
predicted ease and casual arro-

_ Continued on Page 5, Col. 1







Castor Considers
F.E.P.C. Problem

especially contributed
by Jane Castor, °53

The political issue of the
F.E.P.C. ‘is a real problem in
America today. Everyone realizes
that all people should have equal
rights of employment. Although
there is an agreement as to the
end, there is disagreement as to
the means. The F.E.P.C. would
allow the federal government to
enforce this equality; basically this
seems the same as equality to jus-
tice in the courts of the land, and
thus the right of the federal gov-
ernment to enforce this equality
apears to be a “good” idea.

but this is mere theory and to
bring real and lasting results one
shouid consider the practical, in-
stead of the theoretical. In 1948
the Democratic party was success-
ful in electing its Presidential can-
didate and in securing a Demo-
cratic majority in the United
States Congress; although the
Democratic platform had support-
ed F.E.P.C. the Democratic Con-
gress and President were unable
to pass legislation.

The reason was the attitude of
the Democrats elected from the
South to the Congress. These men
knew the problem at first hand.
The Democratic party has played
politics with this- important issue
by appealing to the Negro vote in
many of the doubtful Northern
states (for example, Iilinois, Penn-
sylvania, and New York) in order
to maintain their balance of power
there; the Democratic politicians
of the North have ignored the fact
that the people of the South have
to live with the problem that the
mass of uneducated Negroes pre-
sent.

General__Eisenhower faces this
problem realistically and has de-
clared that he is against the idea
of forcing such legislation on the
South. He realizes that aside from
the fact that there are not many
Negroes in the South who are
well-educated enough to actually
present a problem of unequal job
opportunities, that forcing the
South in such a matter will not
end in real and lasting results—
instead, the people of the South

Continued in Page 6, Col. 5

Army Experience,
Integrity Aid Ike

To the Editor:

No, I am not a Democrat for
Eisenhower. I am a Republican
for Ike, and I think my party has
made a fortunate choice in him,
because

1) He has had vast. experience
in foreign affairs, both in peace-
time and in. wartime. He knows
how to get along with people who
think differently than he does, and
has. never adopted a “let Papa
show you how this is done” at-
titude. Being a military man, he
knows what is practical for us to
do and what is not.

2) Since he is an Army man,
and used to years of no nonsense,
he can and will make decisions
after considering all sides of the
question and act firmly on his de-
cisions. Furthermore, he is a prac-
tical man and will not allow vacil-
lation, hangers-on, inflated pay-
rolls, corruption, graft, laziness
and the general downright thieve-
ry of the people’s substance, all of
which now characterize the ad-
ministration. No group can or
ought to expect special favors

Continued on Page 6, Col. 1

Time to Change:
Roosevelt Views
Ike AS The Man

especially contributed
by Sara D. Roosevelt ’54

The Republican cry throughout
this campaign of 1952 has been
“it’s time for a change.” This
seems to many a too-oft repeated
empty phrase, so they ask “why”?
Why will a Republican adminis-
tration put us in any better a
position than we are now; and
after all, what is wrong with what
we have and what we have had for
the last twenty years? I would
like to try to answer these ques-
tions.

Foreign policy seems to be a
major issue at the present time,
We are in an extremely dangerous
international position, which is the
result of an unsteady policy, and
a lack of foresight. It is useless
at this point to spend time “blam-
ing” the Democratic administra-
tion for each of their mistakes
that have led us further and fur-
ther from international security,
but I would like to point out that
if the administration credits itself
with steps forward we have made,
it must also acknowledge respon-
sibility for the errors it made.

Entrance in Korea

For instance, our entrance in
Korea was a necessary move, but
the steps leading up to this move
were contradictory and indecisive.
The support of the Israel state
was policy of the Democratic
party, but at the same time the
Arab States’ good will was un-
necessarily lost. The Marshall
Plan is doing tremendous good to
hold Western Europe in the com-
munity of the Atlantic Pact, but
Eastern Europe has fallen be-
hind the iron curtain.

The Democratic party has also
failed to take a definite stand
either on the Egyptian issues or
on the Persian issue. It seems to
me that one of the reasons a
change of party is so important at
this time is that the government
needs a shot of new blood in its
arm. Men would come into im-
portant positions who were not
hampered by a past record.

Whichever party wins the elec-
tion will find no pat solution to
the foreign situation, but with a
changed administration, there will
be no need to waste time apologiz-
ing for past mistakes. Men like
John Foster Dulles will be able to
test a policy of initiative on our
own which might be strong enough
to anticipate and stop the moves
of Russia.

Economy in Government

What about economy in the gov-
ernment? It appears that those
at present in control of our gov-
ernment feel the United States
has unlimited amounts of money
to spend. This country cannot af-
ford unplanned spending such as
has been going on in regards our
armed forces. :

It cannot afford the inflationary
results such heavy government
spending produces, and it cannot
afford a tax system which vir
tually wipes out the small busi-
ness man and the professional
man: backbones of our economy
and our culture. In so vital a
time America must be internally
strong economically to be able to
survive herself and to put her
money to the best use externally.
Much has been said during this
Continued on Page 6, Col. 4






Page Four



THE COLLEGE NEWS.

<
»~\

»
Wednesday, October 19, 1952



Students For Stevenson.



Storch Analyzes
Major Concepts
Of Ike v. Adlai

especially contributed
by Marcia Storch, ’55

America votes for the man. The
issues, of course, are a determin-
ing factor in any election but we
are not too concerned with the
stand of a party on this or thax,
rather we tend to decide whether
these men can better help us
through our dilemmas.

“ , .. Intelligent self-interest
whether conscious or instinctive, is
one of the motive forces of human
progress.” All of us will agree to
this statement by Arthur Schles-
inger. And there are some people
who feel that the past 20 years
have endangered their interests.

They fear that there is no longer
any meaning to one of the basic
principles of our democracy—lim-
ited government. “Should it not
pe limited will of the people?”
they cry.

Some Republicans (and some
Democrats) are afraid of social
security, labor unions, higher liv-
ing standards, increased housing,
Cavil Rights—afraid that such
massive social gains will destroy
business and free enterprise. It is
this fear that makes the Republi-
can ‘Platform one upon which Ab-
raham Lincoln could not have run;
which causes Eisenhower and Nix-
on to embrace a states’ rights slant
on the majority of our federalistic
controversies; and which forces
the Old Guard Republicans to hang
like a dead weight on a sincere,
but not a politically dexterous
candidate. .

Let us think about the things
which the fear mongers call the
anti - capitalistic or socialistic
trend of the New and Fair Deals.
Tnere are few who would call the
principles which are embodied in
these programs bad or wrong, for
the basic concept of a democracy
is a society in which every man
has the opportunity to develop his
capacities to their fullest extent.
Certainly this requires more prog-
ress of the type we have seen in
the past 20 years—more education,
more housing, more employment,
less lynching.

Time for a Change

The Democrats are not trying to
force anyone to look at those 20
years through a rose-colored win-
dow. Mistakes have been made,
grave mistakes, under the recent
administrations. It IS time for a
change. It is time for a positive
attitude and positive moves at
home and abroad. And if the Re-
publican party had a leader, a man
with control over his affairs, a man
who could make a decision and
stick to it; if the Republican party
had senators and representatives
who could see their way clearly
through the issues of the present
day and could handle these issues
in an intelligent and capable man-
ner; IF ... then I and many oth-

- er people would not hesitate to en-

dorse them.

But despite their pleas ... “We are
not isolationists. We recognize
social and economic progress and
will. continue to further these pro-
grams. ‘We believe in foreign aid.
We will wipe out corruption and
graft” ... the many personal and
public evaluations of the Repub-
lican party and their own recent

don’t lie.



Governor Adlai Stevenson



Five Stars Dwindle
To A Dark Nothing

Five little stars shining on his
head,

Along came Taft and one dropped
dead;

Four little stars, cocky as can be,

McCarthy and Jenner reduced
them to three;

Three little stars, brave amid
- doubt,

Cutting old friends put another
out;

Two little stars, showing signs of
strain,

Tidelands oil sent one more down
the drain;

One little star fighting mighty
hard,

But what could it do against the
Old Guard?

Five stars bright spelled a nation’s
hero,
But five stars dark, add up to zero.
Hortense Flexner King



record prove beyond a doubt that
these claims cannot be and are not
valid.

It’s old but it’s true—the facts
And the facts show that
the Republican party has consist-
ently voted against policies which
would check Soviet aggression,
against the Marshall Plan, against
the North Atlantic Pact, against
Mutual Security, against military
aid to Korea, against Point Four.
The domestic affairs record can be
left to your imagination or re-
search—they even voted against
Taft’s own housing bill!

The answer, then, lies in combin-
ing the progress made under the
Democratic administrations to-
ward general welfare and world
peace with intelligent and directed
leadership. I see this type gf lead-
ership in the man who ‘said, “I
have no fixed principles by which
every issue is to be automatically
resolved, I do not identify big
government with good government

.. And it is an error not to make
government as efficient as possible,
because inefficiency in government
as in business makes for size and
waste,

“No one wants government to
control every detail of human life
. . - I don’t like any interference
with free markets, free men, free
enterprise. I like freedom to suc-
ceed or (freedom) to fail... ”.

Governor Stevenson started his
campaign on a level which is for-
eign to American politics—a high
level of thought and speech. He is
becoming increasingly better liked
as he becomes better known. He
has shown an extraordinary under-
standing of current issues, and in
him one finds integrity, strength,
humor, and _ humility — qualities
well fitting a president, and show-
ing that Stevenson is the man with
whom the United States of Amer-
ica can work for a greater tomor-



rows,

G0.). Loses Out
OnaCampusWalk

especially contributed by
Mary Cahn, ’56

It was a beautiful fall day and
two girls were strolling along,
whistling, and kicking up the
leaves as they walked.

“So you’re for Stevenson”, mus-
ed one of the girls. “Just tell me
why”? she asked with a smug look
on her face.

“You really want a speech?”,
laughed the other.

“No, gad no!”, said the first
quickly. “Just some good points
if there are any.”

“Well,” said my Democratic
friend, “it seems to me that Ste-
venson has the better labor pro-
gram. His program calls for the
repeal of the Taft-Hartley law and
a new, fairer bill.”

“Well, of course, the Democrats
are labor’s slaves,” shouted the
first.

“T don’t know about that. Seems
that big business has done mighty
well in the last twenty years. The
number of private businesses have
risen remarkably. Business has
received R.F.C. loans, tax deduc-
tions and many other privileges.”

“Go on to your next point”, said
my Republican friend a little too
quickly.

“The Democrats have a superior
civil rights program also. It calls
for a F.E.P.C. law, in order that
real progress can be made. The
party has a remarkable record on
fighting segregation in housing,
education and the armed forces.”

“Ym not going to vote for a
party”, said the first defiantly,
“that has gotten our country into
this inflation. The dollar’s not
worth a thing anymore!”

“Just a minute”, said my Demo-
cratic friend. “Remember the Re-
publicans are in Congress also.
Let’s take this from the start. In-
flation came after World War II,
when the O.P.A. was eliminated,
largely due to the Republicans.
But time and again, President
Truman has tried to _ initiate
stronger rent and price controls to
combat this inflation menace and
time and time again the Republi-
cans have made this impossible. If
the latter were elected, more con-
trols would be lifted and prices
would probably rise!’

“Your party’s gotten us into a
national debt”, said the first with
authority. “Why should we, the
richest country in the world, have
such a thing?”

“Well”, said my Democratic
friend, “the debt has gone down
9% since World War II, and you
forget, though we may be the
richest, we are also the country
with the greatest responsibility.
We have found it necessary to help
war-torn countries and arm for
our own security. If we don’t spend
now, we may have to spend lots
more on a third world war!”

“But how about the two party
system? Seems to me that if the
Democrats win again, this country
will be run by one party. Is that
true democracy?”

My young Democratic friend
smiled unbelievingly. “Why,” she
exclaimed, “the Republicans are in
Congress, are in state govern-
ments and are certainly a very im-
portant force in American govern-
ment. Twenty years out of the
White House can’t kill a party.

Why, between the end of the Civil



War and 1914, only one Democrat



Gottlieb Sees Ike
In Over His Head

To the Editor:

I was for Eisenhower and I have
switched to Stevenson. Under Ei-
senhower the Republican Party has
not come forth with the positive
new program it was its high re-
sponsibility to deliver. Eisenhow-
er himself, still unquestionably
a great American of essential in-
tegrity, has floundered badly in
political waters, has inextricably
committed himself to what he does
not really support, and has fallen
in over his head.

In the words of John Steinbeck:
“T do not know, but I can imagine
the pressures on candidates for the
Presidency. They must be dread-
iui, but they must be equally
dreadful for both candidates. With
equal pressures we have seen in a
pitiful few months the Eisenhower
mind crumble into uncertainly, re-
tire into generalities, fumble with
friendships and juggle alliances.
At the same time, Stevenson has
moved serenely on, clarifying his
position, holding to his line and
never being drawn or driven from
his non-generalized ideals.

Pressures on a President

And if the pressures on @ Can-
didate are powerful, how much
more so must they be on a Presi-
dent? I find I am for the man I
think can take the pressures best
and can handle them without split
loyalties and expedient friend-
ships.”

Some people are not voting for
the man. They are voting for a
change, or for the maintenance of
a ‘disintegrating’ two party sys-
tem, or against Truman (in Ad-
lai’s clothing). In the little space
that remains to me let me say
simply, first, that I believe the
“man” to be of paramount im-
portance in filling the extraordin-
arily powerful position of Chief
iexecutive, and, second, that I can-
not sanction the “blank check made
out to change”. I also find that
the “medicinal” concept of elect-
ing a party to office every time its
unity has fallen apart is manifest-
ly ridiculous. Finally, I find the
difference between Truman and
Stevenson obvious and inspiring.

Sincerely yours,
Ronnie Gottlieb, 1958



was president, but we certainly
haven’t died!”

“But staying in office’, said the
Republican slowly, “makes for
corruption.”

“In every government”, said the
Democrat, “there will be some men
who are dishonest. But the cor-
ruption issue has been greatly ex-
aggerated. President Truman and
the Democrats -have exposed the
corruption and eliminated it. And
the Democrats have fought the
biggest corruption of all, that of
big business favoritism.

“Stevenson and the Democratic
party stand for the people and the
rights of the people. They believe
that government is in the interest
of everybody and their record
shows this. The “Tidelands Oil”
dispute proved Stevenson’s cour-
age, for he lost votes, but showed
America that he was interested in
the benefit of all, and not just a
few special interest groups.”

“Maybe you’re right”, said my
Republican friend, slowly.

“You bet I am!”, said the other,
and the two: strolled on, kicking
the leaves as they walked.



deShazo Decries
Red-baiting 0D

Dear Editors:

The choice before us in this elec-
tion for our next president is not
a clear-cut “powers of light” ver-
sus “powers of darkness” choice.
There are valid arguments for
both candidates; however, it seems
to mé that Stevenson is less hand-
icapped, better prepared for the
presidency, and generally more ca-
pable and realistic. The following
points are a few of the reasons
for the above conclusion.

‘Undesirable elements in both
parties handicap the two candi-
dates, but, even though living in
Washington, D. C., I would choose
the domestic embarrassments and
corruptions of the Truman admin-
istration (which I believe Steven-
son could correct as he did a sim-
ilar situation in Illionis) to the
isolationistic communist - baiting
trends of Taft and McCarthy
(which I fear Eisenhower could not
avoid as he has not avoided com-
promises with these elements in
his campaign).

I consider the trends toward iso-
lation and communist witch-hunt-
ing some of the most poisonous
elements in America today, for
thus free speech and free thought
are endangered through fear, and
America seeking her own life

above the world’s good is losing
her life from within and without.

Better Equipped

In my opinion Stevenson is not
only less handicapped by his par-
ty’s policies, but better prepared
to provide the world leadership
needed at this critical time. Why?
—because the positive effort of
the United Nations will be the
most significant step in world
peace and progress, and Steven-
son, being as Ralph Bunche says,
“one of the best informed men on
the United Nations in the country,
a first rate man in every respect”,
has helped in the formation of the
U.N. and served it in various ca-
pacities. Furthermore, Stevenson
is a lawyer, a man experienced in
civil government and does not
have to transcend a lifetime in the
military tradition which by its
very nature emphasizes obedience
rather than personal initiative and
necessitates thinking of individu-
als as instruments for obtaining a
good end through “justified” evil
means,

Impressions

As for believing Stevenson the
more capable and realistic individ-
ual of the two outstanding candi-
dates, I can only judge from the
impression they give in their press
conferences, speeches and written
statements. In these, Stevenson
seems to have a more definite, con-
sistent and positive approach to
the problems of our country and
world than Eisenhower.

Moreover, Stevenson appeals
more to the intelligence of the lis-
tener than to his emotional re-
sponse to issues. In my opinion,
Stevenson continually creates the
impression of a great statesman,
humble, selfless, morally courage-
ous, and ideally suited to lead our
country and world as the next
president of the United States.

Respectfully,
Sidney deShazo, 1956