s

Ftl[ o* oo l,

;rå;ilf$tít; ot-t

44 t 0ó

:î,

lanta 1VIN and SCEF. I am a Southe¡ner
transplanted into the socalled "libetal
Northeast." Let me tell you, the North
can be just as ¡acist and full of the'death
C\¡ltu¡e as the South ever thought of being.
I resent your reporter's effo¡ts to make
somoono look foolish by caricaturing the
person's
-JEFF KEInt

dialect

Holyoke, Mass.

/
'Today it is possible for mè to become ¿ware

I was vgry moved by Jim forest's letter in
úre Seót l8 isst¡e of WIN in which he puts
in a goiod word for thoso Vietnamese "who

.

¡efuJed to be tough, who hated all the
ideologies and slolans, who wouldn't take
uo weioons fot either side, or who we¡e
cònsc¡fpted by ohe sldo or the othe¡ but wouldnit klll.i' I am one of many people
who has moved toward paciñsm f¡om the
rhetoric of "armed stltggle,!' and frankly
the roison for.thi¡ shift is directly duo to
the way that the "arm'ed stnrggle" en
thusiasis gleefutly defend militarism and
the rcpreision of basic human rights in thc

EEAUFORT COUNTY
Joann Little's trial
Brings to mind
Faint memories
Of the prosaic side
Of Beaufort County,

bf "prolotarian unity" o¡ "¡nti.
imoerialism." I remain reluctan$ howerrer'
to iall myælf ¿ paciÍst, because I have yet
to roe paciûets ofrer a path to revolutions¡y
chango, a way to w¡est violorit powor fiom
thoso who now hold it wtthout creating a
new violent caste. lVithout meanlng to
grasp anew for ideology, I feel that gay'
ieminist thinking, dealing.with the ¡oots of
¡trlitical behavior in the æx'role system,
is on the right track It is this nexus, I
beliwe, which has Þrought so much gayfeminist writing to the pages of WIN, and ,
it is my hope that old'time paciûsts will
understarid the vitality of this conhection
and continue to be hospitable to gay'
feminist thinking in the'pages of their
publications' such ls wIN.
ALLEN youNc

name

t

ofJoann Little's t¡ial, and even to sympathize with her lot Especially since I am
familiar with the Beaufort county jail and
its staff. Possibly even the same cell. But
the¡e was a time whon I would have been
indifforent Let me explain.

"South Cacal¡c".

tilith its wide

eyed,

Skeletal, bare footed,
Pussing,
Rib counting
Black child¡en.

And some puffy
Overweight
Black mothers.
Dressed in rags.
Obsequious,

Living in ramshackle
Weathered hooches

Transformed magically
By freqtrent raitrs

And altitude
Into quaintly photogenic islands

Royalston, Mass.

All successfully
Paled into insigni.ficance

.

By overwhelming mémories

Thanks for keeping us posted of events in
the Joann Little trial, as you did in the
Chanþes column IIVIN, 8/f4l?5]. The
anecdote about the Durham County Medi
cal Examiner was very'interesting but I
was very ofrended by your teporter's
caricature ofthe man's Southem accent I
couldn't help feeliirg that this was an effo¡t
'to make the man seêm ignorant because
he didn't speak with the average white
washed Midwestetn-American accent' White
people from the Deep South are a gr-oup
that gets dumped on so nirich that it's
pracõcaly a part of their cirltu¡e to have a
. huge inferiority complex and to hate white

Of the sprawling
Chain linked, barbed wired,
Immaculate,
Marine Corps Air Station
With its squadrons
Of infinitely .more exotic,
Awesome, whlte grey, manta like
Phantom Supersonic Phighter Bombers
Bristling with sinister projections.
Which I jealously guarded
And flew in
For the most intense Year.
-STANLEY GRAJEWSKI

.'

Monticello, NY

Northerners

T\etereally are white Southç¡n ¡adicalst
Witness the oristencq.of srch g¡oups as At'

This is prompted by Claire Culhane's let'
ter and'Danny Schechter's article [WIN'

71241751, but is hot per se ¿bout tliem,
except tangentiallY.
Wtrat ¡f¡s about is the repeated asse¡tion
that the "indomitàble will" of the Indo
chinese "liboration" armies withstood the
"full force" of Ame¡ican military mþht.
Such a statement gloriûes violence, mikes
the Indochinese somehow super-human
(something the PRG, Khmer Rouge; et al
never clai¡ied for themselves), minimizes
the imþortance of the American anti-war
movement, and minimizes the power of the
US military, all at the same time.
Fact: In 1966 the Pentaggn wanted
Johnson to authorize bombing of Hanoi
and Haiphong. He refused. Question: What
would have happened if nrch bombing had
taken place? And why dldn't it? Facü In .
early 1968, the Pentago4 wanted to ship
200,000 more troops to Vietn¡m. Agaln,
Johnson ¡efused. Quostion: What would've
happened if those extra groops had been
sent? And why weren't thoy? Fact In
November, 1969, Nixon was. prepared to
announce the bombing of Hanol and the
mining of Haiphong He didn't; he instead
announced a troop withdrawal. Question:
What wouldTe happened if the B'52'ing
of Hanoi had lasted years instead of weeks;
the mining of Haiphong years.instead of
months? And why wæn't the annQunce
ment made? Fact: There were contingency
plans for bombing dikeg for massive troop
invasions of North Vietnam, even for tho
use of nuclear weapons on IndochinaQr.¡estion: What would've happened if these
plans were put into effpct? And why weren't
they? Fact: Barry Goldwater recently
reteased ¿ list he'd secured from the Penta
gon of restrictions placed on American mili'
tary oper¿tions in Indochina It was rather
extensive. Question: What would've hap
pened if those restrictions hadn't existed?

and lynch their Presidenl" Memós shorv

upcoming N<ivombor 15th demonstration
And on and on
The currently fashiqnable minimizing of
the peace movement's offectivenoss C'Well,
we might.have accoleratefl. things a little,
but . .") is untenablo, bæed on common knowledge and senæ.
. Wo had aJob to do: ertdingAmerican
lnvolvomont in Indochina, and that Job wo "
did better then wo seom willing to give our
¡elvet crodit for. lVhllo the ûnal outqbrpo of
tho'wars ln Indochlna ¿ro not [,hst I snd
mgny othors wouldrv€ hopcd, ¡tillo thc
ttlibor¿tion" forco¡ haro lvon thsir mllituy '
vtctorles, and, rrlthou¡h it ¡ound¡ (end feele)
strsngs for a paclûlt to roy thlr, lt
r. {.
prob¡bly truo thst they couldn't h¡vo doñeT
It wlthout
-LARRY ERICKSON

,

.

.

ir

.

u,r.

:

Lon¡ Erlúoh, NJ

In rcrdln¡ thc varlou¡ lcttor¡ ¡nd ¿rtlclc¡
conccmln¡ Portu¡¡lr pro rnd con, lt ¡ccms
thrt ths qudrtlon of donocracy le tho
crltlc¡l f¡ctor lnvolvcd, but wh¡t ttre hsll
lr domocræy? How l¡ ¿ twoparty syltomr
or ¡ onlpa¡ty ¡ystom, of I multlp¡rty .
systom any moro domocratlc

th¡n ¡ p¡rty-

of pcoplo'c dsnocr¡cy? Iïe
æally moanlngful domocracy in any ryotem
dcpondr to a lugo extent on othsr coÞ

loos syotorn

trltuting factors such as the presenc€ or
absence of mqior corn¡pdng influences
operating on the system to manipulate and
subvert the domocratic processes; for
eríample, (l) powerful concentratlons of
great private wealth, (2) tho politics of
sodlilng public ofrce,for private gain, and
(3) the compeütive private entorprise sys
þm ltself with lts accompanying ethics of
dog-oat dog But all thingo boing oqurl, a
partylese system of poople'r democracy
should by all ¡tandards be thç most dçmo
cratlc and the mort just and oqultablo
I
/
tom
I oan think of no gnåtor democracy than

ryr

poselblo.

that of ¡ nopüty ryrtom of pooplo'e :.
dornooÍaoy ¡tn¡otursd on arcondlng
ooliblon¡ of clootsd oüci¡l¡ sd¡ing from
thç mo¡t b¡¡lo ¡ruç¡qst! unlts, the ¡m¡ll
noltliborhood oommlttooq md t0rmlnctlnf
in e rin¡lo nstlonsl oommlttoo, Tlro oommlt
too¡ at o¡ah lwol of ¡ovommcnt $,ould
formulcto lo¡ldrtlon pcrtdnþ¡ to lü dr¡
of Jurlrdlotlon, and tho pooplÖ wlthln th3t
¡rc¡ would voto on whctho¡ to ¡Ètlfy or
nJcct lt Evon whorc thoy cxl¡tcd prcvloutly,
luch s ryrtcm would problbly of ltr own rs
cord roon cllmln¡tc thc mqlor cornrptln¡
lnflucncc¡ ll¡tcd ¡bo'c. And ¡¡ I undsrst¡nd
It, thc Armcd Fo¡cc¡ Movcmont of Bortu¡rl
w¡nted to ln¡t¡ll thl¡ klnd of putyloor ryr
tom of poople'r dcrnoc¡æy. I crn only
rurpoct tho wo¡¡t of tho¡c who dt¡nd l!¡ op
pocltlon to ouch e plrn.
REYNOLDS MOODY
Mlami, Fla

Retuctant though we wcrc to publlsh another speclall slnglo toplc
issue iight on tho heols of last weok's extensivo report on the oam.
pa¡gn to stop the construct¡on of the &1 bomber, tho evonts currently taking plac€ ¡n lndia are'of such significance that we ma¡ie the
difñcult decision to concentrate on this siü¡ation to the exclusion of

t

others.

Frankly, the thing that tipped the scale and conv¡nced us-for the
moment--ito shelve the art¡cles that were origínally planned for this
issue was the uniqueness of these two reports by writers well versed
in the political facts of life in the "sub-continent." Perhaps it is due
to lndira Gandhi's censorship regulations, but nowhere have we

exist? The answer isvery simPle:
American peace movement wouldn't ¿llow
it, When Johnsen rejected the authorization
to bomb Hanoi in 1966, he did so by asking
the military to ask their computers "how
long it will take ûve hundred thousand angry
Americans to climb.the White House wall

seen such knowledgeable accounts of recent developments as these
prov¡ded by Demie Kurz, Bruce Birchard and David Morris. We are
proud to be able to publish their insights and obseryations.
Next, week we'll return to the more usual potpourri. Or at least

t

that's the way it looks

today. ,

-WlN

llo,ooQ

l151x¡o

î25,000

No. 33

4, Tho Root¡ of lndla's Crlsls
Demle Kurz & Bruce Blrchard
8. Thc Advdht of Fasclsm ln lndla

Døtld lvlonß
20, Changcs

22. Revlcws
Covo¡: Deslgn by Murray Rosenbllth

STAFF

.

Susan Cakars

Dwlght Ernost ¡ Mary Mayo' Sus¡n Plncs
Fred Rosen Murray Rosonbllth

'

UNINDICTED
COCONSPIRATORS
J.n Brrry. Lrnc. B.lvlll. . Tom lrucl(.r
;
J.rry Cofilnr' Lynn. Shttzkln Cotlnr
Ann Drvldon. Dllnâ Djyl.¡. Ruth O.ar . . I
Rrlph Dlclårr Brlrn Ooh.rty: Wll¡¡am Douth¡idr
Krrun Durblnr. Chuck Frg€r. S.th Foldy ..i.':
'i.,' .'
Jlm Fo?.¡t. Lcth Fr¡tz.. Lirry ô¡r¡
Jotn Llbby Hawkt. Na¡l Htworth. Ed Hattahi¡nn
Oracc Had.mrnn. Hrndrlk H.rtzbargr
Ktrtr Jry. Mlrty JGz.rr. lacky Jolrô¡on
Ntncy Johnron. Prul Johnron. Alllron Krrp.l :
Cr¡lg Kripct. John Kyprr. Ell¡ot L¡nzat.
J.cl(¡on Mac Low. Oarlal McR.ynoldrt
Orvld Morrl3 " Mlrk Morrl¡r ' Jlm Pack
.

T.d Rlchrfdr. lgll Röodrnko'Ntncy Rd.n
Ed Srndart t W.anrly gchwrrtrt. M¡rtlrt Thomarã
Art W¡¡ków, Àttcn Young. !.v.rU'lh,ogdw¡rd
* Momber of WIN Edltorlal Boatd.

Box 547 / Rifton / New York 12471
Telephone: 91 +339-4585

$30,781.38

0

Octobor9, 1975 / Vol.

Marls C¿kars

And why did they?
The answer to the fìrst in each pair of
questions is, obviously, there is no way of
.knowing. Bùt it does makè it clear that
.claims that the Indochinese withstood the
"full force" of the American military are
. patently absurd. Indeed, they didn't e;ven
get hit with a hefty fraction, and what
they did get hit with was often not applied
in the'militarily most effective manner.
Why? Why wasn't Hanoi bombed in
1969 or even 1966? WhY weren't more
. troops sent? Why did those ¡estrictions

the

that

Nixon's decision not to bomb Hanoi in
1969 was motivated by conQern about the

t3S,OOO

t40,000

f45,0q)

150,000

WIN ls publlsho{.w€crty orceit lor th€ fr3t
two wGoks ln Jánurry, the la3t,wesk ln Mrrch,
tho llr3t w€€k ln Juno, tho last twq wcekr ln
August, lnd the llrrt two w€ak¡ ¡n Scptambat
þy W.l.N. Mâgrzlno lne wlth tho lupport of
th. Wrr
R.¡l¡tarr L.rgu.. Subrcrlptlonr !ro
lll prr yl¡r. Socond cl|lr po¡trg. prld ¡t
N.w York, NY lo00l. lndlvldurl wrlt.r¡ rr.
rarÞonalþ|. lor oplnlon¡ axÉrartad rnd rbcurrcy
of lact¡ glv¡n. Sorry-m¡nu¡crlptr clnnot Þa rù
turnad unl.$ rccomp¡nlad by r talÈrddrar¡ad

rtrmp.d

.nv.lop..

Prlntrcl ln U¡A

wtN
2 WtN

,'li¡

3

.-r:

ì :ìiJ

¡'¡t,

i;,

THE

ROOTS OF

INDHS CRISIS

The lndian governnìent encourages this interpreta.
t[on. [n an interview on "Meet the Press" broadcast
August 17, the lndian Ambassador to the Un¡ted
States, T.N. Kaul, continuall-y referred to the ,,duly:
elegted government with a Pa'rliamentary majorityt'
being threatened by a "pglitical minority" in a con-

frontation;Which th reatened i"civi I disorder, ôhaos and
religious strife,* Stressing the June 12 case in Allahabad court ¡n which lndira Gandhi was convicted .
of illegally using government offcials in her campaign
for Parliament four years ago, Mr.' Kaul insisted ihat
the law under which she was convicted was an ,,experiment in election law" which is now understood to
be too stringent. This law has recently been amended
by.the Congress-controlled Parl iamenl
This þicture omits many important facts and events
in the struggle which led to the mæs arrests and tormination of índividual and press freedoms in lndia.
That struggle was, and is, not a simple confrontation
of opposition political parties with a party-in-power.
It is a movement whose final goal is radiçal social,
political and economic changõ in lndia. Jayaprakâsh

Narayan has been particularly important in developing this movemènt, and most lndians place a good
deal of importance on his leadership. Althou_gh it ap.
pears that few Saruodoy¿ leaders have been árrested
so far, it is the Sarvodaya inf uence, mediated especíally through J.P. Narayan, that has made this a real
movement and not just another party struggle.

THE SARVODAYAMOVEMENT
We

visited lndia duríng the months of October to

M.arch, 1973-74, Having a st¡ong interest in non-

Western, labor-intensive, agricuItureoriented models
of third-wòrld development, we arranged t<j visit
nine rural Sarvodaya projects. "sarvodaya" means
"the uplift ol alli'and it is the name generally applied
to the Gandhian movement for constiuctíve ("development")work and social change. ln 1953, Jayäprakæti
Nryay¡q resigned as leader of the Socialist Party aqd t
joined the Sarvodaya movement. He has remairiedpart'of Sarvodaya and refrained from party politics

DEMIE KURZ & BRUCE BIRCHARD

ln the early moining of June Z,6,197s,after the last
deadlines ofthe morning newspaþers had passed,
lndian police, actint' on the direct orders of Prime
Minister lndira Gandhi, arrested Jayaprakash Narayan
and 675 other leaders'of the opposition movement
which was seriously threatgning Ms. Gandhi's power.
Since that date, thousands more-nobody knows how
many-have also been arrested. Strict press censorship
is in full force, with the media forbidden to report
anything which might be damaging to the governmenl
ln a country where millions engaged daily in wide

nnging political discussions and expression, fear has
spread and few dare speak.
The "emergency,ti and the events leading to it, are
poorly understood in the United States. Our news
media present it as a clash between opposition political groups and lndira Gandhi's Congress Party,
generated largely by the "Watergate.type" couit case
in which Ms. Gandhi:was convicted of election-law

violations.
Demle Kurz ls completlng her PhD tn Sociology ond is
oët¡ve ln the femlnlst møvement ¡n the Delaware Val-

ley. Eruce Birchard worksfulltime on the Stop the
B-l Bomber/Natlonal Peoce Converslon Compaign for
Frlénds Peace Commtttee tn Philødelphia, Demle tived

ln lndlo for a year.

ever since.

During the course of our travels we stayed at
Sarvodaya Ashraù in Bíhar. This is known as r!J.P.'s
ashram," and his house is still there. (lndians refer to
Jayaprakash Narayan simply as '"J.P.'i) We visited a
village some ten miles from the ashram one afternoon.
Forty-five famílies have settled qn a rocky, previously
uncultivated tract of land which was given to Sarvo
dayd Ashram years ago by a wealthy landlord. They
are levelling their land and constructing irrigation
ditches. The president of the village council, a lowcaste lâborer, explained:
Each fomily hos four or frve acres of land, but only a
few have bullocks. So the vlllage councll bought nlne
buffalos. lle meet eøch week to decide who should use
them next. I hove my.own pøir of bullocks. I have let
otherc use them and have not hod q chance to complete my own plowìig. But God wtll provìde.
As we prepaied to hike back'to the jeep, 50 village
people marched behind us chanting over and over,
Humaro mantra-/ai Joghat! Humora tantra-Gram
Swaraj! Roughly translated this means: "Our goalVictory to thë whole world together! Our method-

r In the last natlonal parl¡amentary elect¡ons ¡n L971, the
varlous opposition partles, after excludlng the Communlst
Party (pro-Moscow), the Congress Party and the varlous
lndep€ndents, togethor gotr43.37o of the vgte from an
elêctorate ol 274.3 million. The Congress Party got 43.60lo
of the vots.

Cooperative village government!" They testify tÓ the
Sarvodaya vision of a revolutionary ¿lternative to
poverty and powerlessness: the world will be one
wtren âtt peoþle have power to govern themselves.

fo understand the Sarvodaya'movefnen! it is im'
portant to look back to Mahatma Gandhi. Dyring the
ions struesle for lndian independence, Gandñí's im'
meã¡ate ã'¡m was to make the British ':quit lndia." His
long-term goal, however, was to build'an ln-dia¡ society
basõd on vTllajes which were largely self'sufficient and
self-governing. He urged the Congress Party to disband
as a þolitical Þarty and encouraged Congress workers
to disoerse'into the villases andiprk for a Sarvodaya
society, 80% of lndia's p-eople still live in villages and
small iowns. To make independence meaningful, these
millions must shed their powerlessness and poverty.
. Sarvodaya workers at the nine proj.ects we vìsitod
follow the inodel of Gandhi and hisï.þcessø,.Vinoba
Bhave. ln the 1950's, Vinoba walked ihroughout India
io àsk the landed peóple for bhoodon (gifttof laríd)
to be distributed among the poorand landless. Lator
he develoôed gromdan (gift óf village), a voluntary
Drosram for oeople in which land would be redis
iribüte¿ mor'e equitably and village decisions reached
by consensus. Although a simple program, the
giamdan work had the potential for developing
ievolu ti onary chan ges i n caste' an d clas* domi nated
lndian societY
During the past 20 years, thousands of Sarvodaya
volunteeis trekked through lndia persuading villagerl
to sign the gramdan pledge. ln the pledgez People
agree not to sell their land to outside landholders or
nioneylenders who would then become absentee land'
lords,'a common practice which häs done much to
fu rth er i mpoverish many peasan t.com mu n i ti es. They
. also pledse 1) to give 1120 of tåeir land for distribu'
don to th1 landleis; 2) contribute 1140 of each year's
income to a çommon village fund for use in building
irrigation projects, roads, schools and health facilitìes;
anO 3) attend meetings of the village council, which
makes decisions based on consensus. Though very
few pledged villages have even begun to meet these
goals, there have béen a few dramatic successes.
Within this framework of gramdan, Sårvodaya has
worked for abor-i ntensive agricu I tu ral devel op menq
a system of education which is reJevant to rural lives,
land reform and people's power through cooperative
village government. Theirvision of agricqlture is of a
decen tial ized, labor-i n tensive system wi th app ro-p riate,
simple technólogy. Unlike the Western model of
development puisued by the ruling party, this would
provide work for the millions of unemployed and
underçmployed ágricultural laborers and smdl artisans
currently being displaced by machine and capitalintensive industry and agriculture. Such a system of

.

I

largely self-sufficient villages and region¡ as in.China,

coùld botn provide the basic needs of the 4ural popu'
lation and protect the people from outside exploitati irn. A system of ife-centered, agiicu I tu ral I y-orie nted
education, what Gandhi called "basic eduCation,"
would encourage students to remain in'their home villages and provide much-needed leadership and knowledge in this ptrocess of change.
I

ln recent years, some Gandhians hpve argued that

the sramdan movement and constructive work are
not6ringing about real social change. They feel thát
it is maiñly social work, obtaining some relief for poor
people but failing to challenge lndia's feudal system
of landlords and peasants or the corrupt power of
many political institutions. One of Mahatma Gandhiis

great gifts, his skill at keep¡ng the pow€rs'that'be on
the defensive, has been lost. On the other hand, some
Gandhian leaders feel that lasting social change must
result from strong personal conviction within the
þearts of people or it will prove ephemeral.,.Therefore,
they argue, the.slow process of çonstructivè
must preceed dramatic social,ch ange
'..
ln a few areas, poor peopld and Sarvodaya wgrkers
powbr
ln
Tåniore
structure.
have confronted thê local
'
District in South lndia, where wealthy landlorili hâve

work

i
i,

t;ñ;¿i;.| it ãu.J"á ían d-reform le$sl dti on th rou $r

ah illegal system of double bookkeeping, a tdarh from
the Valiva[am Gandhi Peace Cen'tre obtained informa-

tion on land ownership and use arld helped the
Hartlan ("untouchable") peasants gain, their legal
rishis to their land. Though initiafly iniimidated þy
.

,

tñe all-powerful landlords, these landless peasants and
Peace Centre workers have stood together' offering
satvoomha ("holding fast to truth," or nonviolént
¿irecí actioà) on seferal óccasions. Hundreds of local
women and men went to iail for this. At another
proieðt coordinated by Anand Niketan.Ashram in
Gui-erat. peasants have resisted corrupt lanfflords,'
money-iinders, police and governnlpnt officials with
satyadraha. They also have a "Peoplê's Court'l and a
procels of selecting people's reprèsentatives to,.t!e .' '
itate legislature wliich does not involve the political
parties.
These efforts in the Saruodaya movement represent
sisnificant experiments in social change-experiments
wittr wtricn-J.P. was fåmiliar and which he drew upon
in formulating a strategy for a peopleis movement.
Sarvodaya has been his "home" for 20 years, and its
influence in his current strategy is clear.

'

THE PEOPLE'S ANTI.CORRUPTION MOVEMENT
When we entered the st¿te of Guierat in February,
'1914, we were not allowed to leave the Surat train

station the first night, due to extensive demonstrations.
and the state-wide curfew. A student protest ovef high :
food prices in college cafeterias had quickly spread to
the rest of the population. There was a shortage of
grain in the markets, though"people knew.theharvest

¿

ñad been adequate. lt was being hoarded by black
marketeers, in collusion w¡th corrupt government officials, to drive the price uP.
Wiitr¡n three months, the movement had caujed
Ms. Gandhi to remove the Guierat Congress govern'
:
rãni init¡trte "President's rú|e," and þrepaie
new elections. The student campaign was nonviolent,
though the'government and other groups resorted to
violeñce'whïch left 56 dead by the end of Februarll.x
With the dismissal of the'Gu¡efat Çhief Minister anil
the state legislative assembly, howèver, the movement' . .
collaósed. ihougtr Sarvodaya leadersdiscussed ways to''
get studènts into the villages and towns to work for a
ñew pofitical process of selecting people's candidates,
these plahs never materialized.
!n the meantime, a spar[< was struck in Bihar-one
of thè'poorest, most corrupt states in lndia. On March
18,1974, the Students' Struggle Committee picketed
the Governor's speech at the State As¡embly House in
Patna. The police responded with làthis (wooden
truncheons) and arrests, As word spread through the
city that student leaders had been badly beaten,

for

* We owe much of the lnformation ln thls.sectlon-to å reDort
nrõevi presáo, "fne Þeople's Resistance ¡n B¡har" (January'
iézsl, ut well as letters wr¡tten by Radhakrlshna ànd
Narayan Desal in tho spring of 1975. The lêtter from

Narairan Desal was repr¡nted ln WIN (4/3/75). coples.of
"TheÞeople's Reslstance ln Blhar" are avallable from !ndlans
for Demócracy, South Polnt Plaza, Lansing, Mlchlgan 48910.

4 WIN

WIN

5

,
1

tention and some support ín other states. ln two by'
elections for the national legislative assembly, candidates supported by the people's movement dèfeated

',1! ,,!'

stu

ers

difficult to understand. Anand Kumar, a student leader

:U

who worked closely with J.p. until December,1g74,
explained to a meeting at the University of pénnsyl-vania that the leadership of the various'oppositioti
part¡es had no choice but to support the movement. It
They saw'their rank-and-file joining the people's anti:
corru_p-tion campaign and had to follow or lose their
credibility. He also stressed that he and other student
leàders had much more responsibility for planning
and organizing the movement and iti actións than-¿¡¿
political partyleaders. And party spokespeople weie
not allowed to promote their party,s proþrams at
demonstrations.
ln late November,1974, J.p. convene{ an AllParty Conference in Delhi attended by most of the
opposition leaders and others. The coilference st¿tÈ
ment concluded in parü '

'

Congress candidates. Then on March 6, 1975-,

.

. appointed athree-member commiftee to
these events, and this committee laid most
of the ame for the violence at the'feet of the cíty
and state government:
'ln the ehsui ng weeks, unrest grew and the state
continued its attempts to repress rather than underburned.

,

it wor¡ld not

collapse as the Gujerat movemént had.
lnsisting that ¡t be nonvíolent ahd focus on funda,
mental chañges in the'entire sgcial, economic¡ educational and political systems, J,P. agreed.
On, April 8, 1,000 wgne! and men signed a pledge
of- nonviolence. Tying tfteir hands and bindine dhe¡rmouths with bands.of cloth, thesé sotyograhií(,,people
þglding fast to truth nonviòlently',) sét óut on a ten
kilometer march through Patna. J.P. led the procession
in a Land Rover. According to reporters, they wdked
in total silence, while 400-500,00'0 peopie l¡n'e¿ iñã- way,' clapping in support as the marchers,passed, but
otherwise remaini¡g silenL This plan had been óffered
by l.P. in an effort to insure that there would be no
violence. lt worked
Through the spring and summer Íhe movement
grew, with another procession ofseveral hundred
thousand in June and a month of picketine at the
leglslative assembly. By July 12, 3;000 arrðsts had
been made. On October 2, "1974, the anniveriary of

çe

beautifully.

ì

Mahatma Gandhi's birth, íuppoit i"ltièi inuofuitig
several,hundred thousand people were held in C4-icutta, New Delhi and other c¡t¡es: And on Novembei 4,
¡ìnother demonstration was planned for patna. The'
Bihar government went all-out to prevent it from takþg place. People's ActÌon, the'monthly journal of the
Sarvodaya movement, reported: ,,All méans of transport were cut. All ferries on the Ganges had been
stopped.-About 200 boats were captüred. Fifty-eight
of th_e_6-0 trains passing through the city were lanðelled.',
Yet 55,000 peôple managed to attend ihe demonstra;

'

tion.

As the movement grew, oppositioir political
parties began supporting ¡t. These parties included the
right-wing Hindu nation alist /ano Sangh, the cqnservative Old Congress Party, the Socialist Party, and the
left-wing Cotnmunist Party of lndia (Mariiit)i_n fact, all the national parties except for,fhe Congress
Party and the Communist Parry of india (proMosiow).
The involvement of the right-wing groups'has been
6 WIN

tt

not possìble to.formulote o detalled socto
economlc progmmme ln the mtdst of a struggle sttuø
tlon, l!.ß obvlous thøt sttch a progrgmme wll-l by ønd
lorge be wlthln the Gondhton frame, The emphøsts has
to be on døtolutlon of outhorlty ond decenimllzotton
of economy, on agrlcultural deielopment esuttoble
landownerchlp, appllcatlon of lobou r-lntênstve technology øgrlculture ond lndustry, extenslue spread of
domestlç and ruml lndustrleq reglonal planntng ond
development and remoivql of tttileracy'ìn ftve fearc, . .
It should be clear that this is no ordinary political
campaign by a coalition of opposition pârties, but a
struggle !9 generate a mass revolutionary moúemenL
By midwinter.¡ 1975, the movement was entering a
second stage which was clearly shaped by some of the experiments in Sarvodaya. Radhakrijhna of the
Gandhi Peace Foundatíon wrote on June 12,1g,75:
l4thtte

.
,

1

I

ts

Sensing o certaìn disenchøntment tn the minds of the
people on demonstrations, {teraos, and other such
militant steps, the movement has now formed out to
uillages and it ts c.oncentratlng on what we call lat¡ata
¡
, Sarkar, the people's governmênt at the block teiet fná
bl.o. ck, os you
.may recøll, Íè an admintstrotive group of
villaçs, roughly o hundred villages and o hun'clred
thousond people, , ,The Janota Sarhan are expected to
undertoke progrommes of constructlve seruìce, llke
dìstributlon of fertilizers or other scorce stutr' They
will also.toke up. lçues of exploltatlon and corrupiion,
equiloble land dlstrlbutlon according to prevoleñt tow,

implementation of exlsting laws andspeedier iustice,'
There ore now obout o hundred blocks, which cover
25% of Bihor's orel, where these efforis have been
¡n¡tioted and ore in a voryÍng degree of performance. . .
l.P. hopes to exþond hls concept ofpeople's government to more thon half the'areo in Bihar by the end of
the year, This will provide the necessary iifrastructure
for ensurlng candidates chosen by people at the t¡me

of thë next elections,

According to Narayan Desai, many young people were
to be trained as Janata Sarkars this summlr (letter
printed in WlN, aßF5\
The emphasis of the movement hos now shifted'to
the vlllages where during the next phose of the movement ¡t will be trying to organÍze parallel ossemblìes

and o people's governfnent, built from betow, Thou-

sonds of young men and women responded to J.p.rs
coll and gave up their studies for a year. lle oré now
busy organizing troining courses for these youths,

During the.first six months of 1975, the movement,
while remaining strongest in Bihar, also attracted aí-

'

I
'¡
.t

,

I

i
{

I

tP; led
The-y
Delhi.
New
in
people
a
march
in
100-"300,000
presenteã to Þadiament a "Charter of Demands"
ãåuiátionut- refòrms,' election refoims, effective dis'
tribution of land and the lifting of the emergancy

fol

security measures that the government,has- main-.
tained iince the 1971 Bangladesh war.(which lridira
l
Gandhi invoked for the present Emergency).
party'was
camln Guierat meanwhile, the.Congress
paigning'hard to insure a victory iñ the state electionsätrðt¡on"t that werè finally being held after the overthrow of the statg government in March,. 19.74. Al'
though Ms. Gandhilaid her prestige on the.liríi: and
'
campãigned personally for Congress candidates there,
75
out'.
party
onlf
won
on funõ8, l97S ttre Congress
ot igZ seáts ¡n the legislaive assemhl4 inwhich ¡t had
won a maiority of mðre than two to'otre ln 1972.
Congress iost óontrol of Guierat and lndira Gandhi
saw her grip on porúer slipping.
Still reeling from th¡; election loss, Ms., Gandhi suf'
ferêd anotheiblow on 1une12,1975. ln a suit
brought by her Socialist opponent in the 1971
parliãmentary elections, Rai Narain, the Higt Court
in her home ðity of Allahabad found her guilty of
two infractions of the federal election laws. On June
25,1975, the Supreme Court of lndia gave a temporary
oriler staying the sentence of the H¡gh Court but sus'
pend¡ng her from her parliamentary seat. She was al- .
iowed to continue as Prime Minister unt¡l the court
decided the case. Following this decision, the opposi'
tion parties asked for her resignation pending the full
Supräme Court verdict. While decried as unreasonable
by'Ms. Gandhi, her party had'previo-usly forced the
résisnation of the former M¡nister of Steel and the
forñàr Chief Minister of MadhTa Pradesh on similar
election-law vi olations.
On fune 25, a mammoth rally in New Delhi ap..'..
proved
a progrâm of agitation to force lndira Gandhi's
,
iesignation. Ãccording to th,e Timgs af þ.dlo the move'
meñt planned to launðh the'agitation wìth marches of
satyagrahis to the Prime Minister's residence daily - .
froinlune 29 to luly 5. lt was hoped that this would
be the first phase of â nationwide struggle which would
;ttr."t;i,tport frorñ all areas of lndia--Jayapràkash
Narayan déclared that he would particìpate, and went
on tó make the comments which Ms. Gandhi used as a
ntionale for ordering his arrest that night. ,According

/

'

to the

Times

of lndio:

lúr. Noroyan renewed hls oppeal to the ormed forces
and the þottce not to carry out ony illegal orden He

olso urged Central ond state government employegs
generaity to ponder o'ver whiat the¡r duty was ln the
Ttrcumitonces now obtolning in the c'qntry due to
Mn. tndtro Gandhi's refusal to quit office even ofteran
odverce court verdict.

dearlv l.P. and the whole.movement felt that lndira

Gandlii'l legal diffculties presented them with an opportun¡ty. Stre ha¿ not responded to the demands of
the movément to end corruption and begin a new path
to equitable economic development, although she
coulä have harnessed the energies of,the movêment to

achieve these goals-góah she ñad long proclaimed.
Zãreer Nisanil wr¡t¡ñs in The Guordiai (7 12217 5l midz
Hod she reod the slgns of the tlme, Mrc, Gandhl might
have met the chollenge withtn the parllomentary fmme'

work, relying on her considerable polltlcal,slills to
A¡v¡íe nár oþponents as effectively os tr1 t 96!|ffi.tt";
hlmsetf was'not irrevocably commltted to tliëpþN'
sition and hod indicated more than once'hls'wllllnç '
,ist to ioin Mrc. Gondhi in o portnerlhtp'stmildr'to
that of-Gondhi and Nehru before lndependeryg.
He adds that she could have won.gver the"Communist
Pirty of lndia (Marxist) [CPl ,(M)] and Socialist.parties
and isqlated the r¡ght wing by sharing poqel w¡th the
left and pursuirig i radicaf profrarn. '!1 shor! she '
could have coopãrated with, and perhaps eveñ õôbil,ted,
+
the movement. But she
On f une 26,lndiraGandhi declareC a state ofEmergéncy, and she began a massivq campalgn of ar'
rests.Teveál thousandiare imprisoned at th¡s
These include .1.P., some dissident Congress-Members
of ParliamenL ihe'leaders of right and left Opposition
:
parties, many potential leaders and activists, black
and
hoodlums
and-other
food,
of
..inarkeíeers, ñoarders
troublemaÉers. Secóndly she eliminated freedöin of
the press by arresting newspaper editors and.empower'
ing ðensors'to review-all news printed in lndia or sent
- aþroad.

',

'

'

'

didn't.

tirne.

t

For years, the gramdan movement worlceid at th-e vil'
lase ievel?or põople's 5slf'gsvernmtnt. Their çfforts

,

cõnstiu¡ted interesting often locally successful ex'
periments, but they never grew into a mæs movement
är "eramdan soc¡eiv." as Vinoba Bhave had hoped.
The"gramdan work never spoke suffigiently to thepolitËd and economic problems of the larger spcietyinflation. corrupt¡on, the black market, unemploy'
ment th¡; was a partícularly'serious liability in terms
of motivating ciiy-dwellers, students, and other.seg'
ments of the disaffecæd middle class. On the other
hand, the opposition political parties were too narrow'
ly "politicai'¡-they could not start a movement,-for
tí'eir goals were to'o parochial. They did notreach the
id ãnd lower-class'mass of lndian people. lt has
taken a Gandhi-type fig.r.re, f ayaprakæh Narayan, and
.
Gandhian ideoloÉi and methods to stir the people
to a true mæs movement.
On July 1, 'l975, George.Fernandes, chairman pf
the Soðidist þarty óf lndiã (who is himself und-erground)
issued a call to forget political differences and form
"anti-fascist people-'s committees," at all levels' Each
sttout¿ be reipoñsible only to itself, and he urges all to:
1 ) produce and distr¡bute-underground literature and
päit.rs; 2l stzrtwhìspering camþaigns about fqcts.
which are being covered up by the government; 3.) or- '
sanize strikes and bandhs (city or statewide peopìe's
ítiites); +) paralyze the functioning ofthe governmenti\
particdl arly transport and commu nicat¡ons systems;
]5'lOefr¡end members of the police and armed forcds;
¡
aÁd 6) ¡nform foreign embassiês dT "the brutalitíes ai'

in'

äní¡äút

btt räiitã¡ãát"iship."

'

He concludes;

Our struoole ts I ) for democracy, 2) for fundamental
rlohts. 3i-for ruie of løw, 4) dgalnst foscist dictatorchip,
Si aoá¡ist Russian ìhteruention ln lndia's internal afío¡Ã, O) against corruption, 7) agatnst rÍslng prices,
8 ) ooa in st u nemploy ment,
filahatmo Gdndht's methods wìll gulde us ln o.ur
Mohotmo Gandhi will be the unseen leader of
struggle.
-õ*"ii*"riqt
to llberate the country from fascist '

'

tyran4y:*
* CoÞtes of George Fernandesl call are availaþle at $.25
lndlan; for Democracy, South Po¡nt Plaza'

"ain'trom
Èãnsrng, Mlch. 48910. chapters of lndlâns for Democracy
ire iotñi¡ng ln many maior c¡tle¡ and the lêad€rshlp
to rêPresent the moìrement wêll.

seems

wlN

7

- . ... '. ,-'. l¡J:tí'ù;*. ' "+'-i;*'''s'' ,*'Ji"*,;-*' '

t
shorply placed ln the context of thelr,onthdçmocmtlc
ond'fãsëlsttc tntent-that the opproval wos not unex'
view of thte maJor.ttlei enJoved bv the Con'
iäiiã-in
'oress
houses oi Parttameni.
in both
-Quôte from
--L¡ÑK.
one of the Commun¡st Party of lndia
þíoMoscow) subsidized newsmagazines'

.-.

-

The

I talked with a middle level retired fo'vernmêht official.
He wasn't too upset about the Russian role in,sup'
porting lndira Gandhi. "You Americáns w.orry too
inuch ãbout the Communists¡ We are like beggars, we
go everywhere. The Unlted. Statet, USSR, Japan. Any'

of Fascism

deals an( assistancerl' He
shrucced wheri'l rñentioned Mahatma Gandhi and
wonääred if I could úse my 'linfluençe" to get him
into the Unlted States'

it¡ere we can get good

in India

Painting from the Metropolitan Museum,of Art.

Some

.l

here.

,

q

"We have iust landed at Santa Cruz airport,,, the
cabin attendant announces in English, French, Hindi,
and German. Despite the tiredness of those who got'
on at New York and have flown straight throughl
'
there is an undercurrent of excitemenl. lndia!The buses pick up passengers at the foot of the
Itujt:. IhgL. is a grear deal ofconfusion and shouring
in Hindi. The buses pull up at the Bombay airport
terminal and diggorge the 320 passengers,-who clutch
passports, tickets, children and bags as they crowd into the small hallway. The Westernórs begín-to sweat
profusely in the early morning humidity-.
I had come to investigate the murdei of democracy.
It seemed as thoj.Sh nothing-out of the usual had hap.
pene{l,.though. There weren't any jackbooted policti
carefully scrutinizing the arriving passengers, looking
for suspic ious ch arac teri-only. the normã|, u su,all y
polite- and very h arassed offi cials stamping ïôcú men ts
and directing people to the nexf line.
As soon as possible, I buy copies of lhe tndÌan Express, the Tìmes of lndia and the Hindustan Tlmes,
Blc INCREASE lN PLAN OUTLAY, says one headI¡NE. RETAIL PRICE TO BE MARKED bN ALL
PACKAGED ARTICLES, says anorher, NATIONAL
ACTION ON LAND REFOTiMS: MRS:GAND'HI TO
APPEALTO STATES. This article ends: ,,lt is part of
the general drive thaû.has been launched to improve
the quality of government and tone up the standards
of public life and make the people develop a more
positive outlook. The Prime Miníster wants to use the
Eme-rgency to bring aboi.¡t an all-around improvement
:, .
in efficiency and integrity both in politics and
ministration, so that the country can look back with
pride when it reverts to more leisurely wayi and that
this corrective experience has not bedn in vaín.,' There

:

'

ad-

Davld Morrls wos. born in lndia, lived there until the
ol l6 and hos returned frequentty. Hls last visit

age

was during August of thts year. He iow mokes his
in lUest VÌrginia, from which vontooe point he
covers Appolachion affoirc for l4/tN,

home

,8 WIN

partles

wtth

foscßt leantngs hod com'

is a.curiously lifeless tone to most of the writing, a
striking contrast to a year ago when I was last hãre.
Then the criticism of the government was sharp'and
often bitter.
Irl
..
-thu center of the city, there is a sign which reads:
Hard Work, lron Discipline: This is the ñlagic that Will,

.

Partv

tt'

I

i¡

Cure Poverty.

I
:

THE CITY

t'
ì

The morning editorial: "The Union Government was
compelled to declare national Emergency because the
forces of Right reactíon and Left adienti¡ri5m had
forgotten the 'basic preeepts of democrätic functioning'and 'crossed all permissible limits, with a view !o
create chaos and'anarchy in the country, says aîr of
ficial document on Ëmergency. tn ¿ 59.¡j¿ge document-presented to Parliament, the Homä Ministry
gave facß and reasons which impelled the Union
Government to declare National Emergency to ,put
democracy back on the rails.','
There is an Alice-in-Wonderland quality about life
here. People really are afraid to discúss politics, unusual for India. lt is not a time to go around asking
questions.of strangers. The mystery is more complãx
than.l had su.pposed. Offcially theie was no muräer,
yet the ploplg are afraid and it is clear something hás
happened. lt feels somewhat like t always suspecited
fascism wouf d feel, yet according to the newsþapers,
the Emergency is a víctory for socialism.
One of the first lndians I spoke with, a Christian
lawyer, pointed out that, ,,First itlll be ihe blackmarketeers and the bureaucrats. Then they'll start
looking around at the-rest of us. Without äeniocracy,
who can say anything? What if they come for me tonight? There's no appeal. What if my enemies turn in
my name? What can I do?"

¡

i

I

i

"

Parliament's opproval of the decloratton of the
Emergency Iby o vote of 336-to 59, wtth jailed Opposltlon members abstaintngl retnforces ihe tegìtimacy
of the entirely constltutlonal remedy apptted io an
treme situatiolt of internal danger thdt also threatened to open up sensìtive areas of national life to externally inspired subversìon, Some mioht sav in
whisper campoigns-which the pr¡me -M¡n¡sier hos so

seif íhe¡r fortunes, hoping to better the lot of thelr

The city is a series of zones, structured like an onion'
The heárt of the sity is the Western sectio-n, with its
ive-star hotels, its sirops, ¡ts restaurants. Further out

irátl

tlouits that i¡ne the sireets and a family to each

-

1

I

,

forüJne to Possess a PumP.
Several hours laær we finally arrlve at a village
where I find my friends more interested ln local

rúeilltdl

iú;;á

houses croWdod

iardboard and burlap tent that the squatters have
built on what used to be sidewalk.
Hotn blaring and driver shoutin6 we leave the city
'behind and entãr the countryside. The farmers and
icricultural worken are in the field, behind their
büllocks which pull the ancient wooden plow. Here
and there tractors can be seen and there are occaslonãi ð.æñet oi ricefields where the owner' has the good

families There woüldn't bi the sweatshops of the
small scale industrles, where'industrial workers are
a month to work 14 hous a
10õ
bav. six and' ssveñ days a week. Or it wouldn't be pos'
i¡Uiä to get a fulltime'housç seryantfor the.same 100
ruoees fmonth. Whatever happoned to Mahatma
ôän¿ñ1" dream ofa prosperoúscountrys¡de? l haven't'
heard his name mentioned oncè since I arrived.
On the way back into the city, I waæh. the
monkeys plaiing. The-y are sacred, in honor^of Hanu'
man. tlie ñreiseneer of, Rama. As are cows. And ele
ónãtíts. because õanesh, the elephant'headed god, is
of good forn¡né. All one has to do is rub his
orotrudins bellY.
Onlv h-uman life is held cheaply. On l0O.rupees a
moñthiwith rice selling at five nipees a measure, and i
with a ineasure being enougþ to feed two, at
úrree adults, the entire family must Work. Unforû¡nate
ire those wño cannot find work. There is no money
iä-sóàie for school or renL the frugal save five or ten
rupåeb and send it back to the villagc to help. feed
ihbir relatives or pay ofi the moneylender. Since the
Èmergency,'therè hæ beèn a moratorium on runl
déutor can be taken to court for retusini to
loan. However, my friends told me that
their
oiu on
ihó moneylenders have not been put out ofbusiness'
if uou waht a loan ln the future, the moneylenders
teli the¡r clients, the old loan must be paid off.
6t0o/o of all loãns, according to a Reserye Bank of
India study, are for dowry and the expens-e of marry'
ing otr chiiáren. Paying dowry is a form of genetlo

;;il

THE COUNTRYSIDE

ei

a

Èoione thlng lf rural life wero not so dlffc-u]t,.. .
there wouldn't Ëã the tremendous crowdlng of lndia's
cities, filled with landless laborers who have come to

t¡me.

tire last 20 yeais: where there were once 500,000
oeoole. now over three million livg. lt is a claustre
btro'bii.xp.rience, a family to each room of the

'

ment is true.

This.is lndia's peculiar version of the Cultural Revolution and the Great Leap Forward, both at'the same

'

,

hard to ssc oach clu¡tor of huts as a grouplng
of peoplá, 3/4 of whom aro unhappy, oxplolted by
iøTiitrÚiiural couslns. lt dostroyi pastoral romantþ
ã¡ïm. I tñów that tho sltuatlon ls not qulto so cut'and'
ãrióã;'tt àrt are oppretsor villages-whore.ovoryone is
iótatd¿ to ths opóiessors and Harilan,vlllages where
evervone ls trapded ln somo form of bonded labor
ãnJ indebtednàis. But the ossonco of my frlend's com"

iHñspecflvE, wtLL eNo btlçt¡LtNE.sHouLD

with small shops anã open air.markets spill'
ínãJuur into the streets. Here it is possible to see the
trömendous explosion in úrban population within

carry out any rcforms.

oomo.i'
--'lîi¡

BE THE WATCHWORDS_THE PRIME MIN]STER, , '
language prepared
-tlræ slogans ¡n the local
Ùy thJDirectorate of Advertisement and
Visual Publicity, tho Central Government'

iäi.th.t

*

ln
wc watäãd ¡n ths:cool evónlng "20þ of. the
ttri vtltaco are survlvlng they-havc food cvcry day; .
iØ ol ttri viitacc l¡ rlcñ': ths monoylondcrs, tho land'
idi¿i. ttrs bls gñopkcop aw75/o arc sufforlng. Thcro
musibe chañgo, ít would bo bottor lf lt worc from
üià uottom uó, but. . ." Hs loqked arouhd at tho
lt mugt
ôi-tr.rs, wtro nri¿¿o¿. "Howsvcr lt comos,
1

PUNISHMENT AWAITS ALL BLACK IVIONEY
WALLAHS AND IJNDERHAND DEALERS, THE
ÈnirnoeNcY ts ro *AVE'DEMocRAcY. wE
WILL WORK FOR THE PRIME MINISTÉ'R'S
REVOLUTIONA RY SCH EM ES. RUMOU R
'uo:¡,tcins
¡RE ENEMIES oF THE couNTR.Y.
LOSS CREATED FOR THE COUNTRY CAN
DESTROY US,' E FFICI ENCY AN D DISC IPLI N E
ARE THE NEED OFTHE HOUR, HARD WORK'

ire the factoriôs, the woikingclass

l,

mc as "Vou must ünderstánd," one of them toldpcople

report on the EmorgoncY

'

i

'

'

cúttc rtghu itf the peopte can only bg sofeguarded lf
iotittca'í or¿er ls ensurêd: lacþ of order ls often tohen
'adiantage
of by anit'democrqtlc forces and fosclst
elemenís to rtie to power ond put an end to oll
polttlcal and economlc rlchß of the people.
From the Prsfacs of the govornmont

t

poiltlcs."

-

;iffi;ä;iiiäñ¿íiettin¿ira's(ncw)Congrcss
-rvill

blned'wtth a sèt of frustroted polltlçlgns to destroy
the country's self-confldence and to thollenge'the
verv basls of democrottc functlonlng, , .the demÙ

BY DA/IDMORRIS
The huge Boeing 747 bte1insto land. lt,s 6:30 ín the
afternoon New York time, but 4:00 in the morning

pollttcol

oolltics than ln nat¡onal Êvcnts. Although dlficrcnt
irom the ordlnary vlllagerln that they ryork ln.a
rovernmont hospital nther than ln thE f,clds, they
ãome irom outcästo (Horttonl famllles. They are thc
ñ;ilid b=; ;driaiãà, tne nrst îo brqak awav'from tho
fields. They areirlt worrled by the Emergonçy*¡t ls
';slmólv
äiáu'.t. more interested tn talklng about the local
monevíenders and the corruptlon, that they see 6very'
dav; lândtords hoarding rice, laboiers havlng to pledge
ttró¡r labor years in advãnce to thó moncylenders.
ftrisu;tor,¿ed laboreis" work mostly for landlorús
loval to the Old ConÍress Party, ono of the groups
thât make up the OpÞositlon, and.lo my frlends are

.

most

. õ'6i:ñ

I

t
t

i

I

¡
i

wtN

I

roulcttct,Jho¡c famlllc¡ fortunatc cnou¡h ts havc bov
chlldrcniwln; tho¡c who havc slrl shlldicn lo¡c. Thc '
rtaggcrlngload of rural dobt lla tcmlndor of thc cost
of sexlsm ín lndia.
. We h.oLd b3ck lnto çho cúy,.lnûo the mob.s of pce
ple, past the factorlos. Suddenly tho road is ìamrñed
with cars. I walk down to wherô | can see môru óiitru
commotion. "What,s going on?,, I ask a taxi-driver.
wedding" he lays, naming the families, two
of-r'Fig
the most prominent in the city-. ,.tt w¡ll cost
hundreds of thousands of rupees.,, I stand with him
and waûch the cars unload the guests. The children
are all very Westernized, dresseá in tho fashions that
crowd the pagos of Eue's lileekly and Femtno, the
lndlan "womèn's magazlnes.',.[t ls a rlittcrlni dlsolav
of wcalth. "Thcy wllI not pcrmlt thliany lon-¡*,i,
thc drlvcr nld, taklng lcavà bcoau¡c a p¡l¡cn¡ãr had
lnto hl¡ tul, rrWttch

clo¡çly, lt mry b1 thr lr¡t
¡ottrn
onr ln thl¡ clty, Shg hr¡ lpoken d¡ilntt 1t.,,
_. I went homc ¡nd looksd ¡t thidry'¡ n.w¡Þ¡por.
Ther¡.w¡¡ å tråt¡m.nr by the ptmó tülniüålittãðtitnq
o6ntpleuour oontumþtlo'n ¡nd th¡ lnltitriiÍénãi-- ''

"'

d0wrv,

Befqrq $hg_tq thq aountryllde, I h¡d obhln¡d e
copy of the 20.Polnt Progremi thc docum¡nt th¡t wrr
lupoopd to be the bluepilnt éf ths pr¡¡snt rcüotutloñ,
Foln^t Ono: Stpamllnlng produotlon, Þro6urðm6ht ånd
dtsrtbuilon of essentlal comrnodltlci io brlnr doWn
thelr prloes. Economy ln goverrrmãñt åiiiånfrtures,
Poltrt Twol lmplementatlón of agrlcultuial land cell.
lngr and speedler dl¡trlbutlon of iurÞius larrd-in lrnportant. demand of the landless aCriiulturai laboftfs,
Polnt Thres: Stepplng up of provïslon of house sltei
for landless and weaker sectlons. That would orovlde
houslng for those llving on the stdewalks. poiñt fóJi:
Bonded labor, wherevel it oxists, wif l be declared lllegal. Point Fìve: Plan for liquidátion of rural ln.
debtedness. Legislation for iroratorium on reçovery
of debt from landless labor, small farmers and artisäns.
Point Six: Review of laws óf m¡nimum asricuitural
wages. . . Point Eleven: Socialization of u-rban and

I

d.fl

.

izabl e. þu bu rban ). I and. Ceilin g,on own ersh iþ
and p.ossession of vacant land. point Twelve: Speðial
lglads for valuation of conspicuous construction
(the "luxury flats" and qondominíums that dominate
the skyline of cities like'Bombay)and prevention of
tax evasion. Summaiy trials and deterrent punishment.
ot economtc ottenüers. . .
Was there really a revolution going on? Even if half
.the program were carried oi.rt, thãre úould be
a radical
change in lndian society, with the rural elite and the,
urban nouveau riche the main losers. Was I so.sure
that Indira Gandhi had murdered democracv that I
was unwilling to perceive the reality of the éurrent
situation? Was I blindçd by priorassumptions? My
\Vurtqry, assumptions? The mystery was more complex
than I had anticipated.
u rb.an

.

ON.THE

TRAINS

I

There used to be three classes of accomodation on
lndian trains, under the British; now. thè suree of
d€mocracy had reduce.d this to two. îne ol¿itr¡rd
class had.been,upgraded.to second, while the secónd,
intermediate class wæ phased ouL-The difference was
that ¡t cost about fve times as much to travel by ffrsl

class.

As I rode the Ûaln to one of the old citles that
oncg wai the soat ofa feudal klnndom. a conversa.
tlon began. ThEre were the usual-polniea qüeliionl

l0 wtN

ments, of capital. inputs, even if it means selling ou r
national r"sóurcts ând compromising our natiötlal
intãiérir to toreign powers.'Where wil| this-le¿fl?'t1"'
iã ål¡"nãtiótl, lack of personal tulfillmèiiq'

rbout famlly, chlldron, Jobt and lncoms and thcn thc
convcruatlon vccrod around to polltlcl, A 'Famlly
-

;iìii;;

Planníng cæcworkcr lcd thc dlicusloñ,
"Thero ls no altsrnatlve to her,', hê sald. ,,you
could not know the chaos we wero havlng. ThEbad
elem€nts were making confusion everywhiere. Have

you heard of this J.P. Narayan? This fellow. he as.
sociated with RSS (a paramilitary Hindu nítionalist
groups), the Old Congress, the Anand Margis, all the
bad elements." He wandered off into a lon-g áiscussion
of lndia's problems: the lack of education,-poverty,
.non-responsiveness to family planning and ihen saiá,
". . .in lndia, we-have not communisnior capitalism,'
but the worst of both. lf we only had one or the
othor, lt would be muoh better.,, The conversatlon
rsturncd to famlly plánnlng. I wac hcld up as a vlrtu.

ii'.i,'ti^i',1!;li:fr [fl IJjil',i;ll'f'JlÍlli[::ñïå

oonvsr¡¡ülon where he pr.llçd th¡ AmcrloCn W¡Í óf,
Ll_fo and I attomptef tó.dl¡lllu¡lon trlm, 1ñ€ r,4Cttel
ìver unr¡þlved by the tlme we wont to bsd,
.ln the mornlng ho expendsd on polltlct whlle our
iletn rå6¡d thrgugh the oountry¡ldo, pe¡t vllla¡e¡ ¡nd
¡milt^gtouÞ¡ of chlldrcn who wave d i¡ thc treln went
by, "You soe, the polltleanl årê oonfuslnÍ tha mlnd¡
of the paoplo for elce toral advantage,'r hà'sald, ,,The
outs wâtlt ln, thê lns Wâht to ståy ln.,' lndlra Gandhl
håd nö cholce but to declare the EmerlencV, .,. . ,
shlce thls J,P: feilow said bad wârdi io"*ãltflriaiu
¿nd pollce, to ilse up agalnst the i¡overñmêht, WltÉ the
emergency, ihe hás ¡llenced the politloians and iet
pegpl9 gêt on with thelr work. What else cot¡ld she
do? Maybe she is not the best, but what wouid the
b¿d elements do lf they seizeci power? And look at
the economic program. Surely.it would do some
ião¿
tor the common man.,,Our fellow passeneers foll
lowed the conversation closely, w¡liinc toiet-tñã
Family Planner argue with thé îoreignãr
I th.ought to myself: who could be against lockinf
up pollticians and shaking up bureaucrals, even
though the. locking up anã shaking up is cione by
. other politicans and bureaucrats? lt would proUäUly
pro.gram in most countries, inótuAing ihe
þ.e l noRular
United States. Whether or not lndira Gándhi was
guilt¡ there was no doubt that she was a shrewd,
capable politician who knew how to adjust her públic
lmge ¡o ft the needs of the momenl Éveryone so far
had talked of her with great respect. lt would be a

.

great mistalçe to underestimate her.

AN OLD GANDHIAN
He was in his late 60's or early 70's and lived in a
modest house on the grounds of one of the government sponsored Gandhi ínstitutes which had a
museum, a library, dormitory accomodations for
visiting Gandhians and classrooms where Gandhian.
thought-was expounded to new generations of re
.
cruits, He was very polite and welcomed the two oi
us; I had come with a young Gandhian friend. We
talked about jobs, children and income in the usual
way until my friend explained that I had come ro
find out the truth of what had happened during the
last six months.
"l have made no secret of rity viows,,' he said. ,,1
am a supporter of J.P. and of the stanâ that he took
ln this mattor. You may know that we wore not all ln
agroement and thls led to dlvlslon amonn us.
Aeharya Vlnoba Bhave does not agreo with us and lt

these ghettoe-s I read about. Surely.you are farhiliar
with ail of this? She is proøroting the build'up of the
suDersvstems and imitating the international techno

richer
in
cars, foofi .

lofical'statlls quo. This wilt trelp the rich get

\

thé common man. She is fostering the
devqlbpment of the consumer'so-ciety in lndia

bu"t enslave

*l¡ðrl ïããonsume thesé mov¡ãi'boóts,
bu{ *tlát of the creativity? Where are the travelling

'

:'t:

drama troupes formerly prevalent?" He breathed
deeply several tímes and was visibly calmer when

J.P. Narayan.

'
Ph,oto from

through.
-

listi'tuy change and repeal the state of Emergency' '

Êree. ¡.P- ca;iPa¡gn'

it'

has meant that the Sarua Seva Sangh decided that
should suspend its activities until tþq Acharya speaks
i-ã¡". eãtõi tnis ttran the splitting'oben of the Sangh,
büt that means the question of right use of satyagraha
is still not answered.i'The Sarva Seva Sangh is the

leading body of Gandhians in lñdia and; until.the
split oler the J.P. ágitations in March, 1975, the forum
of old veterans of.the Gandhian movement.
"Under Gandhiii we-werè told that for a total social
chanse it wæ necessary to develop iono sakti Ipeople's
oo*"i ot energyl . We should not depend on the State
ãõär¡ne r"tòrñ, but the people. This was the lesson of
Gandhii and it proved itself in our struggle." He got
up and offered us some fruit iuice. The-room was
simply furnished, with a spinning wheel in- one corner
and a'bookshelf running alongside the wall.
He made himself comfortable. "So. I was saying. . .
iana sakti. . : bscause of this lesson, then we-decided
io set up the Lok Sevoks, because raia sakti lthe
power öf the ruler] can be effeclive only when backed

by iana sakti, therefore the Lok Sevaks should con'
on lífting the morale of the
people to bring about a new outlook. So far you under'
wnat I am saying?" t nodded arid he went on.
itan¿
t "Who
can blame'tþõ Acharya if thpn he does not

rénirat all their attention

wish to change the governmentJ lt is'understandable.
But we cannõt live in the past. There has been so
much corruption since lndependence. The go'vern'
ment is divorced from the people. Look at Bihar.
There the legislators were playing games with power,

iumpine froñr party to party without any principle,
äh.ns¡nC their'vote for a small bribe. Meanwhile the
o"ool"le a-re suffering. Then there was so much violence'
Wtró can blame J.P. for going to the scene- of the
troubles in Guiaiat? Whõ can blame him for-try¡ng to
ooen the eves ôf the people, that violence will only
lead to fuúher violence, that the Mahatma, if he were
still alive, would have also gone to the scene and offered constructive proposaLs for the energy of the
oeoole? He went and offered the examÞle of nonv¡olänce, which is what we must all do when neces'
sary.
-'-'íSo

then the newspapers call it "the ,l.P. agitation,"
thoush it is simply the struggle of Gandhiji in modern
timesl Then it sprêdds to Bihar and the students feel
iftã oô*"r. of this movement and they ioin w¡th ,.P.
and others. Who is to blame for this?"
"What about lndira Gandhi?" my friend asks'
!'She is very strong'willed. She is following the non'
Gandhian policies of her father to try and-keep up
with the siobal loneses. She talks of core industries,
mais proãuction, technological sophistication, arma'

lf not, the ônly reiourse will

be to offer civil disobedi'

ence and suffer."

"What form will this take?'r I asked.
"Wà must not pay,taxesr" hé said. "And thon we
mdst publicly disobey the rules of the Emergency'
ttre Särvo¿aia movement will organize thg;e if necessarv. We are a decentralized movement. Too much,
orsanization will sap thc life of a movernent like this'
Fo-r examole. our funds are from purely voluntary
contributioni. There is some monfl from infprnational
rorrt.t. These are given to the needy for social uplift,
such as wells. Not even administrative expenses. are
ãt.n órt. fttese expenses are met completely by
domestic contribution. Our accounts are not secret
inJ t.n be verified by any person who so dlsires' Of
ããrtt" w. çannot always-kñow the source from which
a contribuior may draw the money. lt is possible that
antlsocial elements would give substantial amounts
*¡itrori out knowledge. Thãre is so much talk of ànti-.
soã¡J etements in Bihãr and Gujarat. ryhat.c3.l we do?
We cannot turn someone away. Even Gandhiji
to work with everyone, the landless, the
manased
'F#Ë;th;
ä¡riàì ial.altt'ï ináustrialist familv), the
hish'anã the low."'He took another series of deep
beginning to look tired.
bröaths.
- i'Thut He was
is a problõn, the anti-social elements,'Lhe
finallv said. 'ilt was not a pure movement, not with
ih" pr.t.nt. of politicians like Moraii Desai (a leader
of the Old Congress). He is like Nehnt, he cares more
for political poúer than for people. There is. some
trutilr ¡n whal she says. There is the RSS and. Jana
iangh, who have nocommitme.nt to. nonviolence'
Pertía¡is the young people, but not the leaders.. Look
how they tal'k against the Muslim. This caused much
disasreement

"What about JP?" I asked.
"He \ryas very angry at Moraii Desai for using the
movement to tielp fiir ttre electi.on in Guiarat, did
uo, f.no* that? it was not dône'with a pure spirit. * '
i,rä"ìi ãi¿ ópenly that he did not agree'with J.P. and'
his wâys, yet he allowed the people to think they were '-'"
working together."
He wæ looking very t¡red and I felt it was time to
bavu. Wð said our-gooãbyes. "The question is: what
would Gandhiii have done?" he said as we left. "Now
is the t¡me to ih¡nk on th,is." lt wæ night and cool
once more. My friend and I wdked in silence past the
people who were gett¡ng ready to sldep on the side
wdks.
' rr¡o*rt
the khadi business?" I finally asked him.
Two vears ago, he had been living in a hut, trying to
carry'out Gini¡h¡'s instructions about rural living Althoúgh he was educated and young his farm failed to
wrN 1t

make enough money to support him and his wife and

went from 30 billion rupee.s (g3.75 billion

,l+,li

lp ttl¿ l:Hfned'to.the city. Now he was exporring

khadi ölotf¡,''the original hândspun, handwoven clõth

that Gandhihad encounged piodúcing in order to
undercut th'e British textile iñ¿ustry. kna¿¡ cìottr

p-roduction dever proved economical, but it is subsidized by the government so that otherwise unem_
ployed pe-ople will have some income, as weil as
reasons of ideological supporf for the-ideas of Gandhi.
" lhere are many problems," he said. ,,The Ameri-'
can market is so depanding Every piece of cloth must

for

be exactly this size or that color. lt is difficult for us
to dotris when,hundreds of weavers are ¡nvoived.ãnd
now the government is becoming very strict They
propose to cut bæk the subsidy unless the cloth ís be
ing exported:" l-Je launched indo a long discussion of

-'

the.problem of finding genuinely handipun threãd
and horrv most weavers weré substiü¡tins machine
4ade-thread fo.r gen_uine handspun. ,,Nõw they say if
they find any sign of machine-thread in rhe khâd¡ '
bought for the government, they wíll not pav the
subs.idy. On the one hand, ihe weaven are'nót happy;
ol,.Îh_e other, the governmenment is not trappv. ú'Ëái
will those of us who wish to follow Gandhi,i íeachings do?"
THE LIBRARY

Iltjrygryt4e's headtine: pRODUgilON

-

q

BOOST

LIKEI-Y. The artjcle included this paragraph: ,,The
irl plove¿ indu strial relarions fol lowi ng ärä Þi¡ rä"
Minister's appeal to workers an¿ emptõvéis after the
Ë,mergency would ensure that the húmán factor will
not hamper increased outpur. . .indusrrial proãi,óiión
ygrlld also benefit from the substãntial inclàase of
l5%in the annual outlay fo¡ 1975.,i6,.-.evìnts since
February suggest.that tie economy can loãt torwáia
to a more significant expansion of both agricultural
ano tndustr¡al output in the current.vear. . ."
_ .l logked at my copy of the 2Gpoint prosram.

to¡nt l-ourteen: Liberalization of investmeñt oroce.
{ures. Action agaÌnsr misuse or ¡móoäíicã"rr!. Þãì"t
l-ifteen: New scheme for workers association with
'industry. Yet there,s also
all the socialisiihetoric. The
Emergency and the 2Gpoint program owe more to
Keynes and the Harvard Businesischqol than to
Gandhiji.
Time for a little research. I concentrate on Commerce, w1rich is lndia,s weekly l4)oll Street
lournii,
and the Economtc & pottilcoi Weekly, wtr¡étr ¡s a O¡_
along
the lines of
¡vee.kfy
.Monthty Éáriìi,- üaa;rþ^
þry!, ¡.n May. tndira Gandhi in a ípeech to'tñä ruf"
lndia Lawyers Conference, April26:.,. . .tñe peopte
.-*l!ry are nor aptro'rhink tr¡elriv oiliUerry
.g.f-}ry
lr ¡ney find that those who are believed to be involved
in grave economic crimes, such as ,rrggi¡nltao
gvlign and drug ådulteration, etc., are-iet íff on prro
ly technical grounds." Commerce, May 3.
A column by Rohit Dave aboui Guiarafi ,,This
m-ovement hæ for its goal the totat revolution'in the
ttte of.the country. ln concrete terms this would
mean loosening the stranglehold of the Establishment
ov-eJ-thg people. Till nowlhey harle worked our
political lystem according totheir own convãnience
and convictions. lt is novü for the first time tñat an
organization claiming to speak on behalf of ine people has intervened and has sought to establish certain norms of political behavior. .i,,Commerce, May 3.
'lO Commerce; fnglneeiing
óx!.?d art¡c.ls inl4ay
ports in trouble? Production of engineeríñg goods_

12

wlN

in,73r74l

to 36 biltion-rupees in
uutlne;äü; sudden
fall.in rate of export srders booke¿. fne iãsonii-'"
anno.uncement.of government subsidy and
,ll
ln
zl Í_r-rly
tack of commercial credits through the governme¡t

,

owned banks.
1.9_Ç4, the valu.e of consumer electronics was
^ -)n
260
milli_o¡ rupees ($32.5,millionlwhile in ,72ri3,
it wæ 1.62 biilion rupeel ($rô2.S'nii¡¡iõnij. øur *u
industry was facing a major problem. The lack of a
flse ¡n the standard of livÌng meant that the industry
had
"saturated" the market. tne f¿lt in demánd
.
'meant
that the industry had eithei tó óipóiiì, to
wither away.
'.
_ May 17'Commerce, another column by ilobert

Dave: '1J.P, is beginning to stress tJre ,socíal dimension,
of life,.saying that the iocial thinking of those in
pow€r has become obsolete. ln recen-t speeches,
has been stressing the n-eed
lor a fundarirental ciránge
in people's outlook on life. For example, the ,strugiie

he

committees' which have been trying t'o enforce thõ: ,
I and reform I aws. Now th e.,stru ggle""ãr,
itiãur;ä.
tal king of the 'need to overhaul .thè enti re social sys
tem at the villáge'level., "
May 24 Economtc & Potìticat lUeekty: a long article
,,:..the;ffectiv;
9q $e problemiin India,s economy:
22% devaluation_of the rupee since'Dec., lgif
,-i,irn;i
t'-e!p..¿ much. lnilia has borrowed all it cân.froln the
IMF Itnrernarional Monerary funáìrth;,üb -'credíts'are mostly short-term; the Éúropeañ Economic
Commun¡ty market is limited and the uncertainties of
the-American political and economic climatC make it
difficult to hope for any upturn in exports to the US.
They also would seem to limit the caöabilitv of the
World Bank to keep on arranging new loans'and debt
rescheduling lnterest on lndiã's US loans wæ 2,1 billion rupees in 196619ß7. By the l9g0's it wlll reach
over a trillion rupêes. We are thrown back on the rui
of the stereotyped policy of scrouriging for external
accomodation, a policy dreamed up in-ttre ,l950,s ind
not since ábandoned.
j'Thgre is no light at the end of the tunnel;/the tunnel only becomes.elongated in time. As longãs there
rs no rundamental restructuring of the economy, in-

clq{lng of

itl

income and

consümpiià"ìiiiËi"i, trr.

problem will remain and grow moie acuie.',
_ May 31 Commerce: Rèport on meetins of the
Congress of lndian Trade Union (CITU), íhe,,ádical
._tqde unions" that mostly support the õp (Marxist|:
"The trade union movemént ín our
is undei."ountry
going some radical transformation at
the óoment. it
is quite likely that the mood of the workers might
take a radical turn. As long as the present recesíion
lasts, this is.not likely to hãppen. the workers at
the
moment are busy sticking to their jobs rather than
rmproving wages and living conditions. . .
.". . .it.is quite likely.that the national economy
might take a turn for.the better in a shori time and
this might encourage the workers to demand i larger
share of the national product. lt is also conceivablã

that if the ec'onomic situation deteriorates still fur_

ther, the workers in sheer exasperation

their

,idrt'irrn

to radical slogans. ln'either case,-the Þresent
s¡tuat¡on is unlikely to last long . .
ears

"lt was stated'that every government measure in:
tended to cóntrol inflation õr promote exports or curb
credit or raise new taxes is intinded'to tnr'ñhe
burden of the economic crisis on the workins ãiass an¿
the people. lt is our complainr thal none ,i.ãf t tne

top sections of exploiters-monopolists, capitalists and
landl ords-escapes th e government's measu rQs.

"There shouíd be immediaæ reopening of closed
units, full utilization of installed capacity, an iirl.
mediate moratorium on all foreign debt repayment,
national izati on w¡ thou t compensat¡ on' of all forei gn
and lndian monopolv companies. . .immediate step-s'
to abqlish landlordism and redistribute the lânds of
the bis landlords to agricultural laborers and poor
peasañts through people's comnlittees.",
June 7; The stock market, in trouble.

article examined lndia's ability.po iene
trate the world capital marketr "lndiari skills
ï
natural resources, European tçchnology and Arab
best arrangement for us. . ."
capital
'Someshould be the
conclusions: the role bf the United States ¡n'
tndia was that of a large moneylender who kèpl th{ '
ñTüuu.r foitàt". siringing the client a!oire
with the metladone of long term loans. Whatever else
the Emergency wæ, it wù a victory for the industrial'
*
ists as well as lndira
ln September.1974, it had felt like there wæ going
to be,a r'evolutioir. That revohition had been hit with
a "òreemptlve strike"-the beginning of fascism. No
.ambunt of socialist rhetoric could alter that. But why
were so many willing to support the beginningôf
fæcism? And what was the meaning of the presence
of the moneylenders and landlords on the side of the
Opposition?'From everything I read and heard, it seemed
ttrài ttrev were definitely the targets of the present re
form, which was only natural sÍnce¡hey were the politi'
cal lósers. But ¡ri the time of Nehru, they hadbeen the
bulwark of the Congres Party. So even though there
was no doubt that ¡ñ¿ia had entered a period of fas'
cism, the attack on the moneylender3 and landlords
coulã only be considered progressive. Fascism with a
human face? Whatever it was, ¡t had not been imposed
against the will of a majôrity of the people, if I was
hearing correctly.

and

iune2li Rohit Dave again on the victory o-f the
anãtha Front in Gujarat, another loss To.r-lndira
Gandhi and her supporters: ". .-.tþe need for â power:
f

ful opposition ¡s fät strongly af the moment,in view
of the'fast developing political situation. Normally
the Lok Sabha (l-iouse'of Representativgs) élçctions

.

preponderantly powerful
powerful opposition
as is the
would kepp the Government àfways on alert. . ."
June 25: J.P. gives the speech he has been giving
sinðe March l5thcalling for civil disobedience on the
part of government officials and army officers, asking
them to"obey the¡r consciences."
June26: The predawn arrests under the newly
þroclaimed Emergency.
The next issuJof Comnterce July 5. Rohit
Dave no longer writes for tiem. Tte lead story is the
Prime Ministlr's economic prograin: ". . .There is only
one magic that can remove poverty and that is hard
worÇ sustained by clear vision, iron will and the strictest discipline. . .
"The campaign of lawbreaking, paralyzing national
activity and inciting our security'forces to indiscipline
and diíobedience w-ould have'leã to economic chaos
and collapse and our country would have become

in the Lok

SaUñá Uut not so
case today. A fairly

'

vulnerable tò fissiparious tendencies and' external

,

,

. ."
areas.
-'-Ãnoit.r

-

should be held Ùy February, 1976.|t will help in
strengthening thé democratic roots irgour country if
we hãve a ruling party commanding dclear maiority-

out to be very cheap 180 ¿ay credits), 2¡ exp<i¡,{,¡",
oriented industries, 3) industries with short Ce.s!frthl
periods, 4) long term loans to agriculture 5) lhq'üÊ'.r,
"
-,
quirements of industries in industrially backwqç{

danger.

"Wíth the fumes of hatred having eleared somewhat,
we can see our economic goal with greater clarity and
urgency..
-lulV .t'
12 Commerce:'fThe Reserye Bank of lndia in
a leltei on July I advised banks to give added atten'
tion to 1) defdrred payment exports (which turned

ri.

;ii;ì

Gandhi.

A MOMENT OF REFLECTION
Between inteÍviews, reading the newspapers and
spending time in libraries, I spend time doing what
everyonã elæ does: goingout to friend's houses; win'
dow3hopping riding the autorickhaws. While I am
carryinj ôn;ãtong widr hundreds of miilions of others,
the þolfuicai prisoiers are st¡ll in iail. The
mosi of them are conservative politicians and various
varieties of blac kmarketeers, i llegal moneychangers, i n'
come tÐ( eväders, smugglers'and con artists doesn't al'
ter the fact that they.were failed w¡thout bond, trial,
appeal or any particular sentence. The only,reason
more left revolutionaries weren't picked up this time ¡

'

facttha¡. '
I
-¿

a

ili

"The campaign of lawbreaking,
paraly zing our security forces to .
indiscipline and disobedience ïvould
have led to economic chaos and collapse and our country \¡vould havei be'
cóme vulnerable to frssiparious ten,.

dencies and external danger.

"

Wt¡,¡ fS

;
that they had been arrested, iailed and even shot under the.t'årfiþr MISA (Maintenance of lnternal Security
is

Act)of:l9ft:

l, lîâ'd tlédld qtor¡es of living under fascism in Germany and Chílti; when I was younger, I read the stories
of Alberto MorayiA about fascism in ltaly during the
late 1920's'and:'1930's. The central message of ñis
stories was tJre ordinariness of fascism, how life went
on with whatever adjustments had to be made.
Democracy had been murdered in lndia; there was no
longer any doubt about that; yet it seemed an almost
obstroct concern. lnfl ation and prices were down, ofp. Errands were

It was a shock when I realized how rapidly I had
come used to fascism.

be-

is poverty, that the poor hold the future of
lndia in their hands. She is not willing to sit back and
see the gains of the last 25 years thrown away simply
because some old men want to rule. What choices did
',we have?
J.P. is a fine man, but what does he say
about industrialization? Nothing. Moraji Desai leads a
crusade for feudalism. Only lndira Gandhi understands
science. She is very modern, she understaqds what industrialization means if we are ever to have socialism."

This sounded like the line of the Communiit Party
of lndia (preMoscow), so I asked him what he

thought of them.
. "Ih9 biggest prpblem of the CPI (preMoscow) is
that it has worked so closely with the Congress Pârty
and lndira Gandhi that many of the idealistic people
prefer to go elsewhere. They would prefer someone
like J.P, even though he is too utopian. But you must
remember that J.P. is not Gandhiji. He doesn'tþavq
tåe se-nse of timing Gandhiji had, the knowledgè of
how far to go and still stay within the game. The
question I always ask those who support J.P. is: what
shall we do with the ¡ndustrial infrastructure already
developed? Should it be dismantled? Without industrialization, we shall always be the victims of the two
imperialisms."

,it

I asked him if industrialization hadn't led to fascism.
"lt isn't so simple," he said. "What we have had
here in lndia is a traditionalist-modernist_split within
the elite. As I said, lndira is a modernist and a pragmatist. She is willing to ovérhaul the judiciary and the
Constitution in order to get done what has to be done.
She is a leader who is willing to do what has to be
done and let the chips fall where they may.

_ "You may know of the old quarrel in the Congress

Party between.lndira Gandhi and the people like
Moraji Desai who had become used to wielding power.
Who are their supporters? Landlords and moneylenders, rích peasants, large shop keepers, the con.
servative elements of society. But time is running out.
We have been working on the welfare state for one
generation now and it isn't enough. Look how our
industrial production has grown. The public sector
in.dustries were nothing 20 years ago and now they
are an important force in the economy. For the time
being we share the commanding heights with the large
14 WIN

us,"

NEW DELHI
One night in New Delhi I went to interview an editorial writer for one of the national dailies. He was highly
Westernized and had spent two years in the Uniteð
States working on postgraduate studies.
"For some time we were worried," he said as we
drank thick black Turkish coffee. ,'lt seemed that the
forces of reactión were going to overwhelm us. This
has been lndira Gandhi's third big crisis: first, the
ousting gf the old leaders like Moraji Desai; second,
the Bangladesh War and third, the Emergency. She is
a maryelous survivalist. When it is absoluiely necessary,
then she will take action. You can't imagine how stagnant the situation was. Nothing could be done becauie
of the Opposition.îhe courts, the legislature, every,
thing wæ blocked. Despite their fine words, rhe Oþpo
sition showed that they truly did not care for the poor
and disadvantaged.
"lndira Gandhi understands that the central probiem

of lndia

É

prlvato corporatloRs, but thoy reeognlze thcy must
¡'
work wlth
distinction
"ls there really that clear an idcologlcal
between the J.P, movement and those whs support
lndira Gandhi?" I asked.
"Some are mòre conscious than oth'ers," he said.
"See for yourself. Some of us are gradualists 3nd

.

others cáll ,fortotal ievolution. Some feel thåt social'
ism comes from the centralization of power and
others call for the decentralization of power. Some are

willing to participate in parliamentary .ch-anges within
a demõcratic framework and others calJ for extraoarliamentarv activitv. Some look to Marx and the
world socialiót countiies and otñers wish to follow
Gandhi. Sôme of us are realists and othors idoalists. I
am all of tho first, liko many othors. But the J.P,
movemsnt, the dss, thc Jana san8h, the Ql-dÌcon'
riã$, thlÑÐ(alltes ånd eúon somfoî the CP (M) are
for thc oth€r, At ffrst ¡lancc thcy m[hc ¡uan8€ b6d'
tE[low¡, but thero l¡ at"least a ml'nlmum of ldcologleal
åEröêtTl'€nt, That lc why thcy all h¿d to attae k lndlra
ciñátrì, uãeauEE ghc lc'al¡o horc thc flrst than thc
ônd,'tr
--l'Bui
¡êe

r'How
the centrallst wav lt âl3o elltlst," I gald,
that
only
can ihc m¿sses be lnvolvéd wlth Eomethlng
ealls for thelr nasslve accoÞtånce?

At

least

wlth

J.P,,

thev could be'lnvolvod ln maklng the declslons'"
'íPerhaþs for the white collar workers and studentg
thls was tiue," he replled. "And for the antl'soclal

elements, it is obvious that they must advocate the
decentraíist way, although if ttrey came to power it
might be a different story. But what about the
woikers? Very few workers supported J.P. And while
the agitation was going on in Bihar, there was th.e rail'
road ltrike. What did l.P. do to help the strikers? He
deplored the violence, that was all. lt opened the eyes
. of the workers to the nature of the J.P. movement'
Despite all his t¿lk of democracy, it was not.democra'
cy for the workers, but for students and anti-social
elements.

"

I questioned him about the amendment to the
constitution that now absolved the Pfime Minister
of any crimes.
"lndian situations demand lndian paradigms," he
said, refilling his cup and mine' "ln the US, it.is impori¿nt to hãve an independent fudiciary so that quariels between.the bourgeois can be settled. Here we do
not have a bourgeois society developed to the level of
the US. Capitalism is a new force; there are still
.

progressive aspeits to this development, unlike the
US lnere capìtalism has entered the stage of imperialism. The Constitution is being used here in lndia to

block all forms of social progress. For example, the
subsidy of the old maharajahs would be going on until'
this dáy had it not been for lndira Gandhi's wíllingness to cause social ch¿nge despite the ruling of the
cou rts.

"

Frustrated, I asked him what he saw for the future.
"We must implement the 2GPoint Program. lt is
not the revolution, but it is a beginning. This is some'
thins else that may be distasteful to those who want
totairevolution. Éow can we have total revolution in
a country like lndia? This is the importance of
gradualism in our specific situation. Look at the size
öf the country, the tremendous population. !f^o-nty
our population had grown at1,5o/o instead of 3-A0/o'
Their our Fivc-Year Þlans would have eomc eloso to
thêir targots and thc path of soelalism wo-uld havc
groatcr r"espoot. Looli at the llngulstlc dlffwcnees, thc

oultural dlffcrcnco¡, thc dlvl¡lon bctwccn Hlndy. md
üì;îr:'aii'ül'iäùinî Mudlm, Hew lr lt po¡¡lblöthrt
tòtal iäväluilón-iou,ld succegd? lf lt brcak¡ out ln onc
plaio, itrã ôitrir óiaces will be paeslvc. Graduall¡m ha¡
to be thc lndian way,"
"vou wòili for a'nowspapor," I sald' "HQw do you
feel about oress

censorshiP?"
": not mean to say that I am

He look'ed sad.

t

"ldo

comoletelv haooov with the Emergency' There is
ereai untrippinés's

in the unceftainty connected with '

;h;6;;rí;¡ïäl1o tttt police and the armed force!!
agroe

with
And tnere ¡ían end io dìalogre. I may not
the honest people who supported J.P',.but.l do not
mind dialoiue.'Because of tho anti'social elements,
th;rrícstrà¿ to be done, but now I tcll my wlfe
I am on a oãld hollday, slnco I oan only vvrltc onc

certiln

ilãó ot mv'itãrici. ¡tdwcver, thc Emcr¡cncy ll only
tgmporarir and onoË ovor, thtn ptrhrp¡ wt c¡n rù

t'i'îliltt'ffi

un

'o,rrr,

or

pu bl

lc dl¡i o¡u

I now,'îhr

d;iði'iiã;ft r iãii iñ¿ iu ¡plolon mhnt

drvrl oplns

tort ôf ¡ehlzophrsnla tvhslsby-0n on¡ mlntlsnfd
itraäi,ifoiü'ürããü lî aalti it¡¡ iftor func 16th, lü he¡
Fiåinänåii'ËnT
itràrä t¡ ndttrlnE to do but üo reorpt lt,
'l'wes
beqlnnlns to fe¡l llko ¡ lpy¡ lf ¡om¡on¡ mon'
iloniàãnvtÏriüä iñansf,oetcd a pdlltloal vlevt, I mrdo
r"i. ãr iiîîi'såld nothln¡. I too w¿r boglnnlng to be
e

lnfected wlth the Þsvchosls of fasclsm. Walklng palt n
oãtiæm.n. I trled'td look stralght âhe¿d. $omstlmes
;Ë¿nüiilt;;; iwòrl¿ ieoi ttrai I war belns followsd.
itr. onlv rätñl io do was to duck lnto a störe or také
úuiin'dih.ñlooi behlnd mè. Was lactually bolng
"followed? ProbablY
A YOUNG ENGINEER AND A YOUNG INDUS"

i

not."

TRIALIST
I was staying in Delhi with a friend of a friend who
was an eñgiñeer with one of the large private companies tha-t used to be called the "large monopoly
houses" (uslng.the same definition, General Motors
iñJ Èxx'oN ü'ould be gtont monopolv houses), He
was apolitical and lived-with his parents ln a typical

ioint familv arrangemenl They wefe what lndians
ôonsider "modernt'; everyone was very Westernized
and soohisticated. My host owned a car and lived in
õåuir,r'oárti's suburb!; which made the family one of
ihi etite, though they described themselves as middle
àlass. Beiides Westerñ clothes, they had a TV (which
costs 6,000 rupees, ebout the average annual wagg of
a middielevel bureaucrat) and a stereo, the gift o-f a
friend whose family owned a well-known electronios
frm. While my host read the paper, his wife carried
on political discussions with me. She was very pre"
lndira Gandhi, saying it was necebsary beiause of the"
chaos and confusion and the disruption of life before, ;
and how things were so much more peaceful now. Her
husband interrupted to agree. People were working so
much harder now. Before they always came to work
late and took long breaks and there was so much cor'
ruption and black money that honest people were
tramoled underneath. Besides, if you were a law'
abiding citizen, the Emergency made no dífferenpe.
TheÍ were chárming educated people, very much
like yoúng couples I knew back in the'States. I
coulän't ñelp but wondor that if fascism came to the
US. if this conversation wouldn't be repoatod by
mairy othor young, well.todo Amerlcan couples. lt
wáiri't necesbary tó r€ad Engels to know that stablllty
aRd monogamy wsnt togcther,
.

wlN

tt

T

One night they had a party for the young industrialist who,hàd:giíen them the stereo. He had been inter.
viewod,for a TV show on how people felt about the
Emergency and wanted to see himself. We watched the
r'lt's mostly for
news:.
the villages,,' my engineer
triend satd and sat through an hour of,,Songs from

Films" which, in honor of the upcominr ÃuËuiii l*,
celebration of lndian lndependence Oui, wriã-,;pu1ii_
otic folk songp..'l"They dó ir to try noíio påy enter.
.llinment tax," the brother of the óngineer ioí¿ mr.
"Patriotic'.' films get.certain concessioîs from the gãv.
ernment, þu! even then don,t make a profit. Wheritþe
young industrialist came on, he spoke'about the
F.Tqig.lqY in..glowing terms. His'other friends began

BACK TO B.OMBAY
The train that I roök to Bombay wànt through the
.countryside of Rajasthan and Gu jarat, wtlerit¡e
Janatha I-ront government now ruled. At every statlon
where the train stopped, there were groups ofþeasants
nunKeflng, watttng. lhe men wore bright passion pink-and yellow-orange turbans and sat by ihemselves,'
gmoking bÌdis and talking while the women and '
ch ildrenfru ddled nearbyl Nei th er rhe p. moJðment
J.
nor the Eme¡gency had shaken the traditional wiys, it
seemed. And these were the people constantly refeired

.

.

to in speeches by both sides as ,,The people.', lt was
for them and to them that the events of ihe last

kídding him. "You had to say that, didn't vou?" íhe
young engineer asked cynicaíly.
,... The young lndustrialist turned serious for a minute.
"No, no. lt's true. I support the Emergency. They
h.ave given us everything this tlme-crãaits, liUerál¡za.

tion of imports for our products, full cooberatlon
trom the bureaucrats. We can't complain about the

government blocking us anymore. Tirey are on ori
side. Now it's up to us to show we can'compete,,'
The conversation turned to the raids of ihe lncome
Tax assessors in this and the surroundine suburbs.

_

., "B.u.t:yrely they don,t actually try aíd collect from
the.rich," I said. ,'There must be some way they can

avoid taxes."

,,No,

no,,' he said. .,This time the raids are real. Of
course, the honest person has nothing to fear. Now,s
h.rs chance. to get ahead. But take, for example, these
three architects over in East Nizam-ud-din. They
were each doins quite well, yet they put down iheir
jo!nt income as 6,000 rupees a yeai. The salaries of
their servants alone must be 6,0b0 rupees; the house
itself,400-500,000 rupees, at a minimum.'lf people
like that don't pay their taxes, how can the government run?"
He went on to name other prominent examples of
tax evaders and those who had made their moriey in
various illegal. ways. "lt is not good.for Uusinéss,inat
the.co_untry.should be run that way,,' the indusirialist
said.. "Even if we lose some sales, i; the lons run the
quality o.f our product will win out. For salõs in lnJia,
it doesn't matter if there is corruption, but for sales
overseas, corruption is not enoug'h. rtrã proauciìärrr
must be good."
_ Two,days later, I got up very early in the morning
!o wltch the lndependence Day celebra'tions at the
Red Fort on TV. lt was a dramatic spectacle that was

É.r¡J

being broadcast to 2,400 villages viaãn American
satellite that had been lent tolndia for a year. The
SITE program had only been inaugurated two weeks
before and it was already showing-its Orwellían po

tential.

_ fü message was very clear:
Empress

lndira Cänani is the
of lndia" Did she believe that herself or was
it only acted out to make it clear to those watching
that she was the legitimate center of authoritv. thJ
roja sokti? I had no way of knowing.

. . .India is not a place
where a persoll calî. .. .
begin asking questions. . .
Trust is the frrst vic-

tim of fascism.

several years had been addressed.
.Bombay itself is now more densely crowded than
Calcutta was back in the ,l960,s wheÁ it Oecame â
symbol of_ultimate urban disaster. lt is also the most
Western of all the lndian cities, w,ith its Jiyscrapers

and luxury condominiums on Malabar Hili. Vet'tho
phone system of Bombay is so overloaded that it
úke¡
on an averagg of an hour to get a tolephone,connection,
| .um staying with another-engineei, wno alsó wãiti"
in a. large electrical engineering company that has done
well exporting. At home, all tñe traäifiónal ways are
followed: rhe womçn aré expected to waii hanä and
toot on the males of the household. My protests em.
pa13ss everyone, yer having someone Uuttei my ioåst
because I am a mde offends me, so after the ffrit day
a compromíse is made. I can buîter my own"toast,
but the women buttereveryone else,s.'Then my tr'ost
leavesand goes to work in an air conditionedloffice,
designing electrical equipment for export to Saud¡
Arabia and Kuwait.
After several hours of trying to get through on the
pf one, arrangements are made-for É,e to m"ãt a friend
of a friend who is the editor of a left magazine. Surprisingly^, the magazine is still publishing-even though
all the dissenting-editons and columnistiare no longãi
represented. "lt is better this than nothing" the
J
editor says, apologizing as we shake handlThe a*
sociate editor,,a woman who before the Emergeñcy
had been involved with documentins under thã
Maintenance of lnternal Security nðt (fr,ilSn) abuses,
joins the discussion.
I asked about the wave of arrests that had taken
place June 26th.,,We thought they mighr comã iór us,"
she said. "But they didn't. Some of oui friends were
not so lucky. Most are in hidine now: thev call it
underground, but I call it hidin-g. Ttre Emôrgency came
more quickly than most expectéd and peopie tra¿ UÈ
come accustomed to certain ways of operating

r,

..

'T

.

.

.

"

"l understand that many of the Naxalites were alrealy being jailed," I said.',.Under the old MISA acts.,,
,,yes, many
of them were
. " I hose people," she said.
already underground, ofcourse. The ones l,m talking
about are radicals, not revolutionarie's. But we cannot
all be underground. Mass communications must be
aöove ground and even mæs political links. This is not
the first nor will it be the lasf crisis.',
you don't think these reforms will have any

-"Tlg.n
efect?"

"No, it

is

not

possibl

e.

lt is structumtty imoossible.

The.lndira.Congress.is a reflection of thó society as a
whole, no better and no worse. To make structúrai
chante5, she- would have to go outside the Congress
Party and who would be thele that would alLoü her to
stay ín power?"

t6 WtN

doing

estab'

-

politically.

there for income tax evaders and. black money wollahs'
w. fri¿-iã meet by twos and threes on buses':rr'We
found an empty table and sat down. There was a noisy
drunken oartv loing on next to us'
"We.å irãr'aft'ected by the June 26th arrests?" I
askeO, leahing forward so he could hear me'
,,Uifåituiñatelv, yes," he said. "We were
I
rural work. strictly within thq law-implementation of
measures on the books. So at least some of us had to
be overnio-unã.i' Ht spdke quiètlyiand fast, so that it
*.r ¿ìrffàõit iä håàr. ¿'we felt that something was tlp
about a week before, but they moved so quickly. They
got ten outof 'l2,all at onetim.e, just.like-that." He
made a grabbing motion with his hands. "l was already
!
undercräund. alwas another, but we had not
lishedidentities for the rest' lt isn't easy, you know,
findins iobs for the people of your group when unem'
ploym"eírt is so high." lt wæ diffcult to concentrate
with the loud ioklns and drunken shouting coming
from the neitiable] "so ten out of "12 gone, oñly the
two of us left and then you know what happens? They
release all ten w¡thout a word of explanation. What
are we to think? lt is almost worse this way' we must
aisume that they are being followed so we must be extra careful now. But we must meetJo deci.de what to
do next. We can't make a false nio.ye or we will all be
arrested this ngxt time."
"How did they know?" lasked.

so

"Part of the Emergency is to make the Congress
Party safe for lndira Gandhi. Do you know that we
hoard that Jagjivan Ram (Agriculture Minister) was
abor¡t to defect to the forces of Moraii Desai? lf he
had gone, then there would have been serious trouble.
Some of her devoted followers might have decided to
jump ship with him and she would have been left
with the industrialists and those who support state
capitalism. There would have begn no link tofhe
masses. But the Emergency has put an end to that
nonsense. She is in complete charge now."
"What if the alliance wíth the industrialists fails?"
I asked.

"Simple," the woman said. "They will nationalize
the monopoly houses and we will have full socialisrn.
The state will control everything and we will be even
more powgrless than before." We talkpd for a while
about politics in the US and then they indicated the
interview w:rs over. lt had nbt been the frank discussion that I had been looking forward to, but it was
hard to blame them for being suspicious. While they
could be fairily sure that I was who I said I wæ because of my knowledge of their friend, lndia is not a
place where a person can wander into an office and
begin asking questions these days. And I was nervous,
too. So far every thing had gone well, but it was very
possible that the offces were being watched. Trust is

the first victim of fascism.
A YOUNG REVOLUTIONARY
The arrangements for my last interyiew went smooth'
ly. We met in the home of one of my friends, but since
we couldn't talk politics there, we left and started
walking He wæ about my age, a slender, intense per'
son who was living with his family, working for a pub'
lic sector engineering company during the day and do
ing polítical work at night. The streets were crowded
and he was nervous about being followed, so we took
a taxi to another area and wal ked until we came to an
expensive bar.

"They probably won't look for us in here," he saíd.
"During the'first week of the Emergency we would
meet iñ the Taj (one of Bombay's five-star hotels).
But then we heard that the police weie watching

"The Research and Analysis Wing of the lntelligence
Bureau is very skillful," he said. "They have the
money to pay for people being watched and they are
not fools. Some people credit the KGB. Myself, I am
not sure. The British also had very good intelligence.
But in our cæe, it was more simple. All they did was
to send a note to the local officials asking if there were
any local troublemakers who should be rounded up.
We were organizing landless agricultural workersHariians and tribals-so the landlords were angry.
They gave the offcials the names only a week before,
we were told. lt was very efficient. They got the Oppe
sition and also those who were trying to organize,
revolution, all in one net." He took several sips of
his beer.
"Are you a member of the Naxalites?" I asked.
He nodded his head. "We are Marxists-Leninists,"
he said. "lt has been diffcult to carry on political discussion, so fol the moment we are independent. We
feel that there must be rural work, but now, what
should we do? There is no protection for rural work.
We cannot go underground in the rural area. The
peasants know immediately who you are and the
local police soon f nd out from their informers. Some
of our rural cadre say it is not only our speech or opr
appear.ance, they say the middlecl'ass even smells dif- ferent! Yet we do not want to become an urban group.;
There are others who prefer urban work. We are committed theoretically to working with the landless
asricultural laborers. We feel our line is correct: the
la"ndless laborers should not ask for land, but for
higher wages. Do you understand this?"
I shook my head. "At first we supported the
demand for individual distribution of land. Then we
realized that this is what they want us to do. Because
of the industry, they must have capitalist agriculture.
Feudal agriculture, with the surplus going to the
landlords and moneylenders, is too inefficient.
Productivity remains constant, because why should
the laborer work hard for no money? But they thinkl
perhaps if the peasant owns a little land, he will begin

wtN l7
J:

ljke the Japanese. So they want to have
land reform. We are not opposed to the Þeasants having tand, but we feet ¡r ¡s än il;;i; inãt"riãeìom w¡lt
come,with owning a small piece of land. When thev ask
for higher wages, then they expose the heart of
capitalist agriculture. lt is cheaper to buy ttrem off
with land t!ì1n to pay higher wages. When the peasants
understood this, we gained mucñ support. .Thai is wht
the landlords werê so angry with us. The peasants were
brltiru them at their ow-n þame."
"This is the meaning of ihe Emergency. They_
the industrial bourgeoii and even ,o-m" of thé ñredium
sized industrialists-they understand what is happening in lndia" For too long the large industrieswere
competing with the small industries and the oublic
llglgr: Now tlrey.say: priv.ate industry, publíc industry,
smail ¡ndustry, bhai!bhai!(are brothers)." The wa¡tei
came down and began to hover around the table.
Without switching tone, he began talking about how
drthcult it was to make phone calls in Bombav. We
ordered another round bf beers and the waiter went

!o

.

g.rory rice

away.

"Rationalize! Modernize! Efficiency!" my friend

said, spitting out the words. ,iThese aie the'passwords
of the industrial bourgeois. For the State plånners
and for millionaires, the problem is the same. How to
become rid of irrationality. The black money must be
channeled through the state banks. The taxes must be
paid so export concessions can be made. Deals must
be made w¡th the Americans. for priíate credits and
advanced technology. We múst còmpete ou"ir.u,
ot.

die."

The waiter came back with the beers. We must have
looked like a pair of druàks, my friend wittr tri, pus
sionate gesturìng and I leanin-g iorward and nòaäing as
he spoke. "Can they succeed?-" I asked.
,,perhaps
in the
, "Nq how is.it possible?" he said.
short run, but in the long ryn, never. But how many
years is the long run? Who can tell? The whole worid
gapital market-the Soviets, the US, Japan, the EEC
I turopean tconomic Community] _even now they

{'rl

are having trouble. For everyone, itre

to ex-

port and not buy imports. How can everyone
"nr*ài'isexport
and no one imp-ort? lt isn't possible. Thii is why'they
say: we can't afford democracy. lt is trùe. This is why
they say:. perhaps the new international economic
order will save us. What is this new international
economic order? .lt is the old econom¡c order trying
to fit a new skin so it can suryive. The elites of the "
wodd sign a pledge to protect each other. But how
can, there be honor among thieves?',
My head wasbuzzingfrom the conversation. the
loud drunken laughter and the beer. ,,Tell me a'bout
y'our group," I said finally.
"Five women and seven menr" he said. ,,We are
typical of others that we know'of. nrnist *, *"r.
not so.political but as the years go by, we understand
morê. We understand why the eðucaió¿ as well as the
uneducated are unemployed. We study Lenin and
Mao. we keep our eyes and\ears open.'We knOw about
the Bombay Plan and thq Tata Memorandum. so we
are not surprised at this fascism. But it happehed differg¡1ly than we thoughq whicÈ took us by suiorise.,'
, "What is the Bombay plan and the Taîa Mem'oran-

dum?" I asked.

. "Do you- know about J . R. D. Tata? [ Besides being
the head of one of lndiats largest induitrialist families,
he ìs somewhat of a Howard Flughes; he built Air
lndia from scratch and then sol¿ it tó the lndian
lq wtN

:i

government.l ln 1g44, the Tatas, the Birlas, the Shri
Rams, the Dalmia Jains, decided that since they
were good nationalists, they should have a plan for
lndia's future. The Bombay plan said.that the state
and privatecompanies shoulä work together. The
state should undertake the projects thãt were
profitable and the private comþanies should take care
of the domestic market. The government would be
refèree. This worked well unti 1967, when the state
sector began to. come of age. Then tlie pu blic sector
managers and the bureaucrats called foi nationaliza_
tion of the private sector. Previoüsly, the þrivate sector
was under controls,.but now it was worse. The large
monopoly houses were shown to be the enemies oi the
state..so.in 1.972, ).R.D. Tata is wítting to make peace.
He submits the Tata Memorandum.,, -

not

,

EPILOGUE
So I returned to thç land of the free and the home of
the brave, where revolution is to, be celebraþd for the
next two years.
Here the newspapèis are not openly censo/ed and
the policeare supposed to get wairands before they

wiretap. TV doesn't carry.government official

Gandhiwas a hysterlcal woman, oUsusséã

so th,e beginning of fascism. lt was coming
.but"And
even we
not undirstand

"What about nonviolence?,, I asked. He drank the

"Violencé, nonviolence,'" he said, looking at his
watch. "For the moment,'we are nónviolen-t. We have
no other choice. I am not a terrorist. But also I am
not.a sarvodaya" Each has its place, in its.own time.
Right now, the state has the monopoly on violence.
Everyday, the peasants suffer violence. lt is violence
to be a beggar, to have no place to sleop, no food to
eat. I am not a philosopher. Whatever'is decided by
the group we will do."
The waiter came with the bill. We split the cost afterquarreling overthe bill in normal bourgeois style.
Outside, the night wæ quiet. People we-re already
.
selecting their section of the sidewalk. l,l am sorry io
do so much talking" he said, as we walked. ,,Tim'e is
so short. We should not mee-t again. lt is a terrible way
to live, but what can one do? I must go home, like any
person who has stayed after work for-a few bóers with
a friend. G. j.y9 ry besr wishes ro rhç political people in
America. Wish us luck." We sh"ook hands. A täxi èame

t ur

by Oriana Fallaci in ihs September lgth ñew
York Revìew of Books. perhapi I still retaiñ a certain
qm.ount of .paranoi4_ but I couldn,t help fçeling that
the male editors of these.magazines had delíbeiately
picked women to make the personal and unsubstantiated attacks. The reason for this feeling is the memory of
how Midge Dector was used to attacú.women's iibera-

Td

everythlng. lt wæ*the

rest of his beer.

*üt

personal concerns, who had sinllehandedly seized
power in lndia through a coup dtetat whicit somehow
mtracutously succeeded. Many of them are hatchet
jobs that suggest that menopause and a
Joan òf ¡rc
complex were the main reasons for lndiia Can¿trí;i
, actions. Tw.o particularly bl9 articles are
thoie by
Oaire Sterling the.Aug 10th New york Mogaiine
þ

election loss in Gujarat. She has t*"'iti"i"är, ,fr.."n
surrender or she makes a deal with the Tatas and
Birlas. She can defend industrial¡zation or she can
turn on iL And we know what she did."
"And so the beginning of fascism," ! said.

find.a way."

:

propaganda and one is f¡oe to learn abóut the life
of
F.Bl, gyAT reams and a variery
p"t¡rõö;t.:
the
l-reedom! Free to þurchase a Widê variety
"f
ofjife_
styles, and live where lwapt, as longas l'can'afford it.
t-ree to say bu.t not necessarily free to do. From overt
fascism to an undeclared semi.fascisrn, wnerè'liüãr'ii'
increasingly being denied the right
øétritJãn¿
ttþerats sponsor the regresslve Senate'Bill OrieJ
return, I huñgrily rçad anything and euery-,-,On.,ry
thing that had been wrítten about lndia vühile I was'
gone. Almost all of it lrad no bearing to what I hiã
legn and heard. The dominant thesiíwas thai Ind¡ra

it will come out. Then the Allahbad.judgment and the

lrrst ttme tor us. Now that we look back, we can see it
more clearly. but it sedmed there would'be revolution
first. St¡ll, now she has no alibi. lt is dialectics. We
should have b"fn prepared better. But now that they
have imposed fascism, the stalemate is broken. She '
may rule now and profit from her crime. Thev will do
as.th_ey please,.but one day-we hope soon-one day, ,
this fascism will breed our revolutioni They wíll .faíi'
in their exports. lf they succeed, it will onÍv mean
grga_tgr exploitation. What does it matter if'by ther
public sector or the private sector? Meanwhilô, we
will recover and there will be further strussle. For the
fnoment, our political activity is slowed. Éüt we will

lir.i

He waved and wæ gone.

i

"ln this he says: why put controis on the orivate
companies?.We.are productive but we cannot produce.
with controls. We are not the enemies of the public
sector. We must build lndia's industrial strenËth to
gether. We must have capitalist agriculture. Víe must
discipline labor. The first sign of inis was the railroad
strike. She tried out their plan-and they broke the
strike. She wants to be her own,wom"n, Uutwt,ri to
do? Moraji Desai is trying to ovàrthrow'her once
again; the economy is in chaos. She waits to see how

{id

by slowly; cruising and he haíled ìt. He did.look like
the perfect engineer, with his suit and his biiefcase.

.

I

o.womqn to prove it was ,,wrong,'
I made some of the same mist¿kes iñan earlier
-before

tion

øs

art¡cle.l wrote for WIN Í4l317S issue]
goirig to
lndia (July t 5rh): I tra¿ nôt'¿onè-mV fËmãwårr ana
there had þpen changes faf beyond what I understood
rn th€-year I wæ away from lndia" lndira Gandhi is a
capable politician who reflects accurately what many
influential people in lndia feel. To attacÉ her personal_
ty rs to obscure the deeper
leaning of what's happen_
ing and to suggesr she ii an inferior"heaà oiïãrc ¡e_
cause she is a woman.

,

There is no way to estimate the influence that
Mahatma Gandhi and his idea of nonviolence has had
on the left ¡n the United Stages. However, there,s a
good deal to learn from lndira Gandhi an'd the growth

9f fascism

as

well. lndustrialiiation in

tÀe-

Stares is ar a far higher level than lnã¡u.

ùnite¿

inã ún¡tr¿

States. is far more powerful, one of the two ímperiaf_
tsms that helps keep the stalemate of detente

fi.¡nction_
rng tnternat¡onally. lt's hard to believe that
semi.fasg'sf,9t tasc¡sm is necessary tb help defend capitalism
try.
11 :nj:
.Yer rnost peopte, i nctu din g pót iti, ian s
^tgy,T

Ëüi iTü..'iî;ï!,ï:ii:,*:iilî:ilåf ltxï;
ii,'*"i{,l;nñTi,.,iå:,îålil:,Ï.îïi:iåì'J?l,
in.-r::i_"Il.*here cajitatism ¡s not,"1i.' "- -'
å,'J:T,'JË j lïï:iil:
,

r ü:

:ö

[
bothers me now is

n.t

u.,.

iil,l,îïï Jr

ìîiur" ãriiäiät'i*l,ii,

but the future of our own society.

WIN

19

'1,

case against Jomo is bæed entirely
on witnesses who have already testified
against Shango and others, and whose
testimony was totally rejected by at
least one
-LNS

"the

jury."

ChAN ES
SHOSI-IANA FREED
Despite the best efforts of the Judge
to convince the jurY otherwise,
Shoshana (Pat Swinton) was found
not guilty of three charges of conspiring to bomb, on Friday, Septem'
ber 26 after a four day trial.
ln his charge to the iury the judge
made the point that

"proof of con'

spiracy is ample in this record and the
membership of Patricia Swinton has
been sufficiently shown to warrant a
finding of the jury of her ¡nembership

in this enterprise."
There still remains a quest¡on

of

whether or not the judge will press
charges of criminal contempt of court
.rgainst J ane Alpert and J oh n David
Hughey, both ofwhom refused to

testify against Shoshana.
After delivering the verdict one
juror described ít as "our contribu'
tion to the bicentennial."
-MC filling in for Mf

I
'4

WORLD-WIDE PROTESTS
IN RESPONSE TO
SPANISH EXECUTIONS
Demonstrators in Paris, Mexico City,
Ankara, Geneva and other cities re
acted violently to the news from
Spain that five Basque nationalists
had been executed by the Franco
government. ln Lisbon the Spanish
Embassy was burned and looted
despite efforts by elite Portuguese
troops to stop the attack.
Meanwhile in Spain a 48 houi
general strike in the Basque region was
almost totally effective and priests
delivered sermons denouncing the
executions.
Those executed were members of a
group called ET{ which consists

primarily of young militants. They
were tried in August and September
in military court on charges of killing
five officers of the paramilitary Civil
Guard in four separate incidents.
The trials lasted only a few hours each.
One defendant, a 23-year old industrial worker, had half his brain surgícally

MILLION DOLLA,R SOUTH
KOREAN GIFT TO HARVARD
STILL RANKLES

removed before being induced to
"sígnl'a confession wìth hls thumb

print.

-MC/LNS

MENNONITES BAR A ROLE
IN BICENTENNIAL
For most Americans, the Bícentennial

if the celebration of the nation's birth.
But to a group of Mennonite
church leaders in Lancaster, Pa., it is
the celebration of war. And for the
Mennonites, all wars are bad.
So the leaders of the Lancaster
Conference of the Mennonite Church
has asked the conference's 200
congregations-with a total membqrship of 16,000-not to participate in
Bicentennial activities.

"This came up because some of
our churches had been asked to suP'

taxes" and "we are standing ¡n proxy
for the war killed." Alice Ray-Keil,
John William and Tom MacLean
weren't smoothly ushered out of the
parade-they were arrested for failure

to disperse.
The Seattle municipal code defines

"failure to disperse in two ways: 1) four
or more people disobeying an order to
disperse (there were only three people
behind the float), and 2) one or more

n:¡ovtive-on the part of the authoritari-

EVENTS

an, oppressive Park regime
"lt [the gift] came in the wake

NYC-Ethel Taylor, Direcior ot

of

the collapse of South Vietnam when
Women Strike for Peace speaks on
the Seoul government was scared about "Women and the Peace Movemen!"
US inconstancy in Asia and sma[ting
Oct. 16 at7:45 pm at the New i
under criticisms of American intêllecSchool,66 West 12 St. Admission
tuals led by Harvard professors Edwin
Reischauer and Jerome Cohen about

$3.s0.
CAMBRI DGE-The Black'Rose/,
Black Circles Lectures will be piesenting Howard Zinn, speaking on r,Emma
Goldman and the American Anarchist
Mov-ement," Friday nighg October lp,
8:00 pm, at
Building 9, Room
150, located at 77 Mass. Ave.

that country's ISouth Korea's] repressive internal policy," Snow points out.
This is the conclusion reached by
"Unease is heightened by the susCrocker Snow .lr. in a recent column
picions of some faculty members about
in the Boston Globe about last sorihs's
various South Korean government
Mll
$1 million gift from thq Korean Ïra.l'ers
tyþes now studying there, (suspected
Association to Harvard University's.
of reporting directly to Seoul on the
East Asian studies program.
.. activities and attitudes of other
CINCINNATI-A Midwest Tax
He quotes "one of those directly inKoreans at Harvard). The latest object
Resistance Gathering will b.e held at
volved'i as saying recently: "5ura, f¡" ''i
of si.rspicion is one Kun Kai Lee, a
Southern Rainbow House the.weekstill seems funny for a rich university
dynamic 4nd well-connected South
end of October 2Ç26.Writeto Mark
like ours to get this gift from a poor'
Korean who was deputy police chief
Reeve, c/o Southern Rainbow, 71 7
country like Korea without an ulterior
in Seoul before cgming to Cambridge
So. Crescent Ave., Cincinnatti, OH
'
motive." Of course, there is an ulterior
this summer."
-Jim Peck 45229 for more information.

people disobeying an order given in
the interest of public safety (we're
still trying to figure out what "public
safety" wæ involved). Alice, John &
Tom pleaded "not guilty" and
requested a jury trial.

For information on the trial contact: WRL/WTR, 331 17 East, Seattle,
wA 98112' 2a6's2'91Tu;*

O

Brantner

port community Bicentennial ac'
Rev. David N. Thomas,
moderator for the conference, said in
a weekend interview. "We looked at
the celebrations planned and manY
of them seemed nationalistic and.

tivities," the

imperialistic-iust contrav to
wh or e stan

d agai n st

*u'"'

our

-*,*,

".'-"

DEFEND THE SEAFAT R THREE
the Seattle Seafair people
should receive a Bad Taste Award for
the theme of this years Torchlight
parade-"a salute to the army and
navy on tþeir bicentennial." ln
response to this, it became evident
that it was time for War Resisters
We feel

League/War Tax Resistance to swing

RALLY FOR
ATTICA DEFENDANTS
A rally in Buffalo, New york demand-

i";;;rtttnàrty fo,. Atrica Brorhers,,
ä:*í;lliii:",i jïi,9$',.'.',,',ff fJ
our communities" marked the fourth
of the Attica prisoners' u¡

l,:ru:tt"rv

Speaking in support of these de
mands and in "support of all prison

struggles" at the September 13 rally
were Reverend Stroble Smith, who is

the mother of recently acguitted Attica defendant Shango, and Belen
Molinari, a representative of the
Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee

rne

PSC has been demanding

into action.

(PSC).

with our signs, made a
mad dash downtown and impatiently
waited for the móment that Ïelt righi.
For some of us, it was to follow the
navy float with a huge anti-Trident

the release of five Puerto Rican nationalists imprisoned in the US since
the early 1950's. Among other
speakers at the rally of 300 supporters
were defense attorney William Kunstler
and Attica Brothers Big Black and Akil.
Meanwhile, the trial of Jomo .loka

We gathered

banner. Soon we were joined by a
good number of motorcycle police
and we were ushered out of the parade.
Three of us had unofficially joined
the parade with þlacards marching behind the army float that listed their
conquests. The signs read."resist war

Omowale on charges of kidnaPPing
and murder began on SePtember 1 5
in the Eríe County Courthouse in

Buffalo. ln a statement to the press the
Attica Bond to Free Jomo stated that

The harassment and prosecution

of

Bowles was captured in northern
ldaho after a wild manhunt and is

draft resisters in America's colony,
Puerto Rico, continue, despite the
end of active drafting. Early in
August Jose Antonio Moya Vazques,
31 years old and the father of two,
was arrested as a military deserter,
while he was in sole charge of the
grocery store he manages in Puerto
Nuevo. He was taken from the store
even though his wife was at a hospital
visiting a small daughter who, had just
had surger/, and he was caring for
their six-year-old son. The San Juan
EI Mundo reported that the mother
of the arrested man called his arrest
a "capital abuse," and indicated
that federal authorities should take

into consideration 1'the sorrow of
Puerto Rican mothers" when FBI
agents make such arrests.

Another story in El Mundo tells
of twenty-eight Puerto Rican young
men who are to be tried for violatiñg
the compulsory military law who
refused to accept Ford's plaî of alternatíve service. These pending trials
reveal again the punitive nature of

now in the ldaho State Prison at
Boise under a sentence of seventy-

the Ford "clemency" program which
is especially odious'beðauíe it involves
people who were subiect to the draft

by a nation which do'es not even,
permit them to vote or to have con-

gressional representation. Fu rth ermore, of the hundreds of thousands cif
Puerto Ricans who violated the
Compulsory Military Service Law on
political grounds, these few are to be
punished.

Another significant pqlitical case
which should have more n¿tional
publicity is that of Charles Duane
"Chuck" Armsbury who is in'county
jail in Vancouver, Washington awaiting

trial on a.charge of having harbored
Carl Bowles, who escaped from the
Oregon State Penitentiary in 1974.

fiveyears. Armsbury had known
Bowles when both were prisoners in
Marion, lllinois, and he again came
in contact with him in 1974 when involved in prisoner support'¿ctivity.
Armsbury and his supporters maintain that he is innocent of the charge
and that the real reason for his drrest
is his record as'à political activist ùho
helped establish childrenls food
programs, support actions for Wounded",'
knee and the farm workers'struggle,
prisoner support and education against
imperialism. Four other area activists
have already faced trial on the same
charge, two were convicted and two
acquitted, v/ith the öonvictions resting
on the testimony of one woman, who
was promised immunity from all
federal charges, including perjury, for
her testimony. For more information
contact the Portland Defense Committee, Box 512, Portland, Oregon.
-Larry Gara
WIN 21

20 wtN

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