S, q Foroso0i Ér. sI ry cá 9{305 ' My comment is on the Oct. l7 issue. Andrea species ieproduction. Nonetheless, it existed and proved ideal for putting human awareDworkin's article was good, however, Ms. Dworkin associates sexism, racism, war and ness in,a great self-defining circle, The dominant are concerning themselves with general nastiness with the male sexual ,. remaining so, and the submissiv_e attempt to model. Superflcially she is right. I'Vhat hook thgir fortunes to some rising star or humans nõed in orde¡ to grow is security' It is essential to all life. Whenever human self- are fgçcibly hooked. Both groups define and are'iohcerned only with each other, a consciousness was bom, it was a highly " traumatic event, it made us aware of death, repetition'compulsion' It is beautifùl and intricate, but hopelessly inadequate for our instinctually divided and insecure. Myths preseni needs, Ai persons.and-as a cultu¡e point this gut, most strongly thetree.of imowledge'in the Garden óf E¿en, Primates we must come to terms with the cosmoE ' death and life, rather than attempt to mask are organ"ized around various patterns of domiñance and submission; man is a þrimate. it That's all that patriarchy is-a mask; it becomes political when one outgrows it and Consciousness is arising, and since that'is' traumatig homosapiens demarid security that hàppens at differing rates and not to all people. Ms Dworkin is like the philosophers safety against this new ¿'¿y¡¡g¡ss5, Freud of tho lSth cenfulyr only get rid of ignorbrilliantly documents the intricacies of the internal protections against too much aw¿ue- . ance and utopia will come into being under ness In othrt *oràr rãpression is not some',;; ratio¡al man.'Now it is get"rid of patriarchy and the human condition is transformed to extemal evil, but a fact generated by the workings of the human condition. The four goodness 'books the of Castaneda sefies de-monstrate The issues ate much more complex than the extreme dangers and,possibilitles m this capsule summary. A brief int¡oduötion human consciousness. Don Juan once says t; these issues is found in eight books, the that normal people protect.themselvesJrom fÀur books ofthe Castaneda series, The Out"spirits" by'their daily routines, whrch burld i¡¿er Ay Colin Wilson, Towørds a Psychology up a prot'ective haze., . of Beiig by Abraham Maslow and Life .. Why primates and many other spectes. Åsa¡nsí Oeatn by Norman O. Brown. developed dominant-submissive relatlons rs unknoivn to me, but is probably tied up with the evolution of separate sexes ' for BLAIR -ALANyork, New NY December 5, 1974 | Vol. X, No. 41 4. Nuke Developers on the Defensive Harvey lilosserman 10. The Road to Seoul: An lnterview with Nicola Geiger / Jan Borry 1 2. Voices of the Middie'East Poul Mayer 20. Changes . r.' ¡ Cover: Sam Lovejoy. Photo by Mark Diamond. STAFF Maris Cakars . Susan Cakars Chuck Fager' MarY MaYo Maik Morris ' Susan Pines Fred Rosen ' Martha Thomases MOONPOEM The moon tonight tells me I will always be lonely ; because you cannot be with me every moment of every day, every night. -. The waiting is torture. I try to fill my time with things that need doing but I cannot keep from exBêcting/hopingidreaming you will float in thru the window. The moon tonight tells me I will always be joyful because you will hug me so tight I can't breathe & give me a tl kiss. You will smile at me. You fill my time brim-full. I can't remember my name. Thinking of you / I begin to slip out thru the window to fly with you to the moon. -Mark Monis UNINDICTED CGCONSPIRATORS '.1 Jan Barry . Lance Belvllle . Jerry Coff n Lynn€ Coffln . Ann'Davldon Dlana Davles ' i Ruth Dsar . Ralph OlGlå. Brian Dohêrty Soth Foldy,. Jlm Forsst . Leah Frltz . Larry Gara Nel[ Haworth. Ed Hedemann . Grac€ Hodemann xarfå ¡ay. Marty J€z€r . Becky Johnson 'Náncy Johnson. Paul Johnson . Alllson Karþel Cralg Karpal . John Kyper q Ellot Llnzer, Jackson Mac Low. Davld McReynolds . Oaúld .I9oIfls r {lm P€ck . Tad Rlchardt lgal RôodéhkdÉ. Nâncy Ros€n. Ed Sandets Wendy Schwaftz . Art Waskow. Allan Vou(rg Beverlv Woodward Box 547 / Rifton / New York 12471 Telephone: 91 4339-4585 except ior the flrst two wê€ks ln January, 2nd w€ek ¡n May, last 4 wêoks ln August, and the last wsêk ¡n October by the wlN Publlshlng Emp¡re wlth the support of the war ReslsteÍs L€agug. Subscr¡ptlons ar€ ô7.00 p€r y€ar. sqcond class.postag€ at New wlN ls publlshod weêkly YorK NY 1OOOI. lnd¡v¡dual wrlters are respon' slblê for oplnlons o(press€d and accuracy of facts glven. Sorry-manuscr¡pts cannot be ro' turned unless accompanled by a s€lf'addross€d Prht6d ln U.s.A. stamp€d envolop¿ wtN 3 Nltl(tl DllUlll,l)lDlllt$ ON THD DlIl¡ltrNStUt) ..,:,,.' ,., Sam Lovelgy i5 cross-examined by Asst. Atty. John F. Murphy as Juclge Kent smith listens. Drawing by Ch¡co Gårvin. HARVEYWASSERMAN *ü For the crusade against nuclear power, the case of " Montague, Massachusetts has been a confrontation por excellonce, Northeast Utilitles'Company, which supplies much óf New England's electricity, threw down the gauntlet last December 28, when if announced plans for a $1.52-billion twin nuke io be built in Montague and to generäte 2300 megawatts. The proiect is the biggest of its kind proposed anywhere. NU chose its site c¿refully. Montague is 90.miles 'west of Boston and 180 miles north of New York City. lt sits on the Connecticut River and possib.ly on an underground lake, which would provide ample cooling water. ln urban termd the immediate area is sparsely populated. The actual site of the plant, the Montague Plains, is a sandy stretch of .scrub pine, impossible to farm and marginally inhabited. But most important for NU, the townspeople æemed ripe for a plant. High taxes and high unem'. ploymenllooked iike a guarantee that the local populace would wglcome the project with open arms' Most did. But there wæ a vocal, determined oppe sition, much of it fl'om the five or six communes in the Montague Center precinct. The nuðlear opponents began passing literature and playing pran'ks in the latesixties tradition' even Haruey IUassermon is a member of NOPE. He.il the authór ofThe Hìstory of the United States. (Horper Colophon Books, 1972), 4 WIN forming an organization called Nuclear Objectors for a Pure Environment (NOPI), ' Then, on.Washington's Birthdäy, Samuel H. Love' ioy toppled NU's 500-foot weather tower, which had been monitorirtg the wind at the proposed plant site (see WlN, 6127174). Lovejoy turned himself in with a jhtement protesting the dangers of nqclear power, and the anti-nuke movement had escalated a giant steP. The tower-toppling got national publicity, but its most important effect was on the immediate area, where "nuke" suddenly became a household word. By early spring an area-wide organization caJled the Alternate Energy Coalition (AEC) began a successful campaign to put a dual referendum on.the st+fe Sen' ate district ballo! a district roughly corresponding to the Radiation Hazard Zone (RHZ)of the propósed plant. The first proposition askéd that the state Senator be directed to op,pose the Montague plant. The second asked that he be directed to "sponsor and support a resolution aimed at closing and dismant[ing" two ac' tive nuclear plants at Rowe, Mass., and Vernon, Vermont, By the end of the summer more than 3800rsignatures had been gathered and the two questions were on the balloL The Trial of the Tqwer Toppler ln early September all eyes turned to the Franklin County Superior Court in Greenfield. Lovejoy wanted nis triál to'bru publir forrm on nuclear pÑór, and it proved to be just that, from the opening "Hear-ye!" to the closing "Not Guilty!" ' At two pre-trial hearings, Judge Kent Smith to believe lévejoy intended to defend himself. . ' . refused Con- fronied witft a five-year felony charge, Lovejoy told the Judge he considered the toppling of the towerand the tri:il;a political event, and that his defending himself was inseparable from the politics of the act., Smith, known as the mostJiberal iudge on the Massachusetts circuiq conceded Lovejoy's right to act without counsel büt practically pleaded with him not to do iL Lovejoy held fast but agreed to use a lawyer when it came time to take the stand himself. Under Mass. law, Lovejoy would have had to ask himself questions and then answer them. tn pre¡rial motions Lovejoy asked for subpoena Dowers for anv and all NU. state or prosecution files bn himself, oth'er nuclpåi óbjectors, and on the health and safety of nuclear power plants. Smith denie.4.llie requests, but did grant Lovejoy'q "motión to vierii,'ìvühich nÈanttþat..ês soon as the juiy was choeen it would be bused (ät Lovejoy's expense) to the site of the tower. The actual trial began September 17, which was both Constitution Day and the first day of Rosh Hashannah. The visitors' gallery filled with about 125 freaks dressing up (more or less-Judge Smithfs dress regulations were lax) for the first time in yeàrs. Those olJewish ancestry could on.ly wonder at the similar'ity between the court sessions and Synagague of thè pre-barmitzvah era. ' Filling the visitors' gallery was easier than filling the jury box. Nearly a quarter of the pool proved to have strong connections to the power company, being either employees, relatives of employees or stock' holders. Others had already formed an opinion. By the end of the first day only '1.2iurors had been chosen WIN 5 ' and the 45-person pool was exhausted. Judge Smith wanted two alternates, so the following morning High SheriffChester Martin was ordered into "the highways and byways" to collar more iurors. By 1:00 pm ' Loveloy had used his last preemptory challenge, and the ¡ury was completed. After lunch Smith, Lovejoy and prosecutor John Murphy piled into Smith's huge Buick, the 14 jurors and the court attendants took seats on a public bus, and, followed by a caravan of spectators, all went to view the tower. NU had flown in a replacement from Texas and erected it within two weeks after Lovejoy toppled the original, so all was pretty much as it had been February 22-with some notable exceptions. For one thing, NU had installed eight-foot storm fences,topped with tweway barbed wire to protect the turnbuckle stations. Signs warned would-be 'topplers that the ground was equipped with an underground alarm system, while the turnbuckles themselves.were sheathed in quarter-inch steel. Both Lovejoy and prosecutor Murphy took pains to explain that all this paranoia was not present at the time of the deed. The sun shone brightly, the sky was deep blue, and everybody seemed to enjoy being out on an idyllic New England fall day. The only note of discord entered when Lovejoy attempted to describe the fragile ecology of the Montague Plains. The prosecution objected and was sustained. With Malice Toward None Back in court, Prosecutor Murphy presented an excruciatingly dull case. With testimony from three NU officials and three Montague police officers, Murphy established beyond a doubt that the tower had been toppled, that it was worth $42,500, and that Lovejoy did it. The boredom was shattered only by a dramatic reading of Lovejoy's statement by Officer Donald Cade, who was on duty when Lovejoy turned himself 'tt in. . Loveloy, however, had some fireworks ready. The charge was "willful and malicious destruction of personal property," and the core of his defense was that the act was anything but malicious, that in fact it was motivated by none but the highest motives-the defense of the community. To prove his case, Lovejoy summoned Dr. John Gofman, a world-renowned physicist, a discoverer of Uraniu¡n 233, and a bitter foe of nuclear power plants. Lovejoy asked him to tell the jury his name, address and occupation, which he did. Lovejoy then asked Gofman to define "nuclide," whereupon Murphy stood up to object and Smith ordered the jury out of the room. Smith asked Lovejoy to demonstrate the relevance of Gofman's testimony. Lovejoy responded that maliciousness had not been proved by the Common- wealth, and that he intended to show his motives. Gofman was the ablest person he could find to explain the dangers of nuclear power. Smith responded that only testimony relating to Lovejoy's actual state of mind at the time of the deed would be admissible. Had he talked to Gofman before February 22? No,. your Honor, but I read his book (Poisoned Powe r)," Lovejoy responded. "But did you talk with him?" 6 WIN "Your Honor, I believe as sure as l'm standing here that when you read someone's book, you talk to them. I believe I talked to George Washington, and the signers of the Constitution and Henry David Thoreau. Don't you tqlk to OIiver Wendell Holmes when you read it¡s books?" Smith was impressed, but not swayed. He called a short recess and returned with a unique and somewhat bizarre ruling. Gofman could testify to the record, but not to the jury. lf Lovejoy were fôund guilty, the case would go to the State Supreme Judicial Court before sentencing to determine the validity of the testimony. So, while the jury played pinochle in a back room, Gofman delivered a scathing indictment of the nuclear power industry. With Lovejoy questioning he told the court he had worked on the Manhattan project and with Glenn Seaborg a founder of the Atomic Energy Commission. That organization's lax standards on lowlevel radiation, he said were a "license to commit murder." As many as 32,000 additional cases of cancer, leukemia and birth defects would result if nuclear development continued under such standards. A plant melt-down, he continued, could destroy hundreds of thousands of lives and do billions of dollars worth of damage. A land-area the size of Pennsylvania would be made uninhabitable for centuries. Nuclear proponents had issued statements saying the chances of a melt-down were miniscule,Gofman said, but that begged the question: "l find when we're talk- ing about a mass of 100 tons of material at 5000 degress Fahrenheit with water around there, with hydrogen being generated, burning explosively, melting through concrete into soil, when somebody tells me that'we're sure it isn't going to go far away' I look at them as a chemist and I say l've heard various forms column saying that Gofman's testimony had,.con' vinced him to rethink his stand on nuclear power. Lovejoy followed Gofman with radical historian Howard'Zinn, añ expert on civil disobedience and an honored veteran of antiwar and anti-draft cases, in' cluding the Camden 28. He gave his credentials to the jury.,Lovejoy then asked him if he'thought th$tower' toppling statement was malicious, "No," blur-ted Zinn inådnuJusly. Prosecutor Murphy leapt to his fee! and a the ¡ury þegan gathering thei'r wraps. didn't demand strict nonvioibnce ahd ac' ceptance of lawful punishment. otró¿ieãce Zinn replied that destruction of property was not violent when life was,at stake. "Violence," he said, "has to do with human beings, not property." Zinn pointed out that Lovejoy had turned himself in, while many civil disobedients disappear rather than stand trial. Smith, who looked and acted more like Spencer Tracy every day, seemed much taken by Zinn, and ' consta¡tly interrupted him with questions. {Sooa third oî what Howard said was in the form of conversation with the Judge. At one point Smith asked leave for a private conversation with the witness, and leaned over to talk quietly. Zinn said later the Judge had asked to meet him for dinner sometime. The new tower at Montague Plains' Photo Mark Diamond' of insanity, but hardly this form." "I don't really know whether the chance is 1 in 10, or 1 in_1 00, or 1 in 10,000 I just ask_myself in vigw of the fact that we have so much easier waysto generate enerqy needs, why do it this way?". Loveioy Takes The Stand Finally Lovejoy took the stand'himself. The iury of nine women and five men, finally free from their backroþm confinement, were all ears. Attorney Tom Lesser : d¡d the questioning. Lovej'oy began 6y talking about growing up as an' army brat, then, after his father was killed, living on a farm near Springfield. There, he said, an old Yankee farmer taught him to respect the balance of nature. ln high school he stud¡ed rnath and physics but dropped out of Amherst College to work at the Springfield Armory where, among other things, he ñelpeA design sighting equipment for grenade launchers'used in Vietñam. Returning to Amherst he graduated in political science, theñ moved to the Montague commune. Flis n¡ind was blown about the nukes on â quick trip to Seattle to retrieve his girlfriend. There he read in iocal papers of a massive leak of radioactive wastes ' from a stoiage tank at Hanford, in eastern Washington state. More than 100,000 gallons had escaped from holding tanks into the ground. The incident had been hidden by the AEC and Atlantic-Richfield until some investigative reporters found out about_it' When !þe.sþry,was printed the AEC had a comeback. A comþuter printou! they'said, showed that the liouid wouldn't reach the Columbia River (thus destroying it) until the year AD 2700. Until then they said, everything would be groovy. That, said Lovejoy, was it. For six months he read everything he could get his hands on about the nukes, finaliy settling on Gofman and Tamplin's Poisoned Power as the basic Bible. The more he read, Loveioy told the jury, the more he was convinced nuclear power plants were "the most horrendous developrñent Returning to Montague he.saw the tower'for the first timè, and knew it would-have to go down. He wasn't sure he'd be the.one to do it, he said, but the tower definitely had'to go. Lovejoy talked,for six hours about his life and con: version to sabotadg withqut objection from the prose several thousand." Gofman said plutonium has a half-life of 24,OOO years and must be guarded "99.9999% perfectly in peace and war, with human error and human malice, guerilla activities, psychotics, malfunction of equipment. . .Do you believe there's anything you'd like to guarantee will be done 99.9999% perfectly for 1 00,000 years? Gofman capped his testimony with a conspiracy charge; "Some awfully big interests invested in uranium and the future of atomic power," he said, "and un- "we've got to recover our investment, no matter what the cost to the public."' The scholarly, bdarded Gofmän cut a striking figure on the stand, and his testimony.was devastating. A reporter for the Greenfreld Recorder later wrote mental engineer" who testified that NU had sold him the wreckéd tower for $250, and that he had made it into three windmills. our community has ever faced." And the more he looked into legal recourse' the more the AEC seemed like "a kangaroo court...a panel that acts as promoter and regulator, judge, jury and thief all rolled into one." The brunt of Gofmanfs attack centered on plutonium, in which he did much pioneer research. Gofman told the court that, in the Atomic Energy Commission's phrase, plutonium is "the most fiendishly toxic substance ever knovr'n." Three tablespoons, he said, could cause 9 billion human cancers. But each nuclear plant creates thousands of pounds of waste plutonium, and there's no way to store it. "The proliferation of nuclear power carries with'it the obligation to guard the radioactive garbage. . .not only for our generation but for the next thousand or fortunately their view r, Smith then letZinn testify as Gofman had, with' out the jury. Under questioning from Ldvejoy, Zinn told the court that the tower toppling was in the best tradition of Gandhi, Thoreau and'the abolitionists, including (of course) Elijah P. Lovejoy, Sam's di3tant cousin-who was hung by a pro-slave mob in soqthern lllinois. Judge Smith interrupted to ask if true civil. dis- When Zinn finished, Lovejoy called a few character witnesses, as well as one Bruce Olmstead, an "environ' :ì is :l i: .!; cqtión. The last hour rivaf ah"inænsaly emotional nar'. ." ration of hivfinal decision to topple the tower, how he acted not out of malice "but because I had fallen in love w¡th a little four-year'old girl named Sequoyah. I asked myself, who am I to do this thing,'to táke on the role of judge. But then I thought about this little girl who couldn't defend herself, and I knew I had to acL" After the trial a number of jurors said they were ;'deeply moved by Loveioy's testimony. A poll indi' cated a hung iury, probably 8-4 or 9'3 in Lovejoy's' favor. Much would have depended on Judge Smith's directions, which probably would have been favorable on the malice question. But it never got that far. There was another aspect to the indictment, and it read ". . .destruction of perwtN 7 .î. lv. its capital reserves have dwindled, and it has been to6¡ying hard in Connecticut and Massachusëtts for substantial rate hi kes. ' ln light of inflation (among other things) company officialswere apparently beginning to hpve doubts about a capital investment of $'l.5ibillion, only a third of which they seemed to have on hand. ln {ugust ' NU President Lelan Sillan had adniitted "the company must raise $1 billiõn to build the. Montague ;lant. and when $1 billion is needed, and when inierest rates are as high as they are, we have to look seriously at the situation." For nuclear opponents the delay looks like a big step down the road to cancellationr Given the rate of inflation, éven one year's delay should put theiplant cost up to $2 billion. Within the past year at least 30 projected nuclear plants have been called off or canôelled because of the money squeeze, and there seems no reason why Montague should be áiîæxception. Furthermore, an eitra year to organize oppôsition is a great gift. Despite all its problems, N U has taken great pains to make clear that the project has n.ot 6een cancelled and that political opposition will make "no difference" in its plans. NU Vice-President for PR Charles Bragg told the Greenfield Recorder at the very outset that local opposition "wouldn't affect us. We would have to go ahead with it even if there was a protest movement mounted by the citizens of the Í{fIt¡ü{ T ül|tc * ate?." Through all the political debate on the plânts, NU diff.dent stance, occasionally opposition "errors," but generalIy main' "correcting" taining the posture of an interested but distant Godhas taken a somewhat f¿ther. Sometimes, however, the veneer cracks. When chällenged by Alternate Energy- Coalition organizer 'Fran Kóster to iustify advertisilf exþenses, the company responded with notable bitterness; , t Plckles put up by members of the commune Saiî Loveioy ls part of, Photo Mark D¡amond. sorial property." Under Massachusetts law, destroying personal property is a five-year felonV; destroying real property is a six-month misdemeanor. Smith expressed doubt all along that the tower could pass as personal property. lt was worth 942,500, nobody doubted that. But when Lovejoy produced two Montague tax officíals who testified the tower had been assessed as real property, and when Murphy called an NU official who affrmed under cross-examination that the tax had been paid as real property, everybody knew it was all over. So after lunch on Yom Kippur eve, Smith convened court, again withoút the jury, ãnd anÁounced his decision. He was going to void the charge bÉcause he "could not in good conscience ask a jury to deliberate on an indictment wíth a hole in iL" Lovejoy practically begged him not to do it. Hè had meant the trial to test the issue of nuclear power, and he wanted his guilt or innocence to be determined on that issue, by the jury and "the people of Franklin , County," Smith replied with a lecture on the law. ,'Justice is justice is justice is justice," he concluded, Then he called in the jury, ordered them to stand an{ render a verdict of "Not Guilty," and then dismissed'the courl The crowd was as stunned as the jurors were relieved. A Corporate Melt down? The Lovejoy trial had an immense impact on the surrounding community. lt was vastly followed through8 WIN out the Connecticut River Valley. Everyone had an opiníon. There's no doubting the impact woul{ haþ been far greäter had Lovejoy been acquitted by the jury instead of the Judge, but even so the trial.hammered into the mind of the Connecticut Valley the twin issues of civil disobedience and nuclear power. And new developments were not long in coming.' Three days before Lovejoy's acquittal the Atomic Energy Commission ordered 2'l of America's 50 active nuclear plants shut for an emergency safety check. A reactor in lllinois þad sprung a leak in a cooling pípe, and a check of a similar reactor showed a similar crack. The other 19 reactors of that type-all made by GE-were ordered to close within 60 days. It was the largest multiple shut-down in the history of atomic power. That same day, Carl Hocevar, a leading computer analyst at an ldaho company doing testing on reactor safety, quit his position in protest. The tiue dangers of nuclear power were being covered up, he said, and he wanted to be free to tell the truth. He has since joined the Union of Concerned Scientists in Cambridge, Mæs., a group.sf dissident physicists lobbying for better nuclear safety and a halt to consiruction of new plants. One day after Lovejoy's acquittal, Northeast Utìlities announced that the Montague project would be postponed for at least one year. The reason: money. NU is generally considered one of America's most properous utilities, but lately it has been making rumblíngs of insolvency. lts stock has fallen drastical- j I I l i ' Ánd fairly'soon the company will be forced to deal openly with-the growing opposi.tion. The Jryo referen' dum questions came to a vote Nov' 5, qnd the results gave a giant shot in the arm to the anti'nuke move' menL The first question, concerning the Montague plant, was defeated, but by a slim 52'5-47.5% margin. Nearlv Z¡,OOO of roughly 48,000 voters in the Fianklin- Éamþshire-Hampden County district regi¡tered'clear opposition to the project, despite the fact that a substantial percentage live more than 20.miles f¡om the site and had very little exposure to the issue' No candidate running for any public office in the District had openly supported the referendum. Small wonder the press and polls expressed-shock at the size of the vote. A pronuke columnist for the Recorder conceded on page 1 that support for the plant apparently "melting away.'.' . .- . ' Thewas best indicator was Montague itself' Last spring a town referendum showed the town favoring the olant by nearly 3:1. This time the ratio wasrsubstantial' iy less than 2:1. The 770 anti-nuke votes in the spring lrad swollen to 1091 , an increase of 4O%, and for the first time the nenukes carried a majority h the Mon' tague Center precinct, which includes the site of the planL The dismantling proposition also failed to get a. maiority, but also gave a boost to the movement. goin candidates for ôtate Senator and most of the press termed the question "not serious" and portrayed as an irresponsible joke at public expense. Nobody expected it io carry more thån 2O% of the vote,25% at the very outside. it But 15,313 people-330/o-actually voted to cart away two áctive nukes worth approximately $1 billion. Wendell, on Montague's northeast border, bê' came the first town in American history tci vote for a crushing 98;68. .dismantling-by No Nukes is Good Nukes ^ " ío far tne western Mass. *ìtf' ¿toti . anti'nuke movement .r . has met nothing but high votes. There is still lofs as large parts of the district have not of running roóm, vet been reached. Organizers claimed a direct correlaiion between the änti'nuke vote and areas canvassed, and overall it seems that the basic problem is reaching people and informing them of what is going on. Con' vincing them has been easY. " With notable exceptions-thé most crucial of which are the unions tied to the construction industry. The unions argue that nuclear power is not dangerous, and. that the p[ants in Montague and elsewhere are essential to-:keeping their trades alive. Based in Nolthampton, . the trade workers provided the only organ ized opposition that did anv canvassing and leafletting agqinst the I referenda. Thus far the anti'nuke movement has not been able to counter the union contention that major construction like the plant is necessary for jobs in the immedi' ate future. There are an abundance of futuristic pro' grams for the development of natuial energy on a na' iional scale,'öur nbthing concrete tò provide wages , next year, This is hardly a problem unique to the nuclear power issue. We faced it on Vietnam and face it now all across the ecology frontier. lt doesn't seem the solution will be easy. ' Nor is it likely NU and the other power companies will roll over and play dead to their financial problems. Whatever the new Congress may be like, the Ford Ad.' ministration remains deeply committed to nucleaf power, and it seems highly likely that some sort of effort will be made in the near future to provide sub' sidies of mammoth proportions to the nuclear indus- try. Forewarned is forearmed. ln the meantime, the western Mass. AEC (now the was recently abolished to ru'k" way for a more "responsible" regulatbry agency) has plans to build a network'of town'based organizations. Hoþeftrlly there'will be referenda throughout only AEC-Dixy Lee Ray's the district dt reþular town elections this coming spring ';. GÑen the'dlrrrent'.tr9.4d., i!.lQerys almost a foregone oonclusion that.a substanTiå'i rttãjohty of the surround. ing area will be publicly opposed to the Montague plãnt by the time construction is scheduled to starE í/ now sometimeinl976. lf NU gets the money and persists in their plans, the first chapter in the struggle for the Montague Plains will be a lot wilder than the first. 'Oonfncf Sam Lovéjoy Defenæ Fund; Janice Frey, chairryoman, Box269, Moñtagug Mass.01351. . NOPE; Box 3Q Monhgue,. Mass 01351. Altçrnatc Energy C¡nference (AEC); Box 269, Mon' tague, Mass.01351. wrN 9 fi I T* I ask about Kim Chi fla, noting that his la¡,vyer also was imprisoned. (The lawyer, Yale-trained Kang Shin O( compared the secret trials to those held by Nazi Germany.'He got ten years. Kim and a number of students were judged guilty un{er the famous April 3 decree that forbade all forms of dissent on pain of death penalties.) ' ,t' I The Rond To Seoul AN INTERVIEW WITH NICOLA GEIGER il JAN BARRY ti lf the 19501s were the decode of silence ond the 1960's the decade of struggle, surely thÌs threshotd of '1970's the is the edge of promise, . .You cot¡ld chonge the signatures and tronspose the messaoes of the mgnks ìn the Saigon jai\sJ, the Ponthlers ìn the jatls of the country they cdll Amerika, the exiles from RussÌa, the frghters for freedom in Greece, the l,l/eother.rnen, Bernodette Devlin, the lrish flame, speoks for alt; "Dore to struggle, dare to win!" -Harrison Salisbury, The Eloquence of pqotest Meeting Nicola Geiger the first time-instant zen flign!¡ Hei way is like water. My recurring, incurable Yankee way of ice and fire melted, sea-washed. Though exhausted fronq a harried speaúing schedule, her energy filled and refilled the room, indled swirled with cigarette smoke into the outer reaches of her hosts' Greenwich Village apartment. Our common intense interest was-is-Kim Chi Ha, south Korea's young life-imprisoned poet. Thru the American irony that distinguishes New World karma, she had just returned from speaking in New paltz, a double hayfork throw from the WIN farm; while I had persifed blindly setting up this interview from Brooklyn (1 hundred miles downstream). "Nicola Geiger plays a unique role in the community of people seeking peace and justice in Japan and Korea. . .perhaps the chief unofficial link between the south Korean 'opposition' movement and sympathetic groups and individuals both,in Japan and-thè US," an anonymous friend wrote, in a xeroxed letter given me later in the evening by Chuck Esser of philadelphia New Life Center. '1She is widely known and respected for the boldness and fearlessness of her efforts. . .and for the depth of her psychological and spiritual understanding wlich imparts to her political activity a rare quality of warmth and humanness. Without desrees or .titles, she commands recognition by ttrb unmistakable authenticity and integrity of her person. . .She is known above all for her great heart, Most of those who meet her find their own powers of sympathy enlarged. Few fail to be renewed in hope and courage.', Nicola is indeed a large-hearted friend, a Quakér. She is 54. Born in Weimar republic Germany. Biought up in the Hitler Youth, but also by a father who ranted about those who ranted about ,,Die Gelbe Gefahr," The Yellow Peril. He taught her Buddhism. She had golden visions of American democracy; ,,but when I came here to live in 1951, I discovered-of th cou^rse it is.only a republic." The past seven years, she's lived in Japan, most that time as director of Friends World College East Asia Center in Hiroshima and Kyoto. Sh.e l ì- Nicola: "Yes, and that'other felloû, the former' president for a little time [1960-611 . . .yún Po Sun'! Madness. Charging him. . .Ja, and he said, an old man, 'l'd do it again.' House arrest. You know what Kim Chi Ha said, when they-sentenced him to death: it's there in the little brochure. . ." - , Korean slave labor and hundreds of thousands of draftees in the war with America. Park [Chung Hee] in the Japanese imperial army. . .Vei. Rn¿ Jvas a Lt-. in the '1950-5.1 fighting the US recruited many of those Japanese soldiers again as guide's.,' Excerpts from Kim Chi Há's statement befortiimili' tary tribunal which sentenced him to death: .. '¡The only way to save our people is tô bridg down the dictatorship of the present gover¡9rent. The students are our only hope. . .l may häve violafed the With amazed outrage, she tells the history of Japanese colonialism (back to 1874), American com.plicity, then of "American satellitesi' launched be- ' hind the facade of "democratic" dictatorships installed in the south by Syngman Rhee and Pärk Chung Hee. Rhee was overthrown by a student revolt in April 1960. ln 1961 Parkcame in on a military coup. Under US pressure in 1963, he allowed himself to be "elected" president. ln 197'l his opponent (Kim Dae )ong) got 460/o of the vote despite blatant rigging on a platforin of reunification with the north. A year later Park declared martial law, closed the universities, and began the process of changing the constitution that by spring 1973 left him total power. To prove iq he had Kim Dae Jong kidnapped from his Tokyo hotel room. Nicola: "Park is a great admirer, a student of Hitler. He is very cleverly locking up all the opposition and religious leadership. . .Bishop Tj¡, 15 years hard labor; Rev. Park (a protestant minister with the labor mis- sion), the same; Chang Chun Ha, a former congressman and editor who began a drive to'collect a million signatures in petition .to change the constitution back at the end of 1973-that brought on the January 8 decree this year Imaking it a crime, puniihablebyfrp to 15 years in prison, to call for restoration of thê oid ' National Security' Law (prohibiting Communist sub' version). . .Demonstrations are only part of the student movement. Thç- discussion and projection of one's ideas are also part. . .Standing up despite one's chains is a form of resistance. . .l wrote the poein "Five Bandits". . .The corrupt government officials whom I criticized in "Five Bandits" are being pun' ished. This result should rightly þe attributed to my literary work. . ." (Stotement cut otr by the presiding iudse) Nicola: "He is dying you know. . .they are cutting off his TB medicine in prison. Before, they cut out one lung. They are trying to kill him this way. . .Kim Chi Ha is a very dear friend. Thatis why I'm here, . speaking all arouhd the place: to save him, if I can. lt is only international pressure that has saved him from .. .execution so far' 30,000 si8natures we collected on the statement that got his death sentence commuted to life. . .Now we need an American committee. To get l(im and ùhe others out of prison. To get Congress to cut offfunds for Park. . ." constitution]." I suggest cooperation and coordinallon with other "Americãn sateiIite" freedom committees-PhiIippines, lndochina, Chile¡ Palestine-here with essentially th'e same aims. We compare note5, pQople to contact, organizing tactics among the four oflus in the room. Nicola has brochures for a collection of"Kim Chi Nicola Ge¡ger. Klm chi Há. of support. Funds are quickly needed. Nicola herself i5 being supported only by what she can raise on her speaking tgufpnid a small'subsidy from the Korean resistance movement in Japan. To cut expenses, she is qraveling by bus. The urgency of what Nicola Geiger has to say is icily summed up by one incident she relates: At the University of Hawaii, where she spoke on the way east to New York, none of the sizeable comr¡unity of Korean students and professors showed'up (for fear of action by the KoreanrGlA); but rather phoned her 'one by one'late at night to thank her for speaking out on a horror they have been silenced on. Before she left Japan, Americans-including five court-martialed marines at lwakuni and other GlsJapanese and Koreans had already united in rallies and demonstrations and petition drives: the Japanese Left united on a single issue for the first time in years. Nicola's^speaking schedule to date: Dec. 1-2, St. Louis; 3-5 Denver;6-8, Seattle (contact AFSC);9-12, Portland, Eugene (AF$C); 12-1 6, San Francisco, Santa Cruz (AFSC);Jan. 1-5, Arizona, N.M.;9-26, N.C., S.C., Georgla; Virginia (contact High. Poinf N.C. AFSC).,.i.,ì,'..ç. . d..:;.. :..- Ha's poetry, Cry ofthe People and other t'oems, about to be published this month-which'she helped edit and set up in Japan and wrote the introducfion to before coming tô the States in September' lt has all the póems that have gotten Kim into such thicktrouble over the years: "Five Baàdits," "Groundlesi'Rumors," "The Road to Seoirl," available for the first time to Americans. Nicola: "Yes, you two would be greattfriends; . 'io, may I read frôm youi poem ['Thè Power of the Press,' WlN, 8/1/74] about Kim when I speak? Wl1en I saw - him last year in Korea we talked about many of these things now you and I have been talking about. ' .He is a revolutionary. The Cry of the People iq the cry of the Korean PeoPle. . ." i¡ now on an indefinite Speaking (and slide- showing) tour of the US to brinþ us onl'clear and verysímple message: a horrible injustice is coming to clímax in Seoul, south Korea, that a generatioñ of American taxpayers have paid for-if not bought. 10 wrN Nicòla: "Do you know in 1 945 the US military retained Japanese police and army units intact for occuþation of Korea? The same ones who had used a . Until the books arrive (from Autumn Press, set up by an American in Japan), she has only the statement of the international committee to support Kim Chi Ha-on the book brochure-to distribute' She would like Americans to sign it; and those who can to çontact her to help form an active American committee I ,', J1 A.short bibliography: Bong-Yuon Choy, Korea: A Hìstgry (Tuttle, 1971) Kim & Kim, Korea and the Pol¡t¡cs of lmpeiiolism 1 87G't 910 (UC Press: Berkeley) l.F. Stone, Hidden History of the Koreitn l'lor (Monthly Rev.) Kim Byong-Sik, Modern Korea (lnt. Pub., 1970) .Gabriel Kolko, Roots of American Foreign Policy, ' (1969) . , For additio¡al information contact: Nicola Geiger c/o Chuck Esser 254 S. Farragut St. Ph iladelphia, Pa. 191 39 (21s)GRGo44s WIN 11 VOICEç OÉ HE MIDDL€ ENçT I L 1 I I. t l l' his own, free to hold up hís head and decide his or , her own destiny. ln the course of our trip I came to appreciate how similarlúhe Palestinian dreams for a PAUL MAYER homeland were. ' A young man on the airport bus to Tel Aviv l sounded the somber note which we were to hear again and again as a result of the Yom Kippur war and recent terrorist attacks. He hoped for a less rigid When Dan Berrigan and I first,d ecided to undertake a trip to the Middle East. we had no idea how prophetic the words of L,e Monde correspondent Eric Rouleau would prove to b'e. When he heard of our plans Rouleau, an Egyptian Jew and a highly re: spected expert on Mideastern affairs, commented simply, "What in the name of God do you want to go to that awful part of the world for?,' ln facf it ls still hard to believe that an area so rich in history and.so indescribably beautiful and fascinating should also be the arena of a conflict that is as bloody as it is apparently insoluble. During our travels.through lsrael, Lebanon, Syria and Egypt we met with intellectuals, opinion makers, paleitìnian leaders and refugees. ln general we tended to seek out points of view that were not readily ayailable back home. lt was these voices and their hopeiihatgave shape to our journey. it was an éerie ieel¡ng during a stopover in paris, .in transit to lsrael, to be walking alon! one of thosô typically charming narrow parisian strêets and to find ourselves suddenly standing in front of an old house w.ith a plaque whose inscriþtion read: ,,ln memory of Theodore Herzl who wroteThe Jewish State here'in 1890:" Mixed emotions welled úp within me, for I had been brough! up in a Zionist'home. My father, who along with Martin Buber, belonged to'the r,Biau tVeils" group in Frankfur! had instille{. i¡.us a longing for a Jewish homeland, especially fòfróne that would be a refuge for the victims of the Nazi holo, \ . caust. And nów that passionate dream oiTheodore Herzl had in some strange and perverse .way become the locus of a nightmare for the peoples olthe Middle East-Jews and Arabs alike. _ Upon ariving in Tel Aviv, oneìC immediately struck þy the tense atmosphere, the tight securiiy, and the abundance of young men carrying autoniátic weapons. Lod airport had been the scene õf a terrorist attack not too long bófore, and a number of puerto Rican pilgrims ha'd been killed. This was the land of milk and honey of my childhood dreams. All the same, I was excited at the prospect,of being in a country in which a Jew could really be in a plàce of I I Father Pqul Moyer teoches at NY Theologicot Seminary ond has long been active in the nonviolent peoce movement in the Cotholic Lefr. He vistted th.e Middle East with Don Berrigan in Møy 1g74. This article apn-9ar9d i.n a different form in New World Outlook, ä I , i Method ist pu bl i cqtio n. I I government. "Golda is a stone, unfeelingandãften unthinking." Mpderation is ¡yhat was neãded. lt was a strange experience to discôier that it was far easier to raise controversial.questions here in lsrael than back home in the States. My cousins Noemi and Elieser, boih physicians, with wh_om we spent our first night near Tól Aviv,' spoke of the terrible tragedy of the October war. Pra.ctically no_ole was left untouched, either directly or by virtue of friendship or acquaintance. The 3,00b young lsraelis who died would have been the equivalgn! o{ 200,000 deaths in a simitar war invotvin! the United States, and all'iriã matter of 23 days. Now they had some hopes in the Egyptians, feared the Syrians and seemed.perplexed over a solution to the refugee question. gut the shock of the war went even deeper tlfan { this feeling of depression, almost to the point of a national identity crisis, According to Simha Flapperi, the soft-lpoken, thoughful editor of New Outlo'ok, ín lsraeli pehce publication: ,'Paradoiically the Arabi are moving from an overdqse of imagination and romanticism to a more soÈèr and realistic appraisal. lsrael after the shoçk of the victory of the Six-Day war in 1967 lost all sense of realism.-lt is very difficult., to climb down from the ilh,¡sion that we havé become an empíre in this region and can dictate our own terms to the Araþs. After the Yom Kippur war the mæses of people moved from the euphoria of the Six Day war to a. terrible depressíon, even speaking of the beginning of the end of the JeWish state, which is alsó an exag- geration, " The big question for Simha Flappen and other peace advocates, who are in the minority in lsrael as they are everywhere in the world, is whether a new leadership in lsrael will eventually.have the courage to recognize that "we aie now in a new era and tñat we now have to give up all the old concepts of líving by the sword." pen Gurion is still symbolic of the old militaristic approach, and, according to Flappan, l,Ben Gurion is dead but Ben Gurionism is alive and well." Just a year ago, on the anniversary of lsraeli independence, Shimon Peres, the new Minister of Defense, hl{.un article in the /erusalem Post in which he spoké of his vision for lsrael in the.year 2000. The boundaries'included the present oóbupíed territories, but \l !- Two Palestlnlans, 1971. ,i 4 UNWRA/ LNS. ( ',J y,,, maybe somewhat the Arabs agree to peacb.,' The vision in- Peres ad ded parenthetical smaller jf I cluded lsrael as a majõr powér with an advanced nuclear technology but made no provision for a true peace. Even in the year 2000 wars would continue and lsrael would rule over four millibn Arabs. '¡ The letter home of a yo_ung American now living in an lsraeli kibbutz reflectedà different vision; "ln my application for conscientious objector status largue'd that David, being a man of the sword, couldn't build the temple of the Lord: that that task had io be left for Solomon. Similarly t hope that the historical tasks of my generation and Ben Gurion's can be deliniated. That our job (and our historic ability) is to bring about a peace that'wæ made possible but still unachievable by the giants of the previous generation.,' *i'. r.:' r$ It was Flappan's conclusion that a palestinian state on the West Bank and Gaza',can gnly be a transition from guerilla activity to the building'of a nation. Be. fore the Palestinians.have some sta6 responsibility *ill never uníte, they will never exercise conirol, !þSV they will always fight each other and so forth.,' . pur meeting w¡th Yitzhak Ben Aharon, a respected LaLior member of the Knesset (t$rael,s parliameÅt) and the former Secretary-Geneial of Hístradrut (tíre national trade union), helped to focus these impres. sions. He reminded me of a friendly bear and in his blunt way he insisted that without the October war and its ramifications "the lsraeli.government and a large sector of the population would not have come to the conclusion that there is a nation which is called Palestinian Arabs, and that there is an issue 12 WIN wlN 13 . To the.left, Palestln' ian refúgees on the West Bank of the Jordan, 1948. Below' Palestlnian children on the west Bankr 1967. Both Photos for Palestinian Ääb;.;' R;;;nipori.v statements of the new admin-in îiätif"'t"v'u.ftã tt''it optimism,.but loT." th-,q" Is lsraeli consciousness concerning.the Palestrntans tilïi;;üi;;pruà., urir''o'eh it is retarded again bv act of terrorism. each "-îhi;;t;íso the feeling of Arie Eliav, another of the dovish L"ü;ñ;;t.t M.p. an¿ a iocal rnernber as "comingTtom the himself âäscriues ïitï ri"ãi¡ii, are by (lsraeli t miäãËåi ihe establishment'" "doves" ap no t"unt pacifists but support a 'ireasonable" atterrorist "Eve.ry seðurity') and ;;";;h ã ããf.ntt the children' [ä:;;;h "t "i rvlã;ät"t not onlv murders the doves'" of hopes thó hopes, b;;;i;; t;t;.rrow p.eace with B;;Ë;i;p;inted out ihát "if we make the tackled haven't will-and ä;;-;;l ñ;öe*. P;l;!ú"ü" Àráb proulem, we haven't made.peace Je.ws ffi"n;ï;;; ñ.ur,iJ t'" wóunds.'1 For.Eliavofbotl¡ Palestine .ä"ä Þ"f.iii"ians have a right to the whole ilä ;';h;;iv tãrut¡ on isiwo viabte'6tates"' with the of Gaza, the W^est bank' and form, since 80% of the some iñ lordan, óopulation-of Jordan is Palestinian' eite¿ poet and satirical writer in *h;;;;;iùi;ä tor,ñ.'n, stiangelv elgYc.h' 3.pp.ears Palestinian on" ,ompo,"d ;;üiü ""'A;;;K;aüiii .f israel's tor. ,oá"tuative tabloid.s' He told us or Gånéral Peled's (a leading general ""¿ äl'inî it"ãtt"nce position that land does not give il ;h; öiló;î'wirijstate of peace can do- that' "Betr"riìtv uut ónly the óntered þitture the Palestinians Þeled õ;;é;". '¡îlãtn"J onlv to the poets and intellectuals' We were if ; rö"m.i*;liv until ih" Yot Kippu¡ war',But strategy security.a,nd in ää.í.". *iil'tã background probl-ems ¡otns ãná un understanding of existential #;ö;;t;ou" ritt being a lunatic fringe to bea political Power." ing "''duiln the situasp¡te of these more hopeiful voices in the ocespeciallv and lsrael in t¡on-äiÞuiåii¡nians continues to be a bleak one at best' åîóãi end of our trip we qet with¿ Palestin- ;."i6;i;; Toïards the after the Ma'a.lot lh'- d1,v spoke to' (Altragedy who was typlcal of otÉers we i;';;;;;ii'tin-Nìutw 14 ää#ffñ;;;i: witl Áot lead to peace' I did not sleep r'tärti'íutt Ãigt',t' t was verv anxio-us.about tnan tñe soulí of the innocent-believe me-more kill*t'.tt dêceit h'e blamed the findthe part b.v in tit't" iuuttuntiated ö;rä;i;;ii-(on í.;1. ; il;õ I also ìilËí"rä" iü"ãri'iãmmision of inquirv)' under tenrãrin"ä our three sons who died' I was lead üiïäiitävt. T1'tis is a tragedv for us' This will not to peace, not at all.t' . . The uS Embassí was surrounded by 40 armed militiamen and four tanks to protect C. McMurtrie Godley, whose arrival as new ambassador"to'Lebañon had sparked ñaior orotest demrinstrations earlier in the year. Godleí is'well known for his CIA connebted role in supervisihe the iecret war in Laos, inclqding. .... the bombing of tñe Plain of Jars, during his stint there, as ambassador from 1 969 to 1973. Earlier, in 1964, ; , as ambassador globe. Nor was this theme missing a$ we arrived in Lebanon. The students of the American University of Beirut (AUB) were engaged in a strike over the issue of academic rights and had taken over some campus buildings. The Lebanese military had smashed iti úay on to the campus with the help of tanks and many students had been arrested. Jhe crack of rifle fire ''could be heard throughout the iitlz as activists tried to demonstrate on behalf of their jailed fellow stu- political balance between Moslems and Christians could be tipped by the influx of Palestinian refugees. l¡ May of '1973 there was an organized campaign by the- Lebanese government to stamp out the Þalestinian resistance movement which has its various headquarteÌs in BeiruL lri,irne^i'efugee câmþ near Beirut we were shown the spot whe¡e 20 people had died from a Lebanese ai¡ attack and many more had perished from , ' ylut seemed to distinguish-and markedly so-camp life in the oc.cupied territo¡ies of the West Bank from thaf in the camps in Lebanon. ln the former the al--, most total, control of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UllRWR), always under the lsraeli mìJitary government, adds to the humiliatiori of living :t of "ä.it"i,pãtit¿ t.riiarìJñ;;-no ¡y the material situation seemed a bit more adequate, the clusters of men sitting along the road prolectéd a feeling of powerJessness and frustration. The drive fröm 8pir.rÍt through the Lebanese mountains is gorgeous and one sees the snowy slopes of ML Herman in the {þ.t{nce. lt was diffculr io bélieve that, artillery duels wëiätãkirrg pìaile.rn rhe orher side. Our destination was Baalbeck, famous for its magnificent, almost perfectly preserved Roman ternple dédicated' ftuerrilla) moylm:nt ttre otdõr elements' " But we Pales' Jnoit.Ï't to support each other' I - Wehave súffered'much ä;;õñd their toi¡utt' ;ä;;;i;otitv. rvun the Arabs hate us' not only lsraelis. We are isolated"' tñe ""-Hã iãlã ut of the violation of Palestinian civil riuËiti.t 6ì ttte military government, especially in ;;;;iT;;Ë. îhe main instrument or L* ii ir''. oãi'nte. (Emergencv) Reeula' ;;;;;iió¿l,which the British originallv used laws are ågäi"tt lå*itti underground sr9u9s'^Tl9s9(most Arabs Jews aãainst excluiively uiilii"¿?tost ãr tt'.it't*¡"ttence) and provide for ;t"rship, tiivel restri ctions' deportation' ãåiiir"tion of proptíty, constant police sup-ervision' and deten' äãi,i¡iãiiãìi ãi i¡'ãi¡t'p.áä uld Pol::ïio-ns' [rlal' or charges year without tion up to one five-gr six young men had Just 40 days ago, it" tãiá, and a ¡.rí'ãir.str¿ *¡tñoulit'itgäs and both relatives ger' Lan cia el i F ;;ì i: ü;ïn îtraéii civi I i be-ities awver I I í",f to Bacchus. A local monument of another kind, relatlvely unknown and less interesting in its palestiriian ;¿;;;il ;Ë;öi¿i.; ä;'t ;;ñ* ;i;;ti;; . the inadequate, dole, the cramped quarters, the limited employment possibilities, and the lack of national identity. Even ín one damp near Ramla where #r;T;;¡rri;r. ä"ã JiÉ-pp.inted now' our iournalist of these i;'I"il'iä";i;;;¿;pi;'-dd'. He said that manv certain of me.ntalitv bouigeois ;J;';d;i;ñã i.tít and are Ëedaveen ' sniper fire. _ Despite these attacks by the Lebanese Army, the Palestinians won the right to exercise authority over cominunal life in theirãwn camps. This autonômy is thê We told him of our recent meeting with p"f årii"iån iäááer Navef Hawatmeh in Beiruq -whose for Ma'alot.Both -nuo ftu¿ claimed reiponsibility a Paleítinian slate alonss¡de ñt; fä"J'dJ;;ööäiiti""ã" n"i inttead of) lsrael and his reiection ot terrorläî;;i";ouiãit"ftmn with h¡m ma{e us.all the ;;;;;;iìh; to the Congo he,was involved in put- ting down a pro-Lumumbã revolt during the Congolese independence struggle. So unsavory is his record, parficularly in lndochina..that Congress in a rare move blocked his nominatión as Assistant Secretary of State.in 1973. His presenr ke¡l position is hardly re' assuring to those who are skeptical of US intentions in the Middle Easr. The relationshiþ between the Lebanese and PalestinianS is not always a happy one, despite the myth o-f:pan-Arabþm, which is so uncritically ac,cepted in the West. To begin with, the rather conservative Maronite Catholic ând Greek Orthodox Christian ., commuhities are:mortalIy afraid that the delicafê tinians is to peace in this violenceridden part.of the deePrY dis- tä;ä'ì:îhít ;;il;y of the student bodv. solved.i' As we drove out of town we passed the ruins of the house he had described. With each step of our journey it became increasingly clear to us just how central the enigma of the Pales- lsrael and in the most all'the Arabs we interviewed in erwished to taped be ;;;;i;;""s either refused to H; ñ"bviousrY dents and in suooort of related causes including the stStus of the Palèstinians,'who'make up a large sector mercy. Where is the world public opinion? lt d