'1

LETÏERS
I really like what's happened to the
in the last yeaf or two & want
the trends to continue.
How about a womèn's issue, tho?
You never really did it-just let Leah
Fritz stand in for all of us & she's a
pretty heavy spokeswoman! I very much
agreed with some of the critiques/responses along the line of Larry E¡ickson's.
Leah is quick to lay all the bad stuff
on men and claim all the "goodies" for
us womQn. While I have my share of
anger, resentment & pain in growing up
in a patriarchal sociêty dominated by
rnasculine values-it ain't all that black
& white.
You¡ issue about yourselves and your
lifestyles was very nice to get. I was
struck by how the men did most of the.
"head" stuff-&yet, if it wasn't for the
women we'd never get the magazine,
Have you thought ofbalancing things

Grace Paley's "Conve¡sations in Moscow" was excellent!! Let's have mo¡e
from more women (& men) speaking out
or the varietv or their

".lifftËäo"ro

,

magazine

any better?

Champaign,

IL

-lÚe did a Women's issue January Ig70
which was so popular that we don't have
enough left to sell. But you are ríght,
we should do it again.
One probletn wíth our íssue about

ourselves (any such ßsue) ís it gives a
statíc impression and if ønything is constant here, ít ß change. You may have

noticed that we have recenþ dropped
titles Írotn the staff listing. Since our
5 ft 6 I 74 issue everyone's involvement
høs increased so that, although we still
have separote responsíbílíties, the total
effort is more collective. We keep trying.

-WIN

thei¡ course. I rcalize it's imperative that
they understand what's right and then
they will do it, but it sure seems to raise

The other day, at one of our weekly staff meetings, we got to talking
about our financial situat¡on and about what we could do about it. Someone ment¡oned that when the NY Times needed money, they went to advertisers and sold space in their paper to get money. Someone elSe said,
'Yeah, but what can we do?" lt was mentioned that l4lN wasn't like the
NY Times at all; that when lllN needed money it nãturally asked its
readers.

¡,:;,'È

l

Someone said, "write that down," and be¡ng that it was my turn to
write the weekly fund appeal letter, I dutifully wrote it down. When the
NY Times needs money it goes to its advertisers and is therefore accountable to and dependent on them. But when WIN Magozine needs monry it
goes

to its

-

readers and is therefore accountable to and dependent"on
be an appropriate line to stick in somewhere

them. lthought it would

in a fund appeal. But when I started writing this, I realized that that's no
mere line to be flippantly stuck into this letter, but it is a very important
truth !
So it comes time again to think about how important that concept ¡s to
you. W¡thout your support l|lN would ceasç.to exist. Or if we were
torced to go eisewhere for'support JllN wouid cease to be your magazine
and would belong to our creditors or our advertisers. So how important
is ltlN to you? The response so far and the many comments that you have
written in indicate that WtN must be verv ¡mportant. To this date vt¡u
have sent in $13,978.66 (including a $1,000. pledge from the WRL).
But we need $20,000. We are still $7,572.80 in debt and the bills still
keep coming. We still don't have enough money to pay writers and art¡sts
and photographers. We still have to worry each week where the money
for the next week's'issue ¡s go¡ng to come from.
And we're still thinking of other ways of raising money. Right now
we're woiking on a benefit concert for J uly. But all of that takes away
energy that should be devoted to each issue of the magazine.
So as you write out your check this week, think about how you're supportingyour ma1azine, not Macy's, GE's or lT&T's magazine. And remember that we care , too, about where every penny is coming from.
Sincerely,

2qa"- flrrr'.
Susan Pines
Photo of Susan P¡nes by Bobby Sp¡egel

2 WIN

tioned the one company (group of people) that sells cooperative noncompetitirie
games. They are Fa¡ily Pastimes, Bois
sevain, Manitoba, Canada, ROK OEO.
MIKE RHODES
.

and take exceptions'

ideas,
'_THOMAS ALFURD
II'to excharige

REYNOLDS

Fresno, CA
Leah Fritz's apology to Larry Erickson,
which appeared in the Letters column
6127 174 still contained the type of meaningless militant ¡hetoric which Arthur

I must take exception with Larry Erickson's letter [6/201 about Leah. Like so .'
many people, he passes judgements without first finding out all of the façts.,From
my personal knowledge of.Leah, I can
state'that she is not "someone concerned
only with het own class (i.e. women)."
If she were, I am sure she would not have
gone out of her way to personally try.ti

'

Harvey so'elegantly denounced. She
.'states that pervasive sexist propaganda
is perpetrated by men-who else? The
who else of the m¿tter are mothe¡s. For
'ìntold
generations they Îrave bought
baby dolls for thei! daughters, toy guns
for their sons, insisted that the boys
inow the lawns and the girls wash the .
dishes. They talk of marriage with their
female offspring and prai-se their male
issuance who.follow the þrofessionál
careers of doctors, lawyers, and copy '
chiefs. Until Leah can see the whole mat-

'

raise money on behalf of me. Which shé
did, and withôut my asking her to. Also,
she would neve¡ have sent me some of her
own money, that I am sure she could
have u-sed herself for a dozen other things.

And, Larry, all for a man, and a tnan
that she has never seen at that. Certainly
these aren't the actions of a woman concerned "only" with the problems of
women,
As for suffering, man, no one has
corner on that markpt! You "nea¡ly'l
had a breakdown. You "nearly" committed suicide. We have.an old saying
here in prison, "Close oñly counts in
horseshoes." I don't say Larry has not
sufered, but then who hasnlt? Bu{ as I
read his letter I could not help but think
what nine year old Tchan-Wan Thung
would say after reading it. Tchan-Wan,
on May 25,19'12,live in Küang'tchi
province. On that day he suffered na' palm burnspf the face, arms and legs.
Today his'hands are deformed and nonfunctioning, his face and legs are massively scarred, and he is totally invalid. t.t
Or nine year old Nguen-Suang-Wan, two
year old Nguen-Suan-tung, and Iive year
old Nugen-Suan-Kuan, all severety
wounded and crippled on July 2,19'12
by the fragments of a strike rocket.
As for those "old fashioned, get-

a

Dear Friends:

..iüii:l

My other thought on the issue is that
it would have been good if you had men-

.

little people's undeshable actions run

Re: WIN 212U74
I just read your issue on how radicals
raise their children. It was real good but

.-

tions.

ment children. I would honestly like to
know how to help children become nonsexist, responsible, and nonviolent. I
know this can't be done by threats o¡

with bribes. Some people say you just:
have to show by example and let the

things ¿üe, your support of WIN can help
'change things. Sorry about the lecture,
but when people start talking about pain
ahd sufering, or falsely accusing others,
I've just þot to open my mouth' But then'
that is what WIN allows fot us, a chance

hell until they come to certain realiza-

there were two things I found lacking.
The most important & the reason I finally went back and read it was: How do
you direct children to do or not to do
specific things without backing the directions up with threats of violence o¡
coetcion? Oh sure, you can reason with
little folks, but they don't always see
things the way you do; such as it's easie,r
to leave half eaten fruit on the floor than
to walk 20 feet to a t¡ash can or it's all
part of the game to chaæ the ball when it
ends up on the busy street. Little people
are always pushing things to the limit to
æe what they can get away with.
Unfortunately this issue didn't address itself with the discipline of move-

ter in focus, I hope she will rest¡ain frbm
'. making sweeping generalizations.
_DAVID P, CANNON
Montclair, NJ

I

I fully believe that every man and woman
in this countly, guilty or innoceirt; shóuld
when arrested refuse to be tríed, refuse to
be a part of any trial. If convicted refuse
to be sentenced and then refuse to be
taken to the prison, by lying down and
making them.carry you everywhere, yelling or whatever is neaessary to halt the
court. Struggle afl the way-make them
wrestle you everywhere-but do not attempt to escape or assault them þack.
And most important, state your conviction pr convictions as to why-total
justice, both in t¡ial and if convicted in
the place of conûnement for ¡ehabilita-

.

'ì4''

luly'll,'1974 '

Lindenfeld t
...:..7
1984Arrives.
Fronk

Williom Hounshell

.
'

.

....8r

Violence and the Movies.

Mike Abell
Riverside lnstitute: Merchants
Death. .
Jon M. Bdch '
Refusing.¡g Be a Man. .

Changes. . .

of

.. .,.. ..

loh'n-Stoltenberg '
Heads & Tales: Dreaming
of Henry (Kissinger). : .. . .
Ann Dovidon

12

.

,¡

..

.

t
..

.

15

". .,.'.

16

.:...19

Reviews.

Cover: Phòto

by Mike

Heffemari

STAFF
mar¡s côkars .
sqsan caKaf!.-

nancy ¡ohnson
mary mayo
Susan pines

fred ro5en

martha thomases

tion.

Demand, all Constitutional Rights
and make the courts go by the books all
the way in t¡ying you-no fast and speedy
this or that to make it easier qn the:courtswaked-up-by-the-noise-qf-your-own- i
ain't gonna make it easy'on you and
thçy
you
what
screaming nightmares," I know
you're a sucker, ot a push-ovef, ot a noif
'*ave
'*
mean. But mine didn't come from being.
maker, you may never see Ju$tice.".. , .,
called "fatso" or "tubby." Mine come
ever save in your cell reading comix.books,
is
it
alweek,
and
a
two or three nights
ri,here'the woÍd pops up now and then. ¡'
ways when the State Police come charg"" Don't be like a lamb led þ ihe slau¿#lòllo".
.
ing in,with their guns, shooting, and I've
Struggle is the word, make it yout aconly got my bare hands to hght back' The
tion and let us all c'orñe tögethdr iñ this
you
wàke
dreams,
is
only diference in my
struggle to form a more perfect union
up by your own screaming, I wake uP . .
and down these animal farms called
from the pain ofhot lead tearing into
prisons and the coûupt police and the
my body.
corupt courts that send us to them with
reyou
it
bad,
think we have
But if
,1 out any care for Justice whatsoever_.
member Trung Hai Village: In 1968 &
And if youtre convicted and senten1969 90,000 bombs and artillery shells
ced to.a prison to be rehabilitated, you havt
fell sn that village, an average of 280
the Rishi to That Rehabilitatíon and
bombs and shells fo¡ every man, woñân "
just confinement and slave labor or
not
and child that lived there. Of the handful
.some of the other mo¡e fascist, sa4islic
of people that survived, how manY of
trips they run on a human being in
them do you think have their nightmares?
priìons across the nation and around the
14 short, stop feeling sorry for your-'
world.
r self, and get out and help change things.
In prison we call it "getting your shit
CONTINUEO ON PAGE 22
together." If you don't like the way

Vol.X Number 25
.4

Free Schools and Social Change. . . .

'

!

.i

FELLOI,V TRAVELERS "
,i :

'lanco Þ.lvlllo

+ ¡orfy colfn +

.

,,í

lyfinó .,colth

dlan¡ d,lvl.¡ + rulh d..f + r.lptf dlgl.. + chuck
l¡inr + rath loldy + ¡lm lora¡t + L.h Irlt:
þrry grf¡ + nall h¡worth + aal hoGlcman + graca
h¡lanran. + backy iohn¡on + p¡ul ioñn.on
.lllron karÞal + cf_.19 kar9.l + Q[t.f klgar + ¡ohn
ktrprr + allot llnzar + ¡¡ck¡on ¡1¡ç¡6,ry + lullc
,, flraar + davld mcrayoold3 +'mark morrls r ¡lm

"*"'û¡ci<tï t.d rlch.rd¡ +

¡gat 7oqÉ.nko + nancy
rotan + wandy ¡chwaTt¿ + mlkÖ rtlmm i brlrn
Nt3tar + bavarly woodward.

box 5.47

rifton

-:{:,

new York \2471
telephone 914 3394585. - ,

'

-

.

flrst
WIN is publishcd w€€kly. oxcept for- thù.last
4
two weei<s ¡n Jânuary, 2nd wG€k ln M¡y.
*åãriiñ Ãugust, and'ttre lâst we€k in octobor

by the WIN Þubllshlng Empiro wlth tho supporl
ãí tne w¿r R6¡sters Loague. subscrlptlon3¡r€
ãi.öo oer v.er. socond clâJs post¡gc at Now

Vor¡, h¡.v, f Ooof. lndlvldual wrlters âr€ rè
spànj¡¡lc for oplnlons rxpr€slod ?nd -4991Íl:I
of tacts g¡vsn. Sorry-manu3crlpts-câll9t
99
roturncd rinless accomganlcd by a 5êll'eddrossto
stâmp€d snvalop€. frint.d ln u-s'A'
WIN 3

,ì

Free Schools
and SocialChanEe
BY FRANK LINDENFELD
Some of the earliest free schools ¡n the United
States were begun by people active in the politics
of social change. Jn 1964-65 , for example, members of the Student Nonviolent Coordínating Com-

mittee set up "freedom schools" in Mississippi as
pa¡t of the movement for civil rights ahd black
liberation. The teachers and students involved in
them had no question about the fact that they and

their schools were part of a political struggle.

ln many alternative schools established more
recently, this sharp sense of struggle seems lacking.
The more politically active free schoolers berate
their colleagues who are merely content to set up
counterculture islands. For example, Jonathan
Kozol in his book Free Schools is angry with middle
class whites who ignore the oppression of the poor
in their own society. He rightly criticizes rural free
schools fq¡ þeirlg apolitical; the same is unfortunately true of many urban ones. The curriculum of most
free schools is weakest on politics. Many of their
teachers do not see themselves as part of a movement and do not have a strongly developed political
conscidusness. Preoccupied wíth keeping their
schools together, meeting the day-to-day needs of
the children, and solving the perennial money crises,
their teachers have little time or inclination to turn
their schools into community centers or to organize

cooperative intercommunity federations.
Some free school teachers hope that if their
school stays "apolitical," if the school does not do
anything to become noticeable, they will be let
alone to "do their thing." They view themselves
more as progressive educators and less as radicals
committed to changing society. They are still
caught up in the illusion that they can build
utopian islands in the midst of an unjust society.
While the children of the privileged meditate and
play in tranquility on isolated country estates, the

children of the poor in the American cities are
ground down by the public schools and trained to
take their places at the bottom of the society,
while both the middle classes and the poor are in'
doctrinated to accept an unjust social order. At the
same time peasant children in Latin.America and
other areas dominated by the United States toil
from an early age and many of them go hungry and
. die young. When their parents rebel they are as
often as not tortured in iails constructed with
American money and killed by weapons made in
rhe USA.
I agree with Kozol that we must radically change
the system that causes such misery at home and
abroad. We must replace production for profit by
production for human need, We must dismantle

the huge government bureaucracy and the overgrown military machine. The question is liow to
bring about changes in the economic and political
institutions, as well as in education, when only a
small minority is so far convinced of the need for
such change.
Free schools are attempts to create a better en-

:

cal comitment: lt will be arjried that if tfie schooi
to exist, it will not have any inffuence at all.

Kozol is on.the right track in suggesting thatfree

.

schools begin to run their own businesses to insure
financial independence, although involvement in
running a business might integrate them.irlto the
system as successfully as deperidence on contribu-

tions from the rich.
lf they can survive the inevitable attempts at.
co-optation and repressiôn alternative schools will
eventually run up against the concentration of
power represented by the ex[sting system of corporatio¡s and banks. For example, free schools
need sitesl those that furchase their own l.ånd and
buildings are able to achieve a.greater stability and

.

vironment in the here and now, without waiting
for the revolution that may one day bençfit our :
grandchildren. But a scattering of isolated private
schools for poor people (or the middle class, for
that matter) will not necessarily change the social
structure. ln fact, such schools help to integrate
some of the poor more seburely into that structure
by pushing them up into the middle class. That is
one of the main reasons some working class
families send their children,to free schools-to make
sure that they get ahead and don't havé to suffer the
same kind of lie as their parents. This is what the
public schools would be doing if they were functioning more effciently. Free schools, like the publ[c schools, help the socially mobile, who don't
necessarily aid the class they have left behind. Thus
we find that Mexican Americans who make it
through college often become so assimilated that
they completely turn their backs on the interests of
their less fortunate brothers and sisters. The same ii
true of Blacks, though the racism in American :t
society has forced a Black consciousness upoñ
many who would rather have quietly figured.out an
escape for themselves and their own fam.ilies.
A further criticism of free schools is that they
provide a safety valye, drawing the potentially

.

ceases

life expentancy. ln the absenöe of "peopl'es" com-'
munity development banks, propeqty can usually
be acquired only through appealin[ for do4ations
from the rich or asking banks or other condervative
institutisns to provide mortages or construction
loans.

I question whëther free schools can place much
emphasis on preparing their students for iobs and
credentials and still keep their free spirit intact and

alive. The whole thrust of our culture is to adjust
and train the individual to the needs of the society.
Once the free schools acceþt this appro.Sch, they
lose their radical flavor and eventually become indistinguishable from other private schooß. Free
schools can and shou.ld help their graduates find
jobs or higher education "within the system" to
meet their immediate óuryival needs. But their
main task, it seems to me, is n'ot to adjust individuals to the needs of existing social institutions,
but rather to train a new generêtión which will
help toadjust the societ! rnore to the needs of the

individual.
One crificism of the free schools is that they do
not adequately prepare students to understand and

-

cope with existing technplogy. ln some free schools
there is a definite anti-technological bías..lf .the'
price of technological progress is atom bombs and
adozen yearsof wàr in Vietnam, many feel tþat
price is too high. Some hold to romantic vitions of ":,
returning to nãture, abandgning or smálhing the
I
machines and living an intdgrated if primitive life.
Others like lvan lllich talk ábout making machines
more simple so they can be used, understood dnd'
repaired.by the average man and about spreadingi'
knowledge about tools as widely as possible. .l myself feel there is nothing inherently noble in backbreaking toil and that we should use automation to t
enable all of us to have freely at least the basic
necessities of life.
Some of the differences between Kozol's out-

look and my own'probably reflect different degrees
of empathy for the counter culture. I [ike "hand

looms and organic bean seeds" because they represent attempts to recreate a sense of wholeness
of life. Perhaps in post-scarbity Ametiça they will
'.
be more relevant to most people's lives than computer programs. But why not prqvide opportunities
for childrenønd adults to learh about both?,

t

¡

¡

Free schocls can contribute to the movement for
social change in severàt 'ways. They can rqinfórce

the commitment of students and teachers to radical
ideas and analysis, keeping alive the ideals of socialism and.a¡archism. They,can serve às centeis to
organize students and teachers in public education.
Tilgether with communes, underground media and
,other counter-cultural organizations they serve as
the beginnings of a network of alternatives that
could eventually replace the existing system.
' Free schools can and should inculcate the values
of co-operation, equality, and anti-consumerism.
They can help overcome the individualism that
even so'many of us in the counter;culture are ob-

most active teachers, students and parents away

from the public schools. lf the discontented people
stayed and worked for change within the public
school systems, such qhange might come about
sooner and benefit many more people. (The counter
argument is that staying to work for change in ftublic education is like trying to plug a thousand
holes in a sinking ship. Why waste your time if it is
going to sink anyway?)
One of the dil'emmas facing free schools is that
although they can challenge the established social.
order¡ they are dependent on that order in several
crucial ways. Not least important are compulsory
school attendance laws; w¡thout such laws, public
school enrgllment would decline, but private schools
would also lose pupjls. Further, free schools that
don't charge tuition are basically dependent on

contributions from wealthy individuals or foundations to keep them going. (This is over and above
the subsidy provideã by-unpaid or underpaid staff.)
This financial dependence may prevent such schools

from becoming politically too radical. At some
point in the school's history, its survival needs as an
organization begin to take precedence over its radiLNS

4

wlN

WIN 5

with. Free school teachers cannot be politically neutral-so called neutrality is nothing but a
convenient myth which obscures the indoctrination of students to accept the existing order. Free

sessed

school teache!"s cannot support freedom for children to live and learn and love without also upholding their right to be free from conscription and
police repression. lf they support liberty they will
inevitably take a stand against an imperialist system that suppresses popular revolutions abroad

through military force.

At their best free schools can strengthen the
commitment of their students to radical and humanistic values and encourage their graduates to
support other alternatives such as co-ops and free
u.niversities. Hopefully, their graduates will have a
strong desire to

fulfill

themselves and

will refuse

merely to fit into the jobs provided by the existing
system. They will be maladjusted enough to go into
straight jobs and try to change the system from
within and to create new alternatives when they
do not find existing social institutions to their liking.

By offering classes and study groups oriented
around a radical perspective, free schools (and free
universities) can help students untangle the prevalent myths about the social system. A continuing
dialogue can take place within the f¡ee schools
about the nature of the future alternative society
and the means to bring that society into being.
These schools provide a natural arena for debate
on various strategies and tactics for social change
and they may also be used as meeting places and
information centers. The alternative schools can
help combat self-defeating anti-intellectualism by
promoting critical'analysis and reason, helping
people to understand the implications and limitations of various forms of political action, preparing
them for a struggle that may take decades.
Free schools can aid the movement for change
in the public educational system. That, after all,

of the people are; this is especially
relevant for the poor who do not have the resources to start private schools if the public
schools do not meet their needs. Teachers in free
schools can provide assistance to their colleagues
trying to change public schools from within.
The frtie schools can provide a continuing challenge to the public schools by their mere existence,
by calling attention to themselves as examples of
what non-repressive education might be. They could
help broaden the outlook of public school teachers
and principals by arrangíng exchange visits and
teacher training programs and providing speakers
and seminars. They could produce and distribute
films, magazines and newspapers and help public
school students and teachers organize to promote
change in the educative system. They could set up
coffee houses as centers of radical influence similar
to the Gl cafes conducted by anti-war groups near
is where most

military

,

bases.

The minimal opposition to the free schools

far

so

of their small size and influence
and their political quietism. The more the radical
implications of the free schools are translated into
is a measure

action threatening to lhe stotus quo, the greater the
likelihood the establishment will reactby attempting to crush them.
Alternative institutions could nonviplently replace the present political-economic framework
through a gradual transfer of energies from the old
to the new. Such replacement is possible, provided
the alternatives become more attractive than working for large corporations or government agencies.
The alternatives will have to provide a minimum
level of economic productivity. The reason why
so many people work for organizations with whose
purposes they disagree-be this the public school
system or the army-is that they need money with
which to live. lf we can establish alternativeS thát
provide at least some pay then more and more
people will be attracted to them not for the pay
but for the freedom to work. This presupposes acceptance of an anti-consumer ideology, of sharing
resources and living on a lower standard of living.
The less pay we expect, the more feasible the alternative organizations become. The new alternatives will aftract people prepared to accept a lower
material standard of living than provided for employees of General Motors, state welfare departments, or the public schools, in exchange for a
more satisfying and integrated way of life, with
economic security and the feeling of having an
equal say in the organizations within which they

T984 ARRIVES
BY WILLIAM HOUNSHETL
There was, of course, no way of knowing you werà
beino watched at'any given momertt' Hou¿ aften, or
on nihat system, the Thought Police plugge.d in on
anv oiven' individuol wire wos guess work' lt wos
ài'íti contt¡robte that they watched everybody oll

the

time'

1984
-George Orwell,

Two way mirrors, with gunports mounted at th.e
bottom,'one in each TV room and on each of the
left
i[t.t nóott in the buildings covering the front,
you
are
so-.that
made
been
have
directions
right
and
U.ing iut.h"d at all times under thc tt*cat of death'
lnfra"-rcd gun sights, elcctronic surveilanoe equipment and-the võry samc arsenal used in Vietnam is
issucd to thc towers here in prison.
inis is a four-in-onP facility, divided up into four
scoarate units of 600 mch cach, with a turnstile
i.uàlu¡ng gate that locks automatically if you don't
show youi idcntification card to thc TV camera
monitôr set insi.de the turnålllb' You are watched
in youi 5leep cJery hour. The shower room walls
are made.of window glass, shotgun microphones

oick uo vour conversation from the guards in the
iow.ri. ín thc Attica Correctional Facility what
ihey catl timcs square, we call the'plaza area' A
moñstrous gigantic control tower is the co-station,
located in tTrõ ccnter of the plaza area which is part
oì the main control building, the ncrvc center and
hcart of thc institution made up of buttons, levers
and switches which one can sce into close up by
looking through tinted plates of bullctrprogf glass'
t i fo rn ia M en s Colon y, 1 972'

---:----eo

Wìtliam Hounshell is o prisoner 0t the Cotiforn'io
Men's Colony Eost in San Louis Obispo"

D

work.

r

As these alternatives gain momentum a "paral-

lel" system will

?
I

emerge which could eventually
supplant the existing one. The old system will collapse if and when large numbers of people desert
it in favor of an alternative system which satisfies
thejr basic needs for food, clothing and shelter
and which, in addition, provides for psychic needs
of love and community that cannot be met within
the existing social order.

Fronk Lindenfeld teaches in the Social Sciertces
department of California Polytechnic Stote UniFPS/CNS
6 WIN

LN5

versity.

wlN

7

BONNIE AND CLY

v¡l)lt, llt)l)

:l t III toIll'
/ñt)vtIts

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.

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'15¡

13ï rtliln: Abell
The 20th Century has seen violence carried to such
insane extremes that many people have felt the need
to construct elaborate defenses against the thought.
that they themselves might contain some of the
same bloodthirstiness.in their personalit¡es that
possesse! Hitlerian ghouls and therefore might share
a po¡tion of the guilt for this century's madness. ln
order to blot out the notion that we are somehow
tainted with violent passions, we will erect barriers
against this self-knowledge with complex and "objectively" abstract theses, generalizing about the subfect in such a way that our own contribution to the

blood guilt of the human race is minimized, or

rendered negligible.
For instance, the developinent of a highly complex social system, such as our own, allows the individual to hide behind the curtains of his/her middleclass home and to point the finger of guilt at the
poor, the deprived, racial and ethnic'scapegoats,
foreign governments, nuts, kooks, and so on. The
war against Vietnam produced the information the
B-52 pilots did not consider their tasks to be monstrously, inhumanly brutal at all. Hidden behind the
banks of buttons, switches, dials and gauges on their
control panels and flying at altitudes that caused the
landscapes below to seem little more than geometric
designs, these pilots simply did not see the results of

their work and thus felt no involvement in the car-

'

nage they were creating far below themselves.

At the other extreme

is

the citizen who lives his

life of "quiet desperation," paying his taxes on time,
voting occasionally, mowing the lawn, rearing his
children; who feels threatened by those of us who
challenge his most basic patriotic beliefs, and who
will turn to "touþh" law-and-order legislation and
tougher police-court-penal systems; but, who will also proclaim himself to be a law abiding, peace lovingcitizen who doesn't want trouble and doesn't
like violence. He blinds himself to the violence he
supports and blames those who challenge him for
all his troubles.
Any way you look at ¡t, most of us eguate violence with the bloody evil of 20th Century wars, or
with senseless murders committed by sick outcasts
like Richard Speck and Charles Stuart Whitman. We
cannot, we will not, and, for sanity's sake, we must
not admit that we are as capable of being aroused to
violent passions as mass murderers or soldiers in war.
Many of us carry the desire to refuse to accept

I wtN

hood. is seén as a pathetically twisted, sick kid,
whom even the other punks finally reprifliate.
The iame sort of reception ashad greeted The
Btackboard J ungle was prepared f or Bonnìe ond

complicity in the "'Càin" aspects of our natures to
the point of attempting to convince ourselves thãt
we are not by nature violent, that it is the result of
cruel exploitation by sinister forces over which we
have no control that ye are made to become violent
or to share blame for the violence raging around us.
One example of this desire to blot out our. violent
aspects lies in the campaign to remove violence from
the visual media, TV and the movíes.
I hope lwill not be misunderstood here, for I too
feel that violence is glorified in too many ways in
our society. But I do take issue with the notion that
removing, or sublimating, violence in movies and on
TV is going to provide us with a solution to the
problem of violence in our society or in our souls.
My own feeling is that removing violence from
drama is Iike removing a tumor without further investigating whether it is benign or malignant. ln
many cases the tumor is malignant-we are direçted,
to believe that violent solutions to our humân pioblems_are necessary, just, noble. But on the other
hand, the tumor may prove to be benign-it may
contain the lesson that violent solutions to our problems are horrifyingly wrong. But in either case, only
the tumor is attacked, not the cancer lying beneath
,

ir.
The most recent serious uproar about violence in
filmed drama began with Bonnie ond Clyde, continued through The Godfather andhas now attached
itself to The Exorcist, Of couise, movie violenbe has

been with us for a long time. I remember as a teenager the panic and hysteria which greeted the film
The Blockboqrd J ungle, The movie was banned in
many tewns on the grounds that it glorified teenage gang violence. ln fact,. so many passionate denunciations accompanied the film that we teenagers
couldn't wait to see it. And a lot of us brought

along switchblade knives and homema¿s 2ip-guris to
add to ltie fun. But the moíie didn't glorify us teen.age thugs at all. Far from it. ViolencJwas the villain
of the piece. Our violence, teenage vicilence, was the
result of a social system that allowed violence to
enter into the solutions of its problems. The violence
in our lives wasn't glorious, it was dehumanizing and
brutgl. One punk shouts at teacher Rick ,,Daddy-o,,
Dadier (Glenn Ford), "Go on and hit me! lvly oí¿
man does it every day!" And the leader of the
troublemakers, far from being a glamorous teenage

Ctvde, The graphic, almost clinically accurate deoiãtion of the bloodletting in that movie couldn't
bossibly þave been intended to glorify violence.
Anvoné who was able to hold his eyes ope¡ and
keeb his stomach intact during that final scene, with
the car rocking and reeling from the force'of the
bullets, Bonnie and Clyde flopping lifelessly around
inside, and the blood oozing out,of the hundreds of
bullet holes would have to'ask himself,'somewhere
in the depths of his soul, ifthe career of these two
outlaws had been woith the "retirement'þarty."
Surely, the idea that violence for whatevér sake is
simply too awful, too gruesóme for'anyohe to jus:
tify, let alone glorify, must have çeped into somebody's mind after that movie. Aírd whaf aþout those
people who go on iustifying violence? Whò particíþate willingly in acts of violence? ls Bonnie and
Ctyde go\ngto spur them on? For that matter, wíll
The Brady Bunéh ever deter them?

I can remember myself sitting through five consecutive viewings of Rebel llithout A Cause. (ln
those days y.ou could stay in the theáter'all day for
the price of one ticket.) Rnd for days afterward I
walked around with the collar on myied nylon
James Dean jacket turned up, and l'woqe T-shirts
and beltless levi's, and while I didn't carry a switchblade knife, I did carry a churchkey can-opener, be-'
cause it was suppose{ to make a nastier hole in your
enemy's body. I never used my weapons, however,
and I managed to pose my v/ay safely through high
school. lt wasn't until some.years later, while I was
in the Army, when I had the opportunity to fire my '
rifle at a pop-up target, thât'l discovered how glad I

was I neverdid have to use those weapons. lt took
me one.shot at a piece bf cardboard 100 meters
away to realize that there was no way I would ever
use a gun on anybody for any reason, and that was
years before the word "pacifism'r ever entered my
vocabulary.
Violenc'e in drama is as old as drama itself. Part of
the fear and pity aroused in (he viewer of an Aristotelian tragéUy was caused dy the violent end of
the tragic hero. The tragic hero just didn't grow old
and retire. He died, and his demise w4s usually'bloody
Just as tragedy is viewed as catharsis fop.the viewer,
the víolence accompanyingathe traþic clin¡ax can be
seen as an accompnaying purgative âgent. Let's face
it. Violence surrounds all human lives: And though
we may strive to live our lives nonviolenlly, it seems
impossible that we are going to make it untouched
by the river of blood flowing across this earth. To
hide from that, to divorce the evilfrom our natures
and assign it to demons floating in the night air waiting to possess some hapless victim, is sheer nonsense.
We do feel anger, disgust,hatred, malic{ all sorts of
ill-will. Part of being nonviolent, to my mind, doesn't
lie in denying these feelings in ourselves, but instead
lies in recognizing them and attempting to hold them
in control, to balance ourselves. But to deny them is
to delude ourselves.
. Tragedy, through the efforts of the tragic hero to
overcome the forces arrayed against him in this [ife,
inspires in us the feeling that the struggle to overcome all this evil is noble and good and right. But

the herols death sobers us and makes t¡s painfully
aware of how doomed we are a{ the outset of oür,
struggle, how pítiably mortal and d4mnably weak
we are ¡n the end. And the awful violence of the
tragic climax is doubly sobering. lt shows us thè '
power of víolence, but it also sñowrus the futil¡ti, iif '
using violent means to accqmplish oui ends. ln view-r'
ing tragedy, then, ¡ve shoìrld be ennobled in spirit
and purged of our own evil. lf we left the violsnce
_ out, or muted it, the catharsir.would be incomplete,
:the purge would be frustrated.
drama
in
modern
there
are no'
li is la¡¿ that
tragic heros, and l'm not certãin how to réspond to
this, for I see tragedy that is poble without be¡ng ,
grand. The grandeur of Hamlet's tragedy is peculiarly
unsuited to modern literature. But I do know there
are still heroes in film and the violence of their lives
soberíirg. One example that comes to mind
- isis mighty
the movie JUalklng Tall. ln it, a young mãn who
yearns to return to his hometown and a life of quiet
farrning, is thrqst into battle against corrupt forces
have sapþed the spirit of thq tpwn and left it .
. : .,.which
'- ' rottirig and stinking.
Jhe young mañ, Buford Pusser
(appropriate?), sets out to wipç. the slate èlean. His
àtr¡et weapon'ís a long club. wlrìöh he uses"repeatetlly
to break skulls and backs. Buford isn't a tragic hero,
for he wins in the end. But at what price? He is
beaten several times, and neaily murdered, his wife
is murdered, he perverts the law to his own end, and
he beats the hell out of a lot of people. He doesn't
sucqe,e{ jnpurging the'stain of.evii from the land,
. though he doei eliminate the visible results of the
town's evil. His violence does not succeed for him,
either, for besides bringing about his wife's death,
it has caused his son to'adopt the ethic of bloody
revenge that Buford himself abhorred but had used
' because he could see no other way. Thus, this peace
loving man is left with a wracked body, a dead wife,
and a son who embraces the "shoot-to-kill" ethic,
and a town half of which is still rotting in spirituãl :
decay while the other half is foaming at the'mõuth- :
with vigilante bloodlust. lilalking Tall ishardly ¡he
answer for advocates of bloody vengeance against

I

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.

'

.

anti-social forces.
lf we disallow such movies, we will not yet be r¡d
of violence. lnstead, we will ónly push it further
from our self consciousness and ntake it so remote
that we will ulr¡marely be like rhe B-52 piÍots in
Vietnam-unaùare of the terror and destruction we
are paþaþle gf causing. ln,a fitof.self-righteous
anger against ôtìi-"oppressor-s," our "enèmiei'," we

could even lersake our nonviolent priñciples to sùp-

;"

,pórt,

d

i

reóùty-or -ïndirçcJl y,..viq en t
I

efforti to

sofve'

.ou¡ proþlems. Certainly ttière äre examples enougll . .
in the movement today to bear me out on this poinf;
So.l think it's good'to be exposed now and ihen
to the more grotesque side of our human Rature.
How else can we truly embrace nonviolence if we
cannot know the depths of qur own violence? lf we '
see the "Cain" side of our selves, we can
never become "!vhole" people at all. Nor will we
ever fully appreciatè the urlency of our need to
know.our own violent natures, that we may be

cannot

i

guided by this knowledge in gur efforts to stem the
violence of others.
ïvtike Abeti tives and gobs to the movies tn.Marylond, He is o frequent contrlbutor to tluN,

wtN

9

,t

lîlerchants of Deafh
BY

'

M. BACH

'ON

Riverside Research lnstitute, one of the nation's
largest weapons research laboratories, was once part
of the Columbia University School of Enginèeringspawned in the post World War ll missle race. lt was
known then by the harmless sounding name, Electronics Research Laboratory, and contributed to
the guidance systems of the major generation of
missiles; e.g. Nike, Red Eye, and variations of the
ABM. Electronics Research Lab also dabbled in
econol¡ics, performing extensive work on the
economy of nuclear war: how to kill more people
cheaper and how niany. Americans would be saivaged per dollar by civil defense in event of nuclear

attack.
]n 1967 the ERL attempted to turn the entire
School of Engineering into a weapons think tank,
and was kicked out of Columbía. Lawrence H.
O'Neill, the head of the ERL, was ousted at the
same time. Columbia deemed that his Work was not
1'compatible with the aims of higher education.,'
However, his work was obviously corñpatible with
the aims of other higher institutions, and today'this
pillar of society reigns as the president of the Ríverside Research lnstifute and is chairman of the US
Army Scientific Advisory Panel. He also serves on
the Balistic Missile Defense Advisory Committee
and the Scientific Advisory Group to the Commanding General of the US Army Test and Evaluation

Cômmand. Weighty'titles.
So, the ERL migrated south to 64th street and
a lower profile and took the name Riverside Research
lnstitute. 200 scierÌtists, technicians, and support
people, virtually all male, virtually all white, work
in a six-story, non-descript, wearied building in a
desolate heighborhood amid the anonymity of train
yards and newspaper printing plants. The building
is marked with a plaque which reads, "Consumer
,

Services.

"

The Riverside Research lnstitute is 85% weapons
oriented. Brilliant and deadly ideas are born there;
governmental support, citizens' acquiescence, and
tax money give these demonic ideas cold metal flesh,
which will, with certainty and gravity, reach their
target: human flesh.
The history of past proiects at RRI is linked to
the history of this country at war, and at "peace."
ln addition to the ABM frontier work (RRl was
there on the groundïoor in the late '50's), it also
takes the credit for developing a formula for bombing villages in lndochina so that eriemy radar is
avoided. The ABM work was also useful in a more
generalized way in designing offensive missle pene-

tration aids to confuse enemy radar.
Present work includes nuclear war economics,
aiding the Department of Defense in defining its
programs and in reviewing research proposals. There
10

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is extensive involvement in the u.se of lasers to interpret sonar signals in the anti-submarine and underseas warfare program. (lt is expected that what the
ABM was to the '60's, undersea warfare will be to
the '70's: the locus of the next big jump in the arms
race spiral.) General radar work such asthat applied
in lndochina continues to be pursued and electrooptics techniques for cutting down the time a computer takes to interpret a radar blip goes on in both
conventional and nuclear war efforts. There is much
preparedness for the next dirty little war as wqll as
the next big one. Both aie viewed, from the work

perspective, as eventual ities.
Riverside has always'tried to have about. 1S%
non-weapons activity going on. lt does this for two
reasons: it needs mor,ley to keep weapon's teams
together between grants, and it needs the morale
boost. Presently, to keep this necessary civilian
element within the shop, RRI is working on somethiñg of a social systems program fon thè State Department of Education. The State, for example, is
Baying_for a full, highly qualified professional staff,
but RRI is actually subcontracting temporaries to
do much of the computer work and brain storming..
.

For a number of months a number of community
people have been gathering around'the Unisn Th'eological Seminary on a regular weekly basis to discuss
nonviolence, resistance, and community in terms of
the culture and their lives. The seminarians,.nurses,
social workers and community organizers}lavd undertaken a process of sharing andixpression, of
reffection and thought, and óf concern and attion;
tryìng to bridge the chasm between professed beliefs-and life styles and social involvement; enforcing life priorities amid death. And of this they have
become convinced: that those who follow the leadings of ,the Gospel or human interaction are called
to lean with the weight of their lives against death's
trajeclory, to stand with those in its path, the victims, and say NO, with their words, with iheir actions, with their lives. The Riverside Research lnstitute waS a place to begin.
On Good Frid¿y, a day of sacrifice, an involvement with suffering, a day of blood, approximately
20 such p.eople left Union Theological at 9:00 a.m.
lhey walked down Broadway, ovõr 50 blocks. and
carried upon their shoulders â'l 0, .ross, ulr¡ií åf
human agony.
They brought with them leaflets stained with

tþeir own.blood, the blood of unseen victims. They
brought with them a huge photograph of a Vietnamese^woman holding her dead child and looking
with infinite sorrow, rage, and impotence at the sÈy
from which death rained. The photo covered most
of the sidewalk in front of the lnstitute'sìentrance.
D-uring the service of remembrance a sizable amount
of blood was poured upon the picture and doorstep
to make visible the blood ihed and the agony of
those whose deaths were planned and pródubed by

the lnstitute. The blood came from the arms of
ihose who stood there that morning to say that
asony was theirs as well. They attemptediO speak
oñ Uénalfot those who cannot speaki the deaä, the
dvins, and unborn generations to be. They áttempted
tó spãak to those who work at RRl, who create
newer and more sophisticated versíons of the cross
without ever imaglning the teating of human flesh.
Tirey atæmpted to speak to thdir brothers. and sisters who passed idly by, who purchased those efforts
with tax money and who sanctioned its continuanãe with forgetful silente, who never see the car'
nase invoked bY their silence.
ihe liturgy was held, thelblood Þoured, the bread
and wine shãied, songs sung,'leaflets disserhinated.
îhe scientists took in tñe scene with most$ unbroken stride.
Two weeks f ater, the same þroup Was hdck. There
was another leaflet, blood stained, lnother liturgy,
and the cross which was carried al'ohg to witness on
behalf of human compassion. ln the mornidg light,
'
the cross cast its shadow over the doorstep and the
very real Presence of blood on it.
And two wêeK later, a further step. On the morning of May 30, four of the community entered the
lobby to place their bodies between the scientists
and their iobs and their victims. The four.tnelt in
front of the elevators, denying access, symbolically
standing for those,in the path of that dgadly work.
Outside, some 35 of their friends celebrãted the
third lítûrgy therei and þoured more blodd.over the
doorstep.
. There was another leaflet with the ubiqitous
blood. lt said in part, 'f ln.the spirit of Barmen and
Pentecost, given courage and hbpe, we come to
your door once again. How many more times will
we have to return before you rpally see the blood
which is spilt? How long before you know that war
is no mathematical game, but the mutilation of
human lives? How long, dear friends, how long?"
Entering workers were confronted with those words
as they had been on previous occasigns. This time
they were also confronted with bodies.
A similar action had occurred three monlhs before. Six men and women had entered to blbck
the elevators and had been kicked repeatedly and
deliberately by a few workers who brought closer
to home the cruelty they previously had had to sublimate over long distances. The most enêrgetic place'
kicker (kidneys] Éroin, ears, etc.) was the lrist¡túte's
Vice President, a man who obviouisly hail'iisen to
his competency lével.
There was no violence this time (other than the
normal massive amounts). The poliie arriüed, moved
through the folks celebrating the liturgy, walked
through the bloók on the doorstep, and left with
the suspects in custody. On his way out one law
offcer itgpped on the chalice holdiñg the wine and
broke it. A secretary came to the door looking disgruntléd atthe blood and said with fraugþt voice,
"lilhat is this?" One person said, "lt is thdblood of

.
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place doing the same thing in the next six months,
all charges will be dropped.'
Like the ¡ud¡cial system, the institutions indirectly involved in the actiqn were not niuch in- .
terested. The administrative, faculty, and student
bodies at Union (three of those ariested were.
,
seminarians there) could not be botherçd in,spite
of public and private,invitafions. And the.media,
especially the p¡ess, saw little or nothing of redeeming value "fit'to print"'or-òover in the actions
in spite of press releases and a.gruelling nurnbei d''

phone

calli.

:

But no matter: there was, fierhaps rhore than
anything else, a sense of joy and seriousness prevalent within the continuity of the actions. There was
an honest search, an involving of the self and the
community. There was an awareness and embracing
of the freedom and responsibility (ability to)
respond") which does not reside ¡n good order and

good law. There was a breaking away from iVhat
society and seminaries, the media and the courts
consider successful and effective and worthwhile.
.Nearly engulfed by institutions and qopial norms
,- -whidh
could hardly care less, here wasa'community
of people struggling to care t9r.;, ..
NOTE : Neú/York SES PA (Sciäntists-and Eîþi neers
-for Social and Political Action) has been picketing
RRI twice weekly for four ygars and holding regular
demonstrations theré for such occasions as Hiroshima Day. Over 20 people have quit RRI as a result
of the actions and the-productivity there has de-

'

clined.lt4orále is thoulht to be fow. The message has
been the same for four years: technology should not
be used for mass murder. lt has not lost its impact.
Every action against RRI deireases its ability to do
weapons research and design. People are 5till quitting for reasons of conscience. For more information about RRI call (212) 865-4766 or (212) 6667823.
Jon Bach is o member of the Jonoh House col:
lective ln Baltimore.

in:ì

,,

,

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/'.
'¿!

,:l

\^

the victims." Another said quietly, "lt's what your

paycheck is signed withr"
'' . ..
The four spent most of the day in iail before the
case was heard. ln spite of the Inst¡tute's demand for
a 15 day jail sentenåe, the judge pronounced his
iudgement as "Action Contemplating Dismissal," an
interesting use of words in,such a circumstance, and
which means if they. don't get busted at the same

.- . ,

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; r

Marquita Platov

wtN

11

ë.

And there are a few other people in¡ny life, whom
I care about with my heart. And we are corñpass¡onare companions. And with each of them my body
ñas been, or could be, for the time being intimate, if
in the moment that became gur mutual choice-a
wav of being together appropriate to the ftìllness of
' 't
oui feelings for'each other. .'
Bu't I could not be in the bed of a man,who is
mascuIinist-whose sexualit! hasthe therle of
orowling and pronging; whose body has ihternalized
expectations of exertion¡ tension,
åll th"
"rltrtul
getting erections and having
and performance-of
happen. l reject en'
making
something
orgasms-of
co'unters with such r¡en asAi'ologically i¡authentic.
They toxify me. I doh't want to know tlíem. I don't
even want to hang around.
And I could not be in the bed of a wöman whb
has intdrnalized those expectati.qþs of mäle sexual

table if touched very much. This refractory

.

ln my experience, this is not true. In my.ex- - .. .
perience, orgasm and ejaculation are npt the same. 1l
ln my experience there iqa male orgasm separate
and distinct from ejaculation, and these noneiaculatory orgasms can bð mirltiple.
These non'happen
ejaculatory orlasms can and will
over dþd
over again if.stimulation continues. And the onlÍ
built-in biological cause for stopping is fatigue.
There is no sensatiolì of "inevitability" before

,
,

such orgasms. My body doesn't know in

:
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o
:l
d

¡¡
o

l'

o
o

3

R€ÉUçING
BY ,|OHN STOLTENBERG
John Stoltenberg originolly read this stotement ot o
meet¡ng of NOW in New York City, 6/19/74, as o
member of a ponel on the subject of "bisexuolity."
Some of this moterial is from a book he is writìng
on sexual ethics.

I wouldn't say I'nì bisexual. That is not a word I.
would use to tell you something about my life, my
body, or the people with whom I make erotic commitments.
! would be angry if anyone carelessly called me a
bisexual, a heterosexual, or arhomosexual. Those
are not merely inexact words; they are bad words.
They are the words of a masculinist culture. They
are the vocabulary of male domination. They come
from a langu4ge devised by men in order to perpetuat9 a system in which men are conditioned to be the
pursuer, the aggressor, the possessor, and the fucker.

I renounce being that kind of man. l reject any
use of language which in any way defines me as that
kind of man. And I abhore the language which indicates gender when that language would be used to
objectify the bodies of the persons with whom my
body has felt intimacy, sharing, mutual respect, and
trust. The language which objectifies those partneicopyfight c !974 Þy John stoltenberg. Alt.rlghts reserved,

1O B€ AMNN
ships objectifies both partners in the relationship. I
am not an object; I reject anybne's erotic otje¿iifica-

tion of me. And I do not make love with obiects,
nor with people who clamor for objectifying attention. Not anymore. I no longer want "to be a man"

in any conventional sense of the word-and here I
refer specifically to masculinist genital functioning.
The truth of my body and the sexual ethics ofmy life have nothing in common with the lies of the
culture in which I live. I would like to say of myself: I intend to live as a moral androgyne. lam
genitally male, but I endeavor with my heart do rid
my life of male sexual behavior programming. My
body never accepted that programming in thê f¡rst
place. I used to think there was sometñing wrong
with me. Now I'm dead certain there's soñrething
wrong with the program.
My body doesn't lie. The truth of my body contrad¡cts cultural masculinist expectations.

'

* ,1. {< {c ,(

My body longs to be together with someone I love.
live in a rhythm of reunion and separation. Our
love is recent. We plan to live together soon and for
the rest of our lives. The truth of our reunions is
the shared truth of our friendship, our work, our
moral intef ligences, and our bodies. Our bodies don,t
lie. I can only imagine life together. I cannot imagine
life apart.
We

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,- :
'

.

T']t':t
I wânt to talk about two ties. The lie of the male orof male erectlón.
First: the lie of male orgasm. The lie is that male
orgasm and ejaculation are the same. thing. The lie is
that if you're male, you first have a genital sensation
of two or three seconds of "inevitability" duríng
which you couldn't stop if you tried, and next you
experience certain internal genital contractions
which include squirting out of semen, and there'
after you have a "refractory period" during which
your penis usually gets soft and rather uncomfqrgasm. And second the lie

advance ,

it has happened. There is no discomfort or extreme
sensitivity afterwards, but there is a clear fqfractory
period, which seems relatively short..
To me, these orgasms seem to occur in waves.
They are without effort and tension. I do not "make
them'happen" nor does my partner.'They.seem to
occui ñaturally in the general interf,ow of erotic
communication. I do not interqally "jack myself.up"
in order ûdfunction, perforri'i,.and come.'ln fact,
since that was my conditioning, I úent through a
period oncg when I rather cbnsciously unlearned
that old way to have an ejäculation. My body still
knows how. But my bddy doesn't like to do that
anymore, and I avoid encounters where t[at would !
be expectod-of me.' '' , ' -'.
I know for a fact in my body that there isg sen¡a-.

,

tion óf completeness, of being-one-with, and of

after-if I have not strived in
any way for that other fiction of sexual achievement.
Ejaculation is another phenomenon. Sometimes
ejaculation happens also, but I have come to mis' trust my conditioning which identifies the so-called
"necessity of eiaculation" as being part of a scenario, .r '
of maie sexual success and satisfaction, ln façt and- ) : i
.

in the truth of my body, eiaculation ís something
if I have strived for ejaculation, or put effort into ejaculating in any way, the
result is a rather uncomfortable refractory periodwhich I take to be the body's message that I strove
inauthentically to achieve some cultural lie about
. "rel^ease qf sexual tension."
'ln my experience, my body has learned and remèmbeç that eiEçulation will happen naturally, of
its own¿ccord¡.lf in fact my body has an authentic
wish to discþarge an acôumulation of-semen. And
my bodr¿*fiii-tell me if that's what's about to hap-'
*pen, and I càri'lef ittaþpêrl-or.not let it happen-"

.

else. I have learned that

,

don't want to have anything to.do with.it.
But I want to talk about mascúlinity. I want to

female-victim izing sexual

:

wholeness during and

another escalation in masculinist sexual aggression.'
The man who can bang away to orgasm in the
vaÉina ôf a woman is just going to. bang away in my
ass. The woman whose sense of hêrself depends on
male approval is iust going to expect me "to be a
man to her" in a way that would be wholly dishonest for both of us.
So I don't want to talk about bisexuality. I don't
like what it means when it refers to male sexual activity and response. I don't believe inþisexuality. I
reject it as a word. I reject it as a way of life. And I

say something about male sexual biology. And I
want to say something about the difference between
what I feel to be the truth and what I understand to
be the lies of our culture-our male-dominated,

,

that such an orgasm is going to happen, but my
body knows that such an orgasm has happened after

***t*
Please understand why I am about to say what I am
about to say. I believe that in the so-called male bisexual, his masculinity is a constant. Whether he is
"affracted" to men or "attracted" to women, he obtains his manhood as he takes his pleasure. For a
man to call himself bisexual is to pride himself in
the functioning of his cock: it pops rs and is ready
to have sex with more warm bodies th4n before.
There is a dangerous consistency in male sexual
behavior programming which makes not very difficult
the shift from fucking men to fucking v/omen or
from fucking women to fucl5ing men. The fact that
male bisexuality has become trendy worrief me a
lot. I think for males, bisexuality is just another
form of phallic imperi,alism*just another adventure "
in the quest for assistancëIn masturbation-and just

!
;

have another erection and come again.

behavior and response. I refuse tô be hdr oppressor.

i
i(

period

from 15 to 30 minutes or longer, depending on
age and so forth, before the man could presumably
lasts

.'"

,

,bút l'no longer choose to make it happen. Becaúse ;
'l prefer the truth of my body to the lies of the cul-

'

ture in which I live.
And if I think about eiaculation, it is in the context of the politics of birth control-and the responsibility that I take for my ejäculation in relation to
the body of a woman.
. So-called "premature ejaculation" I underqtand to
be an instance of ejaculation without orgasm-a
naturâl biological discharge mechanism similar to
nocturnal emission in young males. And were it not
for the fact that the culture puts such a premium on
inauthentic male sexual performance, it would
probably not be such a big deal.
Similarly, what's called "impotence" is another

;

12 WIN

wtN.13

internalization bf a perverse system of male-domi.
nant cultural values. Men (and women) are taught to
believe that a cock is either limp and disfunctiðnal
or erect and functional, and anything_in between
doesn't have sense unless ít's clearly on its way to
er:ectness or legitimately on its way to limpneis (a
legitimacy which can be presumed only if ejaculation
has been achieved).
Which brings me to the second lie I want to talk

about: The lie of male erection.
The lie is that rigidity means arousal, rigidity
means power, rigidity means manhood, and rigidity
means the urgency for something called "release of
sexual tension." lnfact, I now believe, rigidity is
usually a symptom of tension artificially induced.
(l say "usually" because I am discountíng those
rigid erections which occur naturally in males when
the bladder is very full.)
The truth is that bone-hard erecTions aren't very
comfortable. They stick out from your body and áre
painful if bent. And they feel a little dead. They
function in fucking very well, in that they are good
for rape. But thÞ idea that they feel good-thaithey
are sensate-is only a cultural íllusion.
I believe that the culture reinforces stiff hardons
as symbols of male aegression and power. And I believe that in order to fulfill that cultural expectat¡on,,
a man growing up in this society learns how to make
himself hard by certain internal muscle constrictions
and by.certaín fantasies of penetration and violation.
The culture teaches men those fantasies ali over.
The man learns to induce that muscle tension in his
bÒdy on his own, by various pelvic thrusts and
squirms. The muscled, tense, and aggressive body of
the macho-male-America is the product of this conditioning. All forms of social asgress¡on-in speech,
dress, body movement and military and economic
exploitation-help men support their erectionserections which, if thé truth were known, would be
perceived internally as biologically inauthentic.

xix*x
I have suffered these lies ín my life. My mind has

asked questions: Will it stay up? Will I get it in? Why is it getting softer? What's wrong wíth me? I
wish I were harder. Now my mind asks: What's

'wrong with the society I live in? Why has this society
made me keep thinking.about the hardness of my
cock, such that to this day my mind has been'trained
to wonder: What am I feeling in my genitals? ls this
feeling appropriate? Am I male enough? What w¡ll
my partner think? How can I manage to keep up
passions and appearances? And so forth.
I re¿lize, now finally in my 30th year, that the
society I live in had an economic use for me and
tried to groom me: fof the rnilitary.,. .the police. . .
the government. . .the corporations. . .the üniversities. . .the professions. . .the religious power structure-all the positions you have to "be a man" in
order to get to and in order to perform in. Somehow, in my case, society failed. Somehow I never
made the connect¡on between aggression and my '

HEADS AND TALES is øn occasional ccíiumn for

essoys

on human liberotion and perconal elperience. Should

you anre to write about whe¡e yo:ur heod is at, please timit your contribution to 800 words,
I woke with a start. What had I bçn dreamins? Henry Kissinger again! He had been húg$ing'me like a

sensual feelings.

My father,-l suppose, was not society's accom-'
plice. lnadvertently, and quite naturallyr he never,
helped society to program me as a domineering,
pleasure-seeking male. My father ís gentle, loving,
caring, and responsible. I can't recall him ever haying given me another kind of message that there is
any other way to be a man. He really broke the rules.
I guess in my life I have tried masculinity: during
the period of a marriage whích ended without
recrimination, and during a period of coming out
and acting gay. But I never imagined or pretended I
was good at it-neither in relation to the bodies of
men, nor in relation to the bodies of women. So I
was at liberty to learn the immorality of the politics
of male-ism: the politics of genital object!fication,
sex role delineation, and the oppression-and profound victimization-of women throughout their

big warm passionate bear. The sensual glow still
clung, and I was reluctant to shake ¡t off. Yuk, you
say, that manipulating monster who helped Nixon
& Co. bomb Vidtnam into bloody chaos, that conniving Rasputin who plays power politics with
human lives as pawns, that id-powered egomaniac
who races all over the map like Budd Schulberg's
frantic Sammy, that Forsaking Father? What kind
of stupid, silly, sickening, subversive, çntimental
subconscious does a person have who dredges up
such dreams? I lay examining it, the gloù fading.
It was not an orgasmic event,.and nothing so
simple as conquering the !'enemy"-with love, oî'
power with sex. I had'to admit that there is an elan
vitol this man projects tliãt istappealing (nòt.only to
me, apparently). ln reality he may be in some ways
repulsive and compulsive; but,the bouncy vitality,
the self-pleased grin, the guslo that he appears to
bring to. whatever he takes on-Russians, Arabs,
womqn, qhe world-has an attraction that pacifists
must face and deal with. I say pacifists specifically
because it is Henry Kissinger who presents himself
to the world as ¿ peacemaker (and'tto my dream as
a comforter) and gets away with it.
Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin brought some of
thåt verve and bounce to thè anti-war movement,
but.they came on more as carefree, chaotic children
than as happily reassuring father/lover/peacemakers.
The longtime image of the pacifist-nuitured in
Hindu and Christian asceticism laid upon j'udaib selfrighteousness-is of the lean and tight-lí|tþed puritan,
the sad and soulful martyr. How can one enioy life
and revel in all its sensual aspects when weapons
and war, poverty and ignorance weigh uidown? lt's
true that the War Resisters League', of all the longstanding peace groups-FOR, WILPF, AFSC-has
developed an image somewhat more Dionysian in
recent decades (and even the FOR'is known to break
out a bottle now and then, unheard of in the old

lives.

Finally, I feel at liberty to say: I intend to do
what I can to renounce-and to overthiow-the culture we liye in with its masculinist lies. AnT to di?
cover and speak, with my words and with my body,
some other truths instead
,

days).
'But

it isn't

.
-

mixtures of these loose and. tight aspects in some
degree. But that life-affirming opennçss, thát vital
spãrk, is.too often half-smothered by our public and
private burdens and petty irritations. Not to men. tion father and mother hang-ups frgr¡ way back
(which no doubt make people like me ilream of
Henry Kissinger).
Úó canlt jüst'say, "l'm

goinitó be mone warm"
and expansive," and bebome that-though it might

{

help. And thank GE (genetics/environment) that
we aren't all the same and neVer will be. Sorire.of us
are going to go on being too tense and driving when
. others are too relaxed, too flippant when others are
too ser,ipus; etc. Sqme.rnay.be,offended by this piece,
. somemãy say right on;'some will think it,obviôus,

I

some revelatory.
What we can learn from HK is that there is a.time

'

to work and a time to play (though possibly K has
this too compartmentalized in his own life). Work
and play can be pursued with equal .4est, and sometimes together. What Kissinger has to learn from

pacifists is that peacemaking is something other . ,; .
than júggling terror, trading off time and lives, btfddy*' '
ing and bullying diplomats and dictators. To theEx:

''

teñt that K'i wlnning warmth falls short of

n,

the

.'

genuine empathy which underlies justice and mercy, ".,
to the extent that his eXpansiveness is only of wit
'., 4
and not depth, of power and not vision, wars will
occur despite his efforts-and so will peace. And
Henry wìll have nightmares (or dream of being
hugged by pacifists).
-Ann Davidqn
-¡

r'

:.

t,

those superficial aspects of eating,
drinking and making mary or harry that I mean:
one can do all these in excess and stillþe tight and
cold, or one can do them in moderatiop and be
warm and expansive. One can also seem warm and
expansíve and be very superficial (my conscious
"POET': r8l3O by Mark Butwtnktê.
¡l

14

wlN

mind suspects that Henry's ebullient empathy does
not go terribly deep). Of course there are warm and
expansive pacifists, some.so warm and expansive
they can't get anything else done; and we aie all

Ann
is the one on the right, A member of
the lt/ar Resisters League Executive Committee, she
frequently wrltes for WlN.

r
,{

¡

r
Þ

wrN

.

.

15

:

t

c

Women who have Dalkon Shields
should see theír doctors and have the
device removed as soon as possible.

-Various

Franklin Glenn arid Leonard Holt,

defense attorneys in the Lawton_
Gardner case, have been summoned

yqs the lasr appeal step belori the
US Supreme Court. He has been
tried and conviçted three times on
charges of givíng false information
when applying to buy firearms in
1 971 . Two previous convictions
werereversed by the Eighth US Cir_

N

I

cuit Court.
ln Cairo, Williams said: ,,1 am not
gyillyl l_am going to rake my case to
the US Supreme Court. ln the meantime I will continue to work for poor
black and white people here in

southern
lllinois."
'

Mrs. Betty Lee, chairperson

A Datkon Shietd

-LNS

q4\LKON SHTELDS
RECALLED
Dalkón Shields, atype of IUD commonly prescribed for women who
have not had children, have been
taken off the market. The manufacturers of the device, the A.H. Robins
Company of Richmond, Virginia,
sent letters to physicians informing

them of the fact that 36 women hãd
infected spontanious abortions in
mid-pregnancy while this kind of
intra-uterine device was in place. Four
of these women had died from the infections.
IUD's are classified as ,,devices"
and not "drugs," and therefore are
not subject to FDA regulations. No
one.is sure exactly how or why they
as

would be greatly appreciatãå. Send
Steve Squire Defense Fund, c/o
Charlottesville Resistance, Box' g3X,
'
\9wc9mb Hall Station, Cñarlotres_
ville, VA 22903.

to:

The Eighth US Çircuit Courr of Appeals in St. Louis, MO, has decided
not to hear Bobby Williams,appeal
of his Nov. 23,1973 convíction under the Federal Gun Control Act.
For Williams, a long-time civil
rights leader in Cairo, lllinois, this

A

work

'

THE COURTHOUSE BEAT

h

s

Sources

finally refused to hear the case, send_
ing Squire to jail.
Squire and his wife have little
money to pay the fine and court
costs,.estimated at 9400, and iny
donation from the workíng public

contraceptives.

Dalkon Shield was often pre-The
scribed for women who had not had
children because of its low expulsion
rate. Because of its shape, oval with
lots of little "feet" all argund, it was
harder for women to expel wiîfr the
uterine cramps that often accompany
insertion of any lUD. However, a
relatively low rate of effectiven'ess and
suspicíon of common infection had
caqsèd Planned Parenthood ana mãny
{99t-r to.stop recommending the
Shield to their patienrs.

of

the National Committee to Free
.Bobby Williams, said that she was
disturbed by the Circuit Court's
decision. "lt's getting late," she
said. "We're starting to get mail and
some contributions, but a Supreme

Court case is expensive. lt will be
hard to even get a hearing.,'Then
she added: "Let's face it, Bobby's
only guarantee of freedom is the '
support of concerned Americans.
Without that, he goes to prison for
five years, and the civil rights movement goes backwards again.',

For further information contact:
Nat'l Committee to Free Bobby
Williams, 27 Windermere Place, St.
Louis, MO 63112. 314-725-1082.
Steve Squire, anti-war activist in the
Charlottesville, Virginia area,. was.
jailed on Monday, June 9th. ln Ap-

ri|,1972, Squire had held a poster

protesting US involvement iñ Víetnam at a ROTC parade at the University of Virginia. He was arrested
on so-called "disorderly conduct"
charges by campus police, convicted,
and given a $25 fine and a suspended
term.
'jail Feeling
that his First Amendment
rights to freedom of speech were

violated by the enforcement of the

yague "disorderly conduct" statute,
Squire appealed and again was con-.
victed, this time receiving a stiffer

four month, $600 fine-plus-courtcosts sentence. After a lengthy series
of appeals, during which Squire was
free on bond, the US Supreme court

to appear before the Riverside Coun_

ty Grand Jury lune24.

Atorney,s . CONFERENCE ON öHILE
*,- .
rhe defendants and åeieni;';ffi;-" The Nario¡at.Co_ordinating Com_
ers. We call on all people concäined i mlttee.:n sol¡darity with Chile is
cu.rrenüy maKlng.arrangements for
with justice to write Ríverside DistrictAttorney Byron Morton (3535 a Leglsla[lve uonterence in WashingTenth Sr., Riíer'ítde, Cal¡f. SZ}-g1J ton DC July 14-15.
and call on him to stop this new
The main áctiyity.of the Sunday
j;ooä"1'.å,\'J1r""
låifi;if*ilÍ

The Riverside District
Offce and Police Department ágainst

g2SO2.

_
fh. Riverside pofitical prisoners
Defense
Committee s4ys this is

part of a pamern of hâiassmànt

g:.:*

r:?p..rring Gary

¿ureou Lrarclner.

contacr:
ãssg
v."r'
¡
'¡

Various.sources.

rrefugees
"visas
(4) Establish an embargo on
trade with Chile (5) Open heariñgs

-,

the circumstances surroundíng the,
of Frank Teruggi and Charlês
Horman, two Amerícans last,Seen
alive being taken by.the ignq,,. , ,
The main Point of the two diys,
of course. is dhe mass lobby on Monãay,whión we hope will Provide the
imoetus to cut off aid and at the verY
least force a congressional ipsolution
condemníng the conti¡ued"violation
of human rights in Chile.
deaths

For more information contact

The Cornmiftee to Save Lives in I
Chile, 542 Dearborn St., Chicago,

rL

60605.

-NCCSC

á

t4rr¿Ú*

ãf

Lawron_ and

.. Lawton is a community
He and Zurebu

organizer.
Gardner aie biãck
re.sidents of Riverside chare"d ;iih
killing two white policemen in

1971.

.

ñîï'ff#liïlrlir;i::r,;ifi::lå'

aid to chile (2) cut_otr economió
For more information
aidandinrernarionalfinanciat
The Riversidepotii¡calÞiiio;;;;-'
credit (3.) Extend Chilean visitors'
Defense Committee (RpÞóCl.
andopen up our borders to
Main St., Rm.22, n¡Iu"rtiã"i'cul¡r.
J¡sv,

on US involvement in the couP and

Two previous trials of the two

men ended in hung juries and most

ot'the jurors have votqd for acquit_
tal. An unusual trial iischeduleá
to begin July 29 in Riverside.
9.n Wednesday, June 5, Glenn
and Holt issued a joint statement
calling on District Attorney Byron

Morton to drop all charges against

.La\ryton and Gardner. They stated,

"lt's undisputed that for three yeais

Morton has had the total resóurcesi'
of the FBl, Calif. Attornev General.
Riverside Sherriff's Dept. and d{verl

side Police, "and has not been able
to convince two predominâtely white

"
. "There

juries.

were those who thought
the election (DA Byron Morton was
re-elected on June 4) would allow
the district attorney to invoke some
sanity and to abandon this three-yearlong need to make scapegoats of '
Messrs. Gardner and Lawton, when
the real killers are roaming the
streets of Los Angeles."
When asked for a reply on Wednes'day, Mortoh said he had no comment
at that time. Two days later, in an
unusual action, the District Attorney
Hrbpoened attorneys Holt and Glenn
to appear before the J ury, but proceedings were postponed until June
24. Morton would not reveal the
reason for the subpoenas.

Marc Kitchel, speaking for the
Riverside Political Prisoners Defense
Comrnittee stated: "This is another
attempt to int¡midate those working
for the dèfense. ln the last three
years there have been many incidents

òf harassment and int¡midation by

JOAN JARA COMPLETES
TOUR RAISING FUNDS FOR
vtcTtMs oF"cHILEAN J UNTA

Chilean
iotksingei Vicror Jara, #;;';;i;.,
run¿-iuTiing r*; áifi" ris ;;;";¡.r,
of ra'ies in Catifornia. Ti""u;tl;;irñ
her two young daughrcr;;i;;;ï;k; t
before an overflow
å;î;ä
'
"r"*;
Joan Jara, wife of the slain

ã:iti;:l:ñ;;,;vl;iÀ'#"
""'_ôñåT,

cillöå,

íñ

in
f."r"]_lfji_

¡nged the audie nce rhat

Chile now, while "you

3åüil3l;,i

"Vícior went to Catholic school,
studyingfor çhe Dríesthood-then found it was not for him.

a seminary

MANIFESTO.

m.ime group.and realized
L: :i* acafling.
He ioined the.gr'öup,
li:-tlre
went
to-the.University of Chile's

I don't sing just to síng

school for rhearer and became a

,

theatrical producer'"

Joan and Victor taught at
^,- Ig{
:T;|]JJ|ïfJ'.i;l åi"Jh{n,1fr:ir

fi:|;.'jn\åi:iå1,33å'ihJtTfl]:,1?ü::,

,;ï:er;utcenrer

of inrellecrual develop-

;:ïffi';'gl?'"åiji'$'?'r Aí:lmlfi;:'L'Jlï á*,il{;;;
iã*ing

the iunta" ap_pears more.and. more,
scrawled on Santiago walls...
_ Victor.J ara died in the National

clai. ñow Sinr. if,á
"oup,
studenti nã"ãiU.ã" Èiiíðã,-inrtrurto*

or bêçause ! singlvell.
I sing because the guitar
has ils own feeling and meanin!.

It

t

¡

of earth,
wings of a dove.

has a heart

. lt's like holy water

sanctífying glory and pain.
My song got caught in it
As Violeta would say.,
Worker guitar
with a smell like springnot a guitar for the rich
or anything like that.

Riãã,
risidly censored and
l
My song reaches up
Stadium some days after the coup,
taught"orrr*
by the m'if r.táry.;;--''- _LNS
gtep
by
step
to
the
Stàrs'having been brutally tortured-his
i
because a song means something ,'
fingers cut off-before he was mabÉrlne".:
whert it beats in the veins
gunned to death. He died trying to
of one who will be singing real truths,j
lead his fellow inmates in a song. The
not passing trivialities or foreign thlngs
story of his death has become one of
the better known horror stories to
¡
This is a song of heavy words
come out of Chile since the Septemsung to the depths ôf the
t,
ber 11, 1973 military-coup.
^ '
where everything ends
However, less is known about Vicand where everything begins.
tor .f ara as he lived, and during hef ¡
appearances, Joan described his life.
So n8 sung courageously
wi ll always be'new song.
Jara, a strong supporter of Salvador
l
uå.\\.t.. ';.,".d",r
Allende, was representative in many
-Vjctor f iíra
ways of the people that saw a future
We are five thouiånd ' i, .' .t
for Chile in rhe visions of the Up
Here in this little corner of
government.
¡{-,
the city.
"He was the son of a farmworkêr.
How many are we-in all the
His mother was a famous folksingercities of the world?
famous, that is, among her fellow
peasants. Senora Amanda had a
'/ All,all of us, our eyes fixed on death.
lovely voice and sang at parties and
How terrifying ís the face of fascism!

funerals.....

"The family came to Santiago
when Victor was 13, to escape the
poverty of the countryside, only to
find more poverty in the city. lt,s a
famil iar story-hard working mother,
who killed herself with work, a
father who drank.

For them, bloofl is a medal
Carnage is a heroic gesture.
Song, I cannot sing you well when I must sing out cf fear.
When I am dying of fright
When I find myself in these endless inoments
Where silence and cries are the echoes of my song.
-Last poem of Victor |an:
written in the National Stad¡um of Chile

16 WtN

wtN

17

WR¡ MOVES TO BRUSSELS
After 51 years of being headquartered
in London, the War Resisters lnternat¡onal is moving this month to new
headquarters in Brussels. So is the

lnternational Fellowship of Reconciliation, formerly headquartereJ in

Denmark.
"This move and the sharing of
facilities is consistent with a itrong
resolution passed by the IFOR Council in April," says the last issue of the
WRI Newsletter to be put out in London. "The resolution calls for strengthening of ties with WRI and states:
'Members of IFOR Council dedicate
themselves to positivelv investieatins

the possibilities wíthin their felÏow-

"

ships for an internat¡onal union be-

tween WRI and lFOR."'
major actign slated by WRI
.in first
Brussels is the oiganization in
October of a European Anti-Militarist Congress, "whose purpose will be
to examine the present militarized
situation in Europe and to develop
strategies for peaceful alternativei.',
Location of the new WRI headquarters is a large house named La
lVloison de lo Paix, purchased in
1968 by a well known Belgian pacifist and placed in trust to be used for
peace work. WRI and IFOR were in-

The Llv¡ng Theater Confronts Exxon
Photo by Brâd Lytile.
vited to occupy the space in the house
rent-free, but were not in a position
to move at that time. The address is
Van Elewyckstraat 35, Brussels
1050,
Jim Peck

Belgium

FREE THE PHILIPPINES!
Wednesday, lune 12, about 30 people
picketed and rallied at the EXXON
building, 1251 Avenue of the Americas, NYC, to commemorate Philippine independence day. The EXXON
building houses the headquarters of
both EXXON, the world's largcst oil
company, and AMSTAR, a giant
sugar company that distributes

Domino sugar. Both corporationi
support tctatorship over Filípino
workers. The dcmonstration was'
sponsored by the Friends of the

lllinino

Peopfe (FFp), Harana (a

Filipino cutturat groúó), f t fai¡punan.n_g mga Demokratikong Fili_
pino (KDP), the Movcmenr fõr a
Frec Philippincs (MFp). and thc
National Association of Filipinos in
thc US (NAFUS). Speakers inctuded
Anic Cruz (KDp), and úulut Valtc
(MFP), and Ernic Ordoncz. Charles
King and Rev. Kirkpatrick sang, and
thc Living Thcarer did one of i-ts
lively and inspiring things.

-Bradford Lyttle
The "little red songbook" of Wobbly
fame-is still around, and a bargain at
that lor seventy five cents. lt has
some great songs compiled by the
IWW like "Pie in the Sky', as well as
all five verses to The lnternationale.
While it is admitedly hard to remember all the words to The lnternationale, it's too bad that meetings of

NDA

AI{D

n0sD$

radicals these days no longer end

too

with the singing of that song sung by
millioñs of others around thc woild

today. At one time; Amerícan radicals could look forward to singing it
at the end of every meeting. No matter how rancorous the preceding
debate was or who called who iname,
everybody stood up together and got
through at least one verse. Most of us
know how debate-f¡lled meetings end
today after some particularly heavy
things have been said. Maybe we
could think of a better song to replace the lnternationale. Tñe point is

that the American left should start

singing again. One way to check out
how radicals u.sed to sing is by ordering the Wobbly songboo*k thräugh thc
oldest social íst publ ish ing housJin
the United States, Charles H. Kerr
Pu.blishing, 431 Dearborn, Chicago,
lllinois 60605. . . . .lf you,re inter-'
ested in the lndustrial Workers of
18 wtN

,

the World, you can rest assured that
they are still alive, kicking and organizing. You can get a cõpy of their
paper, the lndustrial lilorker, by

writing tg !WW, 752W. Webster,

Chicago, 1|.l.60614.. . . . The paity of
Eugene Debs and Norman Thomas is
stíll around. today also. Following a
reorganiz.ation period a couple yõars
ago, the Socialist Party, |JSA hás
been recruiting new membcrs from
people committed to the idea of
d.emocratic socialism. They just held
th,eir convention in Milwaú kee, a city
with a strong socialist heritage. De- '
spite. what y9 may have beeñ hught
*
in school, cities like Milwaukee

elected socialist mayors and councilpeople a! one time. Victor Berger,
one of the few socialist congreispéople
we've cvcr had, camc from ihcrd.
Things are looking up again too.
Recently a member of the Madison

city council joincd the party. Thc

Socialist Party, USA, is hcaáquartered
at.l012 North 3rd Strect, Milwaukee
(!) Wisconsin 53203.. . . . One of the

fincr "alternatiúe" papers that still

itself as an alternative and yet
remains a thriving conccrn is thc Ann
Arbor Sun. Mixing thc best parts of
thc counter culture with good, hard
rcporting on day to day lifc in 4nn
AIþ9r, thc staff consisrcntly puts out
a highly readable paper thai goes a
tong way foward actually changing
peo.ples minds on things. lf you subscnbe,.you actually gct a free rccord,
which is in keeping with thcir policy'
of actively trying to link music and'
politìcs (thcy don't really have to
sees

link it

since thcy arc alrcady prctty
wcll mixed). lf you'd like a'sámptó
copy, drop thcm a line at thc Ann

Arbor Sun,208 South First Strect,
Ann Arbor, Michigan. . . . . And if
you'd like anything included in Brcad

& Roses Too, drop a line to Bread &
Roses, 1734 20rh Sr. NW, Washingron,

DC

20009.

_Biian Dohõrty'

CHILDREN AND WAR
Howard Tolley, lr.

REVIEWS
,.

Teachers College Press, 1973

196

pp.

$4.95 paper.

Howard Tolley's study of "political socialization to international conflict" offers some hope for the future of peace,
but little present solace for the effortsbf anti-war people.
From a survey of '2,677 children aged seqen to fifteen con'
ducted from January through March, 1971,in New York,
New Jersey and Maryland, Tolley finds that "the children
surveyed display no g[eater pacifìsm or anti-war sentiment
than young people polled in the 1930's. The widespread
opposition to the Vietnam war apparently hís not generated
revulsion for all war."
However, at the end,of the'book, Tolley concludes that
"concerned adults should nôTe With pleasure that a con- ,
certed effort to change attitudes through formal educatiôn
has signifìcantly modified children's outlook on international
conflict. Further efforts to teach respect for national values
of a nonviolent philosophy should¡have a similar effect."
Although the book's price exceeds the profundity of its
conclusions, Tolley's work stands as a helpful indicator of
some of the social conditions affecting anti-war work. His
main interest is in discovering which "agents" in a child's
world most affect her or his knowledge and attitudes about
war and, in particular, Vietnam. The fiye important teachers
are:

1\ Family: For most children,.parents,.school and race
"account for the most significant vaiiation in children's attitudes toward the war." "Neither sex nor'kno'ivledge of
Vietnam significantly influences opinions.of the war." Although "boys are consistently more patriotic, more opposed.,
to communism, and more favorably disposed to war in
general than are gir1s, differences are less than expected and
are not significant."
Basically, Tolley finds that parents play the most import¿nt role in shaping children's specific opinions about the
Vietnam war and other specific political tissues. But while
,,Parents greatly influence what children belìeve about the
war," the media excefcises the greatest influence on what
children know about the war. ln turri, {he schools, especially the public and parochial schools, seem to be the
itrongest forces shaping the more generalized, broadly'
attitudes of young people.
'patriotic, anti-communist
However, "in homes where adults rarely discuss politics,
outside influences undoubtedly contributó more to'politicál
learning. Children whose parents are vocal and attentive
learn opinionô at home which outweigh the effect of con-

current or subsequent expqrience. Committed parents ins.till distinct values in their children rqgardless of school or
media influence, whereas children of the "silent majority"
learn more from sources outside.,the home."
Another;lnteresting finding 's that "youhþ people whose ,
fathers had served for many years in the armed forces seem I
no more disposed to accçpt the necessity of war than do
children raised by párents with no military experience, nor
do the'military children express firmer support foi patriotic
values than those from civilian homes."
2) -Sch oOi :'Th e' ! pbl lí rrg was' conducted i n pu bl ic, private

.

.and parochial schools from urban, suburban and rural'L

communities. Significantly, over 30 schools refused to let
Tolley in the door because "principals or parents felt thc
questionnaire unsuitable." Some 49% of the teachers interviewed felt that "they should never express in class personal beliefs about the war, and some principals who declined tó participate in the survey argued that such a controversial topic should not be discussed in school. . . ln : '"
:
some classes, children laughed aloud when asked,.!Hoù
much do you learn about the war from teachers in school?'
'
On the other hand, children in classes whose teachers be- '.
lieve they should expressly support the government's policy,:
display the greater support for American involvement in . .,
Vietnam. Thus, it would seem that when teachers explicitl¡1 1
a¡d. purposefully enu_nciate a partisan opinion of the war;,a' ,
.

.their,views have an

'

effect."

',

.i

Oh instruction about the war, Tolley finds that although
86% of ,thg teachegi interviewed "said they had mentioned
or discussed th€.war in the six months preceding the survey,
less than half þad spent an entire period or lesson'on Vietnam sinceIl0s\'war beg4n. The limited instruction,had little

oÏ no observabld impatt.onr.tè3t'.results. The finding provides
evidênce"that schools have done little to inform pupils
particulars of the lndo-China conflict."
abput
- -i) ùàan
t Although between the ages of five and tour-"' . .
teen the average American child witnesses the violent destruction of 13,000 human beings on television, TolleyÌs . -,,
survey r'produced little evidenþe that television influences
children's outlook on war in general or on the Vietnam conhe finds that children regard TV
as only "their most important source of information about
thê war." "Our results," he writes, "offer little to support
the contention that television has fostered disapproval of
American policy," Tolley believes that "children quite conceivably pay less heed to opinions expressed by impersonal
figures than to those of their parents, teachers and brothers
and sisters, with whom they have daily contact."
Tolley's findings generally conform to others. lncreased

flict in particular." lnstead,

WIN 19

t

startlíng lhey do clarify some conditions,of which we need
to be reminded. Furtheimore, Tolley is to be encouraged
for attempt¡ng a significant PhO d¡ss'ertation rather than the
usual drivel,.for trying to practice science for th.e people,
and tor.sparing us much oî the dissertationese that so often
affiicts first boôks in the social sciences.
On.the basis of these findings, ir's hardto resist a few
extrapolationt. Èoi oTä,iñe ranked. importance
l".l",tlly:
oÎ.the "Ï¡ve teachers" is inversely'related to their accessibility; that is, it's generallv ãasie'r ió ger inro churches and
lynaSogues to show films and talk to people_about the wa¡
than it is to get inro rhe meJia, icrróbis añd ho"s.on rhe
same terms. Yet the latter cleal'ly influence people's out-

arrangement with just one teacher, then I|/tN would have
an adãitional circulation of approximately 100,0001 At ttre
verv least. one hooes that lUlN readers and their children
,

are'taking it into ihe¡r classrooms to share with teachers and
friends.

The importance of the schools is attested by theal4;îity

to attãná. 'Ár Wuir"í
*irh';h¡;ñ;h;Þ;;r"c;" has decided;;irnìáinörõ,'r.tãitonat
Hö;;;îñllsCöiË."ntt¿noçeJ:
'señior

Guard in lieu of high school

,"d ì;Ë;;;;;Ã1, äg¡rtr"t¡on for tÉe ãlat'ov t ífit ifråãi

personnel, collegó RÓTC scholarships, military p-æsenc" at

;;;;;;';;;r-;r; ;;;;;h

;;;;iity.;'

I

I

I

Photo by Cam Smlth

knoívledge about an issue does not necessarily shape or
change one's opinions about the issue. ln faci, opinion often
prec.edes kn.owledge. People view the media séleètively,

tending to discard or ignore information that conflicti with
their opinìons. People are also generally reluctant to adopt,
and especially to express, opinþns thai conflict with thoie'
of thesignificant people with whom they live and work.
4) Community: Here Tolley focuses mainly on race and
-ipcome.
"T_ryglve per cent of the black as oppôsed to 3% of
the white children reporr a relative killed iri Vietnam. ln
addition, 28% of the blacks and'15% of the whites indicate
a father or brother had fought in the war.', ln general, although black children indicated less factual knówledle

about the war, they opposed the war more than their-white
counterparts. ln particular "upper status black children
oppose_the war more than all other groups in the sample."
They also lost confidence in the preiident and learned to
oppose the war at an early age. A number of black children
displayed acute sensitivity nót only to the disproportion"t.
personal costs being borne by their fathers and biothers in
cgmbat, but also to the impact of the war's general costs on
the health and welfare of the black communJtv.
lronically, "white children from suburban ,îi¿¿1" income
homes as well as rural families rank highest on the War Acceptânce Scale and also express the greatest interest in joining the armed services." These childien also ,,express greater
confidence in the President's credibility, apprové his hãndL
ing of the war, and sanction the use of'átom¡c weapons in
Vietnam to a far greater extent than children from wealthier
familíes."
Of the five teachers, religion plays the least,
. 5) Religion:
negligible role. Except for children atiending a
{Torl
Friends school, the minor observable effects of relifion are
disconcerting. "Children professing the major Christian
faiths" have a slight tendency to approve the war more than
,,Catholic
Jews and non.religíous people.
and protestant
c.hi I d.r-e1,

for example, more

readi

I

y

accept

that, Everyone

should be ready to die in defense of his iountry,s freédom.',,
20 wtN

They also express "fewer doubts about the president's leadership in wartime." The only slight exception is that ,,children who attend Jewish services each week appear more
favorably disposed toward war than those who have never
taken part." Tolley notes parenthetically, that,,the fundraising campaigns conducted in many synagogues since 1967
for contributions to lsrael's defense may þãrtly explain the
result."
Some of thespecific attitudes expressed by the chfdren
w-ere as follows: ln general, the¡r att¡tudes paralleled those
of adults in 1971. About onethird of the ihitdren supportedAmerican policy in Vietnam while half did not ap
prove. lnterestingly, however, "despite their objections io
American policy and their doubts about the president,',
7 5% agreed with the statement: ,,t hope the US wins dhe
war in Vietnam." Only 6% disagreed. The chíldren were almost unanimously agreed on the pious platítude about war
being a nono. Specific wars were, as usual, another mattgr.
"One-third of the chíldren believed'war is good if the US
beats the communists."' The majorify agreed that,,wars
are sometimes needed."
lnler.estingly ,30o/i believed that "war is exciting, although
9q\¡ 5o/o believed it was good." A much larger proportion,
60%, regarded "peace as exciting which suggeits that theie
is no undue glorification of military conflict." Furthermore,
"the young do not blindly accept the proposition,'My coun-,

try, right ôr wrong.' Asked how they would respond if the
President decided upon war, less than oneforth say they
would fight if they believed he was wrong. A larger proportion,36% would fight only if they agreed with hìs decision,
and 10% indicate they would not fight under,any circumstances."
One major difference between Tolley's findings and
those of studies done a number of years ago is that children
today do not have an idealized view of the President. For
example, only 22% believed that Nixon always tells the
truth about the

war.

Although the findings of this book are not especially

:

I
I

the.

one,

ipace

i;ilr,;;;il;r;il;1;r;;";l

;";,;il
lnstead
of trying tosustain full-day experimçntal;chools among ðrnt:i¡Jót¡enl*,i;;hfi;í,ìi;iii.". on resisr¿nce¡ At one
kindred soul¡ why not encourage experienced organizeis to ó¿inç-rrr. *ì:'I;l;'Ãäîé;lã;ã". can idenrify raturitv, t
"
help establish experimental afterschools in neighborhoods ;lireËãom;"onirìrn"å
áni;;;ù thosé resisting.,, i jouirt,
and towns where these ideas are unknown or suspect? lf
shô meañt it to soundasîirif., ä 1nV reading oi it, but-unrr.
they.really offer exciting alternativÇs, .then many neighbor- .r, *ði¿,¡t oi ã ;;y ilo|J ìñierp'retat¡o,iof ,itíróse re- r ..
hood parents and children in the regular parochial and pub- sisting,', the statemeni contains J;;g;;;;; ;";*;ii!ilic schools may want to get involved too. Perhaps then, the Chrisiían chauvinism.
fhì *frlæ W.ît has had ,norgt Áane-:;
after-school would beccime strong.enoughr¡o_become.fûlF ups wirh "tnã"rräiän
dËopiài; invrtiqu". Cárpl.l;ïi,'.fu
time, or b9ttgt V..q iß example might actually turn the
Christian evangelical e'mOållistrments and our notions of
regyþr.neighborhood rchool around.
progress, it pro'ãuiãi ô"*r;;i;;. wrrà" ir'rv cun rãiúi ut
Within the schools there are mahy goBd teachers who , moít Aoj pe'ople wiii;¿;lÉ*;hemsetves tó Uè àppiãä.f.,.¿
.

f

:åi',:"ii",'I ffil,:1,,"*t

,

ín nprìi 'tri, rniiiturv

stáge¿ ã

l-!:_it¡l
im-

I

.

.' '

rp"itu"rlu'r performance in New órt.uns ai ttr"
looks much more than.religión.
annuur
;ËÁñrican Personnetand Guidänce
oJ tnäãnircnes suggÚsts that
"åliãîtl;;"f
Ä;öi"ii";.
rñð Àpcn¡r rhe umbre¡a-ãieå"ii"lì"rÌ"i,t.
-^,J,T.n:l_tgYjne
rellgrous peace fellowships have a great deal more
nation's guidance counselôrs.
1v9rf to
"fo-rexample, from exp'erienlgy¡th
fùflv ¡r rhe miti,tary so inreresred in counsetors? For
9::1,9?y:
jj.1:^:.fellowship, that whilq[he EPF is active in
trev iéacrr-Ltrouiin¿s or young people rvòryouy on on.-to-'
::93]
portant ways ln the national churih'structures, ¡ts e-Ítective
on" bur"s. Secondly, and'perhãps most ímp'ortantly, high
gr¿ss roots, parish-level consriruency is almost non-exisfent.
;ír;ü;;;ãlãis
s'ri"n¿ mucn åf their timã áãinàíärái¡on"f
This was partially reflected at the lait General conventíon
They toubh the lives of students *rrãn irr.v ár"
õiñ;r.
when the lay House of Deputies declined.to pass a modest [ñ-j,i';;;r
öãún*lãrr usus¡y do nor haíe muçh
ttu$,ryl!"1 amñesty approved by the Ho. use of Bis.hops. ¡"fü;;ä.nñil;.bt;.
itràrntr who already have rhei¡ trei¿s togettrer
I here ¡s, further, a tendency toward self-segregation
or *ná ur" securelv settled into an.educational.vocatiõnal
lmong many anti-war fo.lks, w.h91hq it be moving to rural
track. lnitead , ih"y ur" most aiile to do the1i thing on the ,
locales or just living in city'neighb-o.rhoods inhabited.by ¡nãnî,irA"ntl whó are emotionity, int"iiãðtùäiiy'uiOãq
i
higher than average percentages of like.minded people..
. ðróàt¡ãïâfty iarifr, open and vulnei.âUle io,rggrítiurìn.
Many arealso segregating theír children¡,by educating them '' flu'ences tité,,Wtry nót
¡oin the military-s""uiity, good pay,
at home, in commgnal settings., experimental schools, or
stéa¿V woiç travél ind'all that."
tpgng the better-of, in established privat'e schools. But.one Hávine ample slush funds, the pentagon is dangling the
of the c_osts of trying to save the children from the stultify- money bãgs úbfore thè educátiohal muiés. For exämf,le, the
ing confines of the mass educational system is that precisely ÀÈGÁ is näving financial troubles. Bur now, judging frJm
those children and theii parents who might have a leavening, the number of-full-page recruiting a¿s in tné ¡pö,{nrwslib.erating effect on these s¿hod,ls are absent. T'fie millions of. letter and affiliatedlotrnals, it up-p"art that the pentagon is '
children who, f.or various reasons, find themselves locked in- providing an imporíant suUíiay iór the Association. T.here
to-the "systeml do not have suffciently supportive
is not mùch harä evidence on ihis yet, but it seems more
referents by which theybanreach outand touch base witþ
lhan coincidental that while regular eáucation, health and .
viable alternatives. Models of pacific conduct¿nd anti-waf welfare funds are being curtailä, the pentagon is bopping
, .i '.
attitudes are scarce. Tolley's-study reflects thisincidentally. offto school wiih bonãnza budgets.
lf the responses from the children at the Fr¡ends school are
Buq if Tolley's fin{ings are íccurate, then we need also '
d.ropped fro.m his sample, then the.p,umber of pacifists and
to be much moie sensitirie to relating tó people on theii . ,
:
the proportion of children opposed to the war also drops
home grounds. Basically, this calls fõr more amiable neigh- ,1
significantly.
borlinãss, however û6ihät may sound. yet the euse wlth , t
Perhap¡ then we should think. more carefully about "un- which it is possible to participatä in public actions often .. .i
wallíng" the " movement"- instead of letting it become unseems to substitute foi tlre dffficulq but equally important -, '
glued into segregated particles like the rest of our societ¡
work of relating and communicatirig on the móre pirsona{r: i
'
and shifting without wh9!ly changing the spirit of the
ievels,wher:e enõmies and strangers c-an meet ánO un¿erstáfi-rf:i
emphasis from communities of place, of living-tosether-in- àne another as human Oeings, ñoias objects oi propàganda ',
closed-spacen to communities of fluid actign covering ex- .
or audienc-es and açlors in foiiticat theiters.
tensive
ihe trap.renecte'd
that's a bit ab.stract, but consider s0þools.
in a-stãtement that creeped into Elizabeth McAlisïór's re.
- Well,

'

I

year, militzry ilþtitude

mi¡t ;-;; ;;;r, ,]". ro ca,, a morarorium on
1i[ifi::{üjiïil',1','oîålî"
'"
and
the use of mimeãgraph, machines. f suspeci lúo|'; p.,

leave even the best intentioned teachers frustratèd
cv.nigTl if not,already fired. By the. way, WtN misht atso
tablish spec¡al classroom rates so that teachers could use
instead of; or at least in addition to The l|eekly
Time or Newsweek, lf half .of WIN's readers init¡ated

es ðäóiijiãi¡, ir1ïfiríå'riTù;'öLshes abour as m uch paper
it as the_government with equaliy ¿ismal resútti. a";;f"i'
Reoder,. therefõre, ron"irã.r'il.'¡ii""gthv
F--È¡ur'r.
' ' _¡onñ
rhls rrees and'shade rni UoÀ"r. "i.i;i ;õ;;.
finä¡¿
wlN 21

,

:

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 3

I

say around the world for we are all
human beings ând we are all struggling

fo¡ the

same things,

Letterto Randy from SpillerCreek

only in different

languages and sometimes different ways,
let us conie together in our struggle's and
make power to the people a reality. . .

Randy Kehler, imprisoned

and you were

for non-cooperati on with

granite lodgepole water
grass too, bending

the draft, sent to minimum
security pr¡son, Safford
Arizona, where he refused to
work and was transferred to
La Tun4 max¡mum security
prison, Anthony-La Tuna

-CARL L. HARP No. 126-516

Washington State Penitentiary

POW campaign)

I've got'all I need"
you meant it too

may provoke a Congressional investiga-

even the avalanche

easy tal

Americøn Report has a solid, competent radical staff, headed by Bob Hoyt,
who built the National Catholíc Reporter
into the major voice for change in American Cathcilicism, and later ran the press
operation for the Har¡isburg Trial. Hoyt
and his staf havç a plan to make American Report largely self-sustaining; but a
sudden money crunch at CALC has
foÌced them to temporarily suspend publication while they rush to try to raise
$25-30,000. Without that sudden infusion
of money, the newspaper rvill proliably
die.
It would be a shame if it did. As Ma¡ty Jezer pointed out here recently, the
press at large is still doing a crummy job
of reporting on the empire; those of us
who want to change this need all the
help and information we can get. American Report is well on the way to becoming an important source of that assistance,
if it can stay alive.
Most Vietnam-era movement groups,
and their publications are in fin¿ncial
trouble these days, as WIN people know

whole

-

only too well, And in gauging our own
p¡iorities for stretching a small amount
of resoutces, we have to try to make our
few dollars count. I believe that American
Report deænes a high place on our
priority lists, and I hope you will agree,
Subscriptions are $10 a year, and larger
.donations a¡e welcome. Send them to
Amerícan Report,235 W East 49th St.,
New York, NY 10017. It will be a good

investment.
"

-CHUCK FAGER
Cambridge, MA

alive here
I feel my length
and breadth my skin
and voice the song
of my breathing
La Tuna Federal Prison
glare of whitewashed

parapet wdlls
sliding green

electric insides
and guard'towers
men with

rifles

outside
thinkihg they could lock up
your subversive clarity
granite lodgepole water
straight from El Paso
we drove

to visit
a

little

you

wary

we waited

in the

third-story flat

beneath a wedding photograph

of you and Jane
a circle of friends
at the beach
I wasn't clear

,Thô Peace Center in Princeton NJ needs
a coordlnátor to organlz€ local antl-war
actlvlties. Subsistence pay avallable,
Looklng for somoone w¡th imaginatlon
and commitm€nt to soclal chânge. Contact Allan Smith, 5l West Broad St.,

that night

$Z.SO

no blame

you walked through
a sliding green
electric door

lti¿l tYg

Now is the time to tell us, because the next time we enter changes in the
mailing list w¡ll be August 2'l and that will be for the September issueó. lf
you don't want to miss WIN this fall, please give us your new address in i
time. Love, Mary.'

Now Midwest research instltute s€eks unselfl sh, soclally-consclous, non-care6rlst
MA-PhO economists, political-sclentlsts,
etc., who can get grants or ralss funds.
Somi-scholarly Studles on wâr-p€âc€ r€"
conv€rs¡on €tc. Read Gross ônd Ostêrman
"The Now Profess¡onals" pp 33-77. Mld-

we hugged good-by

issues

MOVING THIS FALL??

Terracg, Culver Clty, Los Ang6les, CA
90230.

LaTuna Federal Prison

tor 12 monthly

The Uncertified Human
1295 Gerrard St. E.
Toronto, Ontario, Can.

ALTERÑATI VE PERSPECTIVES ON
UtVl¡¡è, We cover all aspects of Life- '
economlc, cultural, lnteipersonal, heallh,
politlcs in the GREEN REVOLUTION'
Magazine. Your name and address on a
postcatd, get you a ffee sample copy.
Send to: School of Llvlng, 3959 Shedd

in a park
in your flat
Spiller Creek, or

¡

'Old Address label (from

w€st lnstitute, l206 N 6th 5t.,43201.

most rec'ent issue):

Joln Amerlca's most mil¡tãnt and democratlc labor un¡on: THE INDUSTRIAL
WORKERS OF THE WORLD, 752
W. W6bstor Ave., Chlcago,

leaning agai nst granite

lL 60614.

.

,

I'm lock€d up for clvil dlsobedlence.
G€t out next year. Would like to corrêspond wlth some females. wlll answer

ãii a'orn¿ m"

I think of you here

all who send a photo. Eddy J. von
Stelner, (35258-4É41, PO Box IOOO,
Steilacoom, wA 98388.

clear water (sure

I know
you're muddy sometimes)

ln Albuquerque, NM,

ffows

finds its own
fills
flows down
fills again

level

àre.

the Pro life newsPaPei

tife

. . .the movement that believe5 that every ìndividual human being,
, has the right toc¡is¡_and attain hqm4n fulfillment.
Keep up with the.struggle against genetic engineering, mandatory sterilization, abortion, capital punishment, mercy-killing. Find out about pro life
'"feminism and the assault on the real causes of world poverty.
Pro

s,and zíClcopy or $3/year (12 lssu€s) to
RECON, PO Box 14602, Phila, PA 19134.

.t

there were no walls
we were at the beach

and

THE UNCERTIFIED HUMAN
Éc

RECON, July lssue includei¡ B-1, The
Mannod Bomber Resurr€cted; No Equallty
for Military Women; Antl-NATq Conlerence¡ Am€ricans Remdln ifLVietnami
fevlgw of "Vlllago War"; and much moie.

worried about Jane

rusty tap vúater

_.{1g.yo.u an uncertified human?

FOR SALE-Hard cover manual on

you told stories and

we each drink

.

Read

,,EXORCtSM." Teils hgw to exorctse a
person or place. Great tun & gift ¡tèm$3.2O Don Hone Ltd., Ðêpt. 10, 1399
Franklln Av€., Gard€n Cltyì, NV,ll530.

quiet

smog above the cíty

,

nomic, military lhvolvement. Read

laughter

l"¿;;piË ói;.

777-5s60.

Hopew€ll, NJ 08525.

so thick the prison barber '
couldn't stop its growing .

4

lowstone, SJlt Lake City, Reno, California, Las Vegas, NM, Texas, Mex'ico

SOUTHERN AFRICA monthly magazlne, $s/year. Wrlt6 for sample, SAC,
244 W. 27th Streèt, Dept. w, Now York,
Nêw York lOO01..

sun

we talked about the outside
and you the inside
your brown hair

Sept.

City, New Orleans, Tenn., DC, Phila, NYC.
lf you have a car they might use, or would like to arrange à meeting
w¡th them, contact. Bradford Lyttle;339 Lafayette St., NYC 10o'12,(212)

End th€ n€ws blackout. Read about
P€opl€'s Mov€ments, US polltlcal, êco-

"can I get you anything?"
"no" you answered

k

Hans Joachin Winkler, a German pacifist/socialist plans a tour with friends

ary: NYC, NH, Montreal, Toronto, Niagra, Detroit, Chicago, Denver, Ypl-

AF.
RtcAN RActsM AND couo¡¡rnu.lllür.

remembered

weäte summer squash and rice
a

US COMPLICITY IN SOUTHERN

i
.

Have you a car to loan or give them? They can spend about gT)0. on it,
and at least two of them are mechanically inclined.
They also want to meet with peace groups. They will follow this itiner-

cert, Phllamonlc Hall, Jlly 28, 8 PM.
Tlcketr start åt $3.00 wÏlt€: Box 738'
Old Chelsea Sta. lOO11.

and did not look back

I

another time and place

in

.

La Tuna's towers
and parapets
hundreds of little windows
all barred
staring out from bright
white walls

CAR NEEDED FORTOUR
of the US from I uly 2O.25 untíl the end of

wlth rel3ter's nam€.

cuba/chile'74, an €xh¡bltlonånd con-

" than ks

when it storms

20 w'ordLI"
ev6ry iO words,

a condemned house
plaster
falling down

you wore kakhi

¡

gl

lD style. $5.25 donaüon. safo Roturn,
156 Flfth Ave.r New York, NY f OOlO.'

and were surprised to see us

the air is clear
the water pure

is

. Oth€rwls€

the i.nsides of

granite and lodgepole
don't lie
neither do deer
or meadows
filled with ground squirrel

unequivoçal

¡f no $ lnvolved

Amnesty Bracelets (antl-war answsr to

everything gets wet
we all feel it

tion.

'Frêe

I accused myself
and left shaken

New Mexico

sang their songs

-ì

Bonnd
Bullerin þut
llmlt€d.to

listening yielding

WIN readers and friends should know that
another outpost of radical journalism
and commentary, American Report, is in
serious trouble and needs whatever help
we çan provide it. American Report is
the newspaper of Clergy and Laity Concerned, and úas been published biweekly
for almost four years now. Formerly it
was devoted to mostly Indochina War
and resistance reporting; but since the
"peace".ag¡eqments, it haq bee¡ broaden.
ing its focus to the empire, and the anti.
imperialist süuggles, atlarge. And its
.coverage has been getting better and better: it was where the "great Berrigan
debate" began; it made national news
with a story about the comments by US
Ambassador to Vietnam Graham Martin
about the work of an antiwar New York
seminary president; and its ¡evelation
that Ame¡ican humanitarian aid money
intended for Bangladesh is being diverted
to the postwar-war eflort in Vietnam

last evening'a finch
and this morning
a hermit thrush

PeoP[ets

-/im

Black

lt

llcw Addrc¡s:

a good

place to get WIN and other
good things to read is the

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Living Batch at2406 Central
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