I

j
I

?

violations? It does not.
All rieht. so the PRG restricts freedom of
movemoñt, iends peasants off to indoctrination camps, tums them into forced labor
and takes their rice as a "tax". So what?
Does that justify Saigon's holding of 200'000
oolitical piisoners, stealing water buffalo,
ãnd shellingvillages? It does not.
Violatións of the cease-fi¡e by the PRG
and DRV are quite simply wrong and should
be opposed-eVen condemned, But they are
irrelèvant to the issue of American and
Saigon violationsrof that same agreement,
viohtions which are more seriouS, more constant, and ofgreater implicàtions, for the
future of Vietnam. As long as we continue
to base our opposition to U.S.iSaigon
oolicies on a claim that the PRGi DRV have
bone nothing wrong, we continire to leave
ourselves open to hav'ing our argument demolished-and, in fact, we continue to live

that kind of discussion with each other,
thgg there is no Left, only a scattering of
nice peoples.
I am happy that after the Cox crisis
Ted concluded the analysis was at lÞast
partly correct, andjoined vigorously and
ably in the Washington-area impeachment
campaign. Ifhe had continued to disagree,
. I weuld have been just as happy if he had
explained why and argued with the analysis
-iiiitead of denouncing it.

ARTWASKOW
,Washington, D,C:

"

Allen Young's struggle with nonviolence

and homosexuality has been useful and in
many ways provocative, But I'm not sure
he hæn'i missed the poínt. IWIN 10/l U73 ]

if

November

22,1973 Vol. lX,

Days.

Numper 35

.......4

I ihink that what attracts people to nonChile: TheFinal
violence is a way of dealing with the idea of
Bob Nichols
oppÏèssion. All people are oppressed, Not
only as catagories of people, i.e. blacks,
Chiie Post Scri pt.
women, gays, etc., but also as individuals.
David Mc Reynolds
People aie fat, ugly, have acne, are shy, are
lousy athletes, walk with a limp or, as with
I was astonished by Ted Glick's letter
Frank Terruggi, Viclim of the Junta. . .1-1
me, stammer. Society usually relates to
(WIN 11/8)-not by its disagreement over
John-.|-Thin Stephens
oeoole who are not "normal" (and no one
the yalue of impeachment organizing, but
is "irormal") or do not "fit:i¡id (and ii¡hy
by its tðne. I think it's hir to sây that its
World Peace Confrèss.
should people "fit in") in silly, unfCeling and
tone ànd language are a great deal more
Moris Cakars
ways.
If
our
society
allowed
cften
cruel
in
my
5
"l,etanything
Oct.
than
."violçnt"
people to be as they are, people would not',
15
ter to the Môvement." This makes me
Staternent ö¡-'soviet Dissidents.'. .
feel lelt out, different, oppressed.
feel-bad, but it is not only a matter of my
But oppression alone does not make a
individual feelihgs: this kind oflanguage has
Tiger Cage Builder Gets Award. . .
people or a person righteous, Blacks, women,
m¿de it hard for many movement people
Ed.Hedemann, Mory Robinson
to remain in their movement work, and
ÊnyS, etc. do not constitute a vanguard behas driven rnahy ínto silence or worse. I
.17
cause they are oppressed. Some blacks,
Changes.
will survive, but rrye shoulö try to avoid
women, gays, etc, may bè a vanguard be'.'.20
such language ¡ather than sending ourRevi.gws.........
cause they have qpalities that others ad' sèlvesthrough a constant gauntlet ofabuse
mire, they've the¡èfore eamed a positioh''
as a v/ây of selecting the survivo¡s,
Cover:. Drawingby.l ulie Maas
of leadership, How should one respond to
If we avoid bric[bats, we stlll have
his or he¡ oppression or to the oppression
the task of working out a way ofjudging
of people like him/her self? Sqme merely
such events as Watergate and deciding how
want to tu¡n the tables and oppress those
to relate our ongoing work of buildins life
who have oppressed them. This may be
serv-ing-the peoplg to direct antista-te
emotionally understandable, but it is
STAFF
...qrænizini. Of ceurse you are córr'ect i :
politically reactionary. Otheis, by undermar¡s
cakars, editof
appealing to thg necessity of h.earing and
effects
of
their
dehuma¡fþing
the
standing
susan cakars, staff
, serving the people. But before the Cox
own oppression, try to uriderstand how
jezer,
marty
ed¡tor¡at assistant
.cnsis, 25% of the American people wanted
oppresiion hurts others and then tries fo
nancy johnson, design
the President irirpeached, Why wasn't the
work with others to lift the common burmary mayo, subscliÞt¡óns Iæft hearing and serving those people?
den, This is a revolutionary attitude. Possusan pines, compos¡tion
(This is not a rhetorical or sarcastic
sibly it is utopian. Certainly, it is a frst
question,)
for
the
and,
me,
nonviolence
towards
step
How shall we discuss the meaning of a
way I want to be.in the world,
Watergate? In my "Letter" I did not repeat
I suspect that gay people are more open
FELLOW TRAVELERS
the arguments of my July 12 WIN article
to nonviolence because they have become
on Watergate: that Presidential dictator:
more in touch with their own oppression.
'..:::
ship is the crest of the crisis of capitalism;
Men whom Allen calls, "straight" are often
lance belville + lynne,coffln + diana daülEi
that therefo¡e ifthe left organized for imafraid to admit to their oppression.or
ruth dear + ralph dig¡a + paul encimet + chuck
peachment it would both be able to e{ucate
their own vulierabilitV, a bdsic'huriran trait.
fager + seth foldy + ¡im forest + mike fian¡ch
: about capitalism and be able to blunt
leah fritz + larry gara + ne¡l haworth + becky
This ió the problem of machismo, whiçh is a
.niohnson + paul johnson + allison karpel + cra¡g
capitalism's most important weapon in this
crtfrùral characteristic of most men-.
.cêrpel + c¡ndú..kent + peter. k¡ger + alei< knbpp
generation; that if we do not defeat the
"strajlht"-and gay. Men who do not coite ""
john ltyper + dorothy lane + robin larien
to acknowledge their own pain can ha-rdly. -State when it tries fascism clumsily and
ell¡ot linzer + ¡aèksoir maclow + juliè mass
tentatively, we will never be able to disbe.e,xpected tõ understand the pain'of .
..david. mcreynolds + qene meehan + mark morris
othèri, much less empathize w.ith it.
solve it; that the outcome of Watergate
iqåf.röooi¡nk-o"* wendy schwaftz + mike itarnm
Richard Nixon only knew how sad and
rñartha thóma.sès + br¡ãn wester
might mean victory for the Presidency (if
pathetic a figure hó wasl' Êut liis defenSes Niion stays), or for the Yankee part ofthe
ãre so overuihelming, who còuld show him?
ruling class (if he ¡esigns), or maybe for
parliãmentary liberals (if he is impeached
Nevertheless, as Allen says, many gay men
124i.i
new
in coming to grips with their oppression
without a public organizing campaign), or
telephone 914 339-4585
for the people-if, only if, there is a great
are also dealing with machismo. Some
popular campaign to force him out,
straight men, too.
rBut
the ability to cry, to admit weakness
Ifthis analysis is true, is the Left not
obligated to move? If it is not true, a,re
and vulne¡ability, and to want to be with
WIN is published weekly except for the first
Iæftists not oblþted to explain why? Is
others as equals and not i,n relationships of
two weeks in January, 2nd week ¡n May, last 4
' :,power is a ñuman trait, nôt a feminine trait.
it
not
at
least correct for someone who
weeks ¡n August, and the last wèek in october
' believes this analysis to urge the Left to
Ifurther, I've yet to see any evideriLce (in
by the WIN Publishing Empire w¡th the support
move? "Do your own thing," certainly,
relating to people with all kinds of sexual
of the War Resisters League. Subscript¡ons are
even during a fascist coup-God forbid that
preferences) that one's choice of a bedmate
$7.0O pèr year. Second class postage at New
York, N.Y. lOOOl. lndividual writers are reeithe¡ ofus should ever sit on a Party Cenhas anything to do with political or social
spons¡ble for opin¡ons expressed and accuracy
tral Committee that gives orders to the
¿wareness or his or.her struggle to be a deof facts given. Sorry-manuscripts cannot be
other! -but can't I even urge you to concent and nonviolent nu-"1'nifËi."
returned unless accompan¡ed by a self'addressed
sider opposing what I think is a fascist
stamped envslope. Printed in U.S.A.
coup, áfpart òf your thing? If we can't do
New York, N.Y.

inafantasy., -ttx}}*å|!tri:t
'

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........9

...'.'-'12''
&

.

j.

g

L

of 1972, Photo

RS

Marty Jezer's a¡ticle on the steadily
re-escalating war in Vietnam (WIN 1l/16)
raises an issue that has been bothering me
for some time: the tendency of much social

--

and political analysis in the "Movement" to
become rigid and tied to possibly untenable
assumptions. Successfully challenge the
basic assumption of an argument, and you
can thoroughly demolish that argument,
In a number of areas, the "Movement" is
setting itself up for a fall.
The particular issue raised in Marty's
article (the re-escalatien of the war in Vietnam) is illustrative,
Let me begin with a few simple facts;
the Saigon govemment has repeatedly vio
lated both the political and military provisioirs of the cease-fire agreement. There
was quite possibly never âny intention on
Saigon's part to obsewe that agreement'
Thé war is now escalating. And fìnally,
nothing can justify American re-entry into
the war: the cost in money, land, and-most
importantly-human life is simply too great.
The problem is that in trying to demonstrate this last fact, many groups and individuals have taken positions that in fact
carry the assumption that certain actions by
the PRG and/or DRV would justify re-intervention by the U,S., or which at least
give that impression; all too often, the
response to an accusation that the PRG or
DRV are violating the cease-ftre is an outright denial or an attempt to show that the
violation is in fact "legal." The logical con2 WtN

clusion of this algument is that if there
was a real cease-fire violation by thq PRG

..j

òr DRV, military action would be justified'
Therefoie. to continue to oppose military

actionbvihe U'S, and Saigon, you must

."int"iti

the position (herè's the untenable
assumotion) tÏat the PRG and DRV have
comm'itted
--"ivi;;iv no cease-fire violation'
tákes the "it's legal",tack in.trving

to refuté the construction oi aullelds ln
a justificalion
ä;;ilVdi;;. bv the PRG asano
posslole.
for militarv action by Saigon
bv thê U'S.. quoting a proto'"-ì"lå*ãíti.n
å1irt" âet..ment as allowing "the use ^
"ãí each parly in areas-under its control' oI.
bv

!"ió..t eiemènts, such as engineering
"i,ilit"ö
;;îi;;il;ð;tãiion units. . . ln addition
"' a-iltlelos
ioitt. f".i that I ñnd this singularly-unconas a way of showing that
"lãeal." the fact is that the ollered.quote

vincins
are

it in.ãñipi.t" and misleading' The entire
section reads thus:
-1lrãi rrt" above-mentioned prohibitions
shali
"" not hamPer or restrict:

t2tiilã-ft bv each partv in areas.under
its còntrol of military support elements'
and-transportation units'
,"-"Íiát
añd construction of PUBLIC
i.r reoair"lgi"".t
ËÁciilrles and the transportation and
(Pro-.
$;i""il;õï'ïHu ÞoÞuu'rtoN."
iiãåí'"îitã c"ase-fire, Article 3' Emphasis
added.)
-- õáiuin" this with the prohibition in
.

Article 7 of the Cease-{ire r[gre-ement agatnst
intio¿u"tion of "war mâterials" into the

'

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.
'
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'

.,,'
lf *-""

box 547

.

rifton

york

rrrr*

WLN.ã

I

Center Parties' Et ntegy
The mutiny of the Ch¡lean army and the 4psault
on the Mo¡eda on the morning of Wednesday, September 12,had been preceded by years of strategic
rnanoeuvering by all parties:either to advance, or
prevent the coup. There was a golpisto wing of the
Christian democrats on the right; and a "compromising
wing" among official Communists and Socialists on
the left devoted to presefving the government at all
costs. ln fact the centrístline appeared to bethe
predominating one up to Sepfember 12. After that '.
bate it becamé clear ùhat the right extremistshad
won and would impose fascism. And;that the position of the left extremists had been, cõrrecti that of
M.l.R. and the Socialist militants. But it is not that
simple.
Up until the last week it had been said that the
center Christian-Dernocrats had been looking for a
Golpe secco-a "whíte" or a "dry" coup. Knowing
the Nocìonolistl party as they did, they had good

,&
#åä

*ti"t

i

Jr"Juï,i lssoc¡ate¿ wi rh form er pres
Eduardo Frei, was opportunistic, had ties

y Libertad with their violence-in-the
'

i

d e nr

with "Patrìa

streeTs, and shared

plans for subversion,with them. But up until the
end one had the sense that these worthy men wanted
to use the extremists for blackmail purposes only,
not to be used by them. '
What the Frei wing wanted was simply powerTheir final demands were:
1. Allende's submission to certain legal and par-

.,. .liament¿ry moves that would.make the principal
acts of the government "unconstitutional", in particular thp n4tionalization of industries' '
2. ln the,transport sector, MOPARE would be
abolished. State factory-produced trucks and imported trucks and parts would go to ttfe Truckers
fusociation and insure the private truck oivner's'
monopoly guaranteeing a stranglehold on Chile's

economy.
3. Army officers should be appointed to run the
government-not only as cabinet officeis,.as before,
butat all levels including middle administtçative ,
positions and heads of line departments. ; .
The Christian-Democrats (the maiority9arty thru
the 60's) were united in this: they knew that for lhe
Nocionolists to be in power would put Chile back to
where it was before the 1962 elections, bacft even

beyond the parliamentary and liberal'technocratic
revolutions of the 1 9th and early 20th century-during
all of which period the landowner-oligarchy had kept
its hold. The two Christian-Demoøatic wings differed
in that Frei's group were ready to risk bringing the
government down, in a "black coup". Thepther
wing, headed by Fuentealba and Hamilton $vho.
fear-ed the Right move) wantedto give the goíein'
ment room to stay alive-and open it'up,for further

a

o

cllob
by
Ìþhols
4 WtN

compromise.

'

ln light of the above it would not be going too far
to s4y that throughout the last months the Communist
Party's strategy (the most conservative of the U.P.
coalition) was not that much different from the
liberal Christian-Democrats. Both parties were Cen'

,

keep the govern''
mént surviving,'the Communists were joined by much
of the Socialist party, elected officials and by MAPU.
The crucial struggle revolved aroúnd the loyalty .of the Armed Forces. For over a yeãr Allende tried ".
to buttress his cabinet with "loyall'army generals, in'
particular Carlos Prats. Day in and day out, month

trist. ln the day-to-day effort to

after month, the.Communists, the solidarity cadres
of .M lR, and the head of the Sociallsts, Altimiranoall appealed to key garrisons to remain loyal and to
the draftees and non-commissioned offìcers not to
follow gotpista colonels. But subversion in the
army had already gone much deePer.
Details of the take-over of the army by the mutineers were revealed to Jonathan Kandell, the New York
Times correspondent, recently by one of the colonels:
a.thièe yeaf preparat¡on, in¡tially outside the Chiefs
of Staff; gradual screening out of commanders loyal
to the government and transfer of units away from
key areãs; ffaining and indoctrinatíon of gotpisíid
units in the allanomienros' (searches of factories and
workers' halls for arms); practise of violence-frorn
the assassination of Geneial Schneider, to the aborted
Army coup or Toncozo 'of J une 29-which iden'
tifieã loyal gompanders and-telggraphed the loyalists'

1

1

.i

responses.

It would have been nice, right after the elections
which biought Allende to power, if this army had
been Castro's liberating army from the Sierra Mestra,
army fresh from defeating Chiang, or Tito's
- or Mao's
army or Ho Chi Minh's army. But it was not. lt was
¡' the Chilean army. lt had never purified itself by de'
feating fascists or imperialists in a war.
Add to this power (in Chile proportional to the
U.S. Armed Services) the power of the parliamentary"
majority and the courts. One can appreciate that
Allende did not start with an altogether clean slate.

.

I have been re-reading Debray's Conversotions with
Attende. Allende (no reformist lout) has been speaking of his personal friendships with Che Guevara and
Ho Chi Minh. Then Debray asks:
: .L4t. usnow discuss the presçnt situatlon ¡à Ch¡te.
.W¡th Frei reformism ended, it foiled. With you in

governmeni the Chileo.n'people have chosen the rood
to revolutlon,'but'whitt is revalution? lt is the tronsfer of .power from gne closs to onother. Revolution
is thedestrucfio-ùofthe Wçl?j4ery of the bourgeois '
stote ond the replacement of it by aÌtother and none

iof

'"

this kos hàppened here. Whot is hoppening thenT

ALLENDE: Excuse me, comrode, let's deol with the
question in stages. . ,During the electorol campoign
we said thot the purpose of our struggle was to trons:
form the regime, the system, That we sought to form
a government in order to obtain the power to corry
out the revolutionory tronsformotion thot Chile needs,
io br.eak the nation's economic, politicol, culturol, '
'ond
irade union dependency. And you soy nothing
is happening here? Whot country do

you think

you'rein?,...

You must take into occount the fighting trodition
the Chitean working class, , , As for the bourgeois

of
WIN

5

state 0t the present moment, we ore seeking to overcome it. To overthrow it!

out.on free elections and s{ood aside for the

DEBRAY: But bourgeois democracy remoins intact
here. You, in foct, hold executive power,

itsownends,,...

The government made a bold move just before the
March elections-food rationing; a crack-down on.the
black market and speculation. This released great
energies in the poblociones: the almocenes populares
etc. With the electoral victory, there was a surge
forward by the left. . .lf only Allende had had a
little more time.
Even in the critical sector of transport-tire jugular
vein of Chile-there was a political game to be played

The w-orkers behind you have voted you into office,

out". And here too there were weak

ALLENDE: Yes,
DEBRAY: But not legislotive or judiciol power; nor
the opporotus of police power. Legolity, the lnstitutions, these were nor the work of the proletariot;
the bourgeoisie formulated the ConstitutÌon to suit

but if I osk you how, and when you ore going to win
reol power, whot is your onswer?

ALLENDE: My onswer is that we will have reol
power when copper and steel are under our control,
when soltpetre is genuinely under our control, when
we hove put far-reoching Lqnd Reform measures into
effect, when we control imports ond exports through
the Stote, when we hove collectivized a major portion
of our notional production. . , .

DEBRAY: Yes. Undoubtedly, at the moment the
moin emphosis of your activÌties, the main front
bottle is concerned with the economic infrastructure.
Brief mention that Allende had just fired rhe Chief
of Police; that the Army was outraged at the assassination of General Schneider. But no real discussion, in
this interview of 1970, of the loyalty of the Army
itself-of its crucial and fateful power. Or of fascist
subversion within the army.
One looks back now on the government's holding
actions in the last three years with a sense of pathos.
Politics. But in a way it had been orthodox Marxist
politics. ln China Mao had called "ultra-left" any
revolutionary strategy that did not require winning
over the middle peasant and small factory owner. ln
Chile, the U.P. had won with the support of a section
of the middle class. To hold them meant political
persuasion,
But even as a political strategy one cannot say it
was implausible, or inevitably doomed. The fissures

in the Christian-Democrats were there, which could
have been exploited in future elections. On the
economic front all that was necessary was to make

the majority of the people slightly better off than
before; with jobs, housing and food. ln near-feudal
Chile where most of the people lived in shacks and
took in less than the health-minimum proteins, this
would not have been difficult. Add to the diff¡culties massive industrial sabotage, the flight of
capital, the U.S. blockade. Yet up through this
Year's March elections this strategy seemed to have
been successful. But there had to be free elections.
But what was being added to the poor had to be subtracted from the bourgeoisie. The privileged opted

versrves,

by Allende in the transport strike. Only to ,,tough it

points in the
opposition.
What the government.was faced with, in the transport strike, was a massíve sabotage of the whole
economic system. The losses due to the October
1972 strike had been very severe, the closing of fac,
tories due to lack of materials, all sorts of shortages
for the consumer'sector particularly milk. But'most
damaging of all, the lack of seed and the loss of
planted acreage for future harvest. Transportation:
is an absolutely key sector in Chile. The whole country suffered incalcuably frq¡n last year's strike. Thís

years strike-more widespread and tighter-also came

during the planting season.
ln the transport strike, the government's most
intransìgent enemy was Leon Vallarin, with solid support in the small truckers'associations of the agricultural south. .Villarin, a rabble-rouser with ties
both to the golpisto wing of the Christian-Democratic party and with the terrorist Fatherland and
_Libe¡!y, was heard as the loudest voice in the press.
But Villarin was not the most powerful man in the
National Confederation of Truck Owners.
This was Adolpho Quinteras, head of the Sindicato
de Tronsportistas lnterprov¡ncioles, the big fleet
owners. This group had a stake in the contracts for
the big nationalized industries-whether under Capi-.
talism or Socialism, who cares? The government was
dealing with him "pragmatically"-endless and paitrstaking negotiations. ....
A third force was the Santiago syndicate of Taxi
and Microbus Owners, who were also negotiating.
ln the big truck parks, the drivers-who had 6een
promised daily wages from the strike fund but who
had been short-changed.by Villarin-were turning
sour and stealing parts from the trucks for themselves.

Again-if the government had had only a little

more time. .

.

How many millions of dollars in the strike fund?
Who did finance the six week transport strike?
Allende's widow, at a press conference in Mexico,

claims it was the C.l.A
ln any case, there was too much force. The army
did not break the strike. The government collapsed.
Allende's, and with him all the Centrist parties'
options were closed.

aa

a

n

sub_

What we have been reading in the papers about Chile
¡. nàt news but a long funeral announcement with
Chile
;;;, dates and the,location of cemeteries.
.å-r nó*t when she was alive-struggling and'oxperi'
mËnting. The Gotpe has b.rought a month of
macabre melodrama.
"'-Cru""
and I have been re-reading our "Chilean
Diary" (WIN tvtay 17 thru June 7). Diary is a good
worcí. Ât the time of this immense struggle, Chile
aDDeared to have a common place character under
thó surface. Now, since th-e Golpe, everything.is
irame¿. The people whom'we met and talked'with
every day in the most ordinary way have been cast
into roles. They have become emblems.
The drunken man who treated us tdll botple of
wine in Quillota, who showed us a satchel full of
money, and then took us in a t¿xi to visit his poverty-

strickàir family-was a truck driver, a transport¡ste .
A real ruffian and undoubtedly a Potrio y Libertad
member. Quillota is'in the heart of the farm country
only three hours drive from strike'starved Santiago
during the transport strike. That man was a key
figure.
He remembered us from the day before when
Grace and I had stopped at the roadside cahtina after
our walk through the; fundo where the crugifix was
:
and the children weie singing their catechism. ln
by
1970 this land had been distriþuted "voluntarily"
the owner among his tenants.
the tronsportisrø had been in the contino wilh
histoss, his''potron' We struck up a conversatioñ
with thé latt-er about the irrigation canals. He seemed
have much polish and authority. Who knows?
to
'
Could he hâve been the old owïér of the Hociendo,
or one of hii sons, and the trucking oper4tio-n financed
by selling offthe slpughtered farm livestock? And
the patron himself a Nationolista and Potria y

Libertod

member?

'i

ln Santiago our boarding house was

with

7th

Comuna. Here marketing activities were limited to
the block. Below our window was an olmocen or

small market where the women used to stand in line
for scarce articles. The almacen was owned by an
Arab man with a small truck who used to bring in
supplies every day mysteriously. Was he a membei
of the striking Small Shop Keeper's Associatiõn
which along w¡ttr ttre professionals, backed up: the.
truckers anã hetped bring the government to its knees?
ln the last week, how did our boarding houSè get their

food?

The 7th Communa was mixed. lt was neither the
barrio olto where the burgueso had lots of black
market supplies on hand; nnr was it ode of. the favored
working ciass neighborhoods where the qlmacenes
poputales had bãen established and which¡he gov'
was committed to supply with miôfmu.¡n
rations. The workers'organizations were all engaged
in foraging for food, and these had ties with outer-

iråment
ci

ty faim Jrs' or ga n

i

zati ons, lhe C o n sej

os

.Co

rn p e si' t o s

müch like the 1870 Paris communes. Jaime in a
letter we received on September 6th, wrote:
"Our Juntos do Vecinos are bringing in food despite
the térrorists. But the masses are organized and are
stronger, nothing can defeat them'"
Whãt'happened the week of the Golpe in Jaime's
poblocion? The New York Times describes it as the

-

on Ch¡lc ¡n tlìis Article werc ctrllqd
ts

'
'

'

,;rì.,-

ob

ncwsp¿pcrs (rnd rìr4.,¿zilìcs by

N ich ols.

.

'lhaidest frit säìioii of Sdntiago;the extensive slum
oT *íe:wesrcrn boúndaries, where residents in every
þobtacion could confirm at least one death, in some
cases as many as four." The headline is: "No Mas'
sacres but Senseless Killings."

Jaime, what has happened to

him-that slightly

droll figure of the High Conscioùsness Left with his
rhetoric and his bad complexion? Luckily we never
, knew his last name. lVe would have put him in dan-" ger-or in worse danger than now-by using it-in our
article.

ln Poblacion Pablo Neruda the subversives
were also shot and the bodies disposed of in the
Municipal dump. But Neruda himself was buried in
a real cemetary. A public ceremony. But the
mourners were locked outside the gates where they
sang the I nternational,
WIN

7

.T

Bodies were also found daily'in the Mapocho
River near where we used to see the gypsies.
The pobtaciones are now occupied territory.

lloù

do the "soldiers" find the "subversives" in a neigh-

borhood wheregffi/a were supporters of Allende?
Jaime mentioned there was a minority of ChristianDemocratic workers in Íhe barrio who "caused
trouble and always had to be argued with." Sotne
of them had to be paid informers and they have
o'
",""1

;:

i|; ilrt;l,i:"

i

z i n gt

y

of

rheM i r is t a s

( rr¡

ouu-

ment of the Revoluûionary Left). He described them
with the standard CP line, that they were ultraleftists and a danger because they provoked the
army. The few of them in the barrios should have
made easy targets. I hope they are safe-away from
the informers and in hiding.
EL CENTRO
Apparently the ehergies of the U.P. supporters
had faltered in J uly-.August. After the J une 29 army
coup had aborted (the Tancozo , or Little Tank
Gambit ) the Left had organized a rally, a giant
"Reply of the Masses" in which I imagine the streets

of El Centro!o

have been

filled with jota-jotos

ln the'crippling transportation strike this became a
enormous truck parks and removed engine parts.

life there.

of Ruth and Alphonso wþo ran thé
boarding house. They never said a word of politicsmerely took turns standing in the long food lineswhile the students went to political rallies. But food
has been rationed again under the J unta. The boarding house must be empty of its radical foreign students-first ordered to the local police station then

lìtre

þombs. This brand of the party had loudly
proclaimed it was "going underground" until the
fall of the government. lt did constitute itself as a

para-military force at the same time as the "truckdrivers' wives" and the "army wives" were demonstrating. These mobs were not often dispersed by
police water hoses,
EXPROPRIATED FACTORI ES,
Now the dusty wall slogan in front of lhe Soid
Fobrico in Quillota must be painted over: ,,Q¡s ts¿¡
of Operation as a state industry." lt has been returned
to its original owners, the magnificent Yurars. Would
that little group of shop stewards be standing at the
gate as the factory was re-possessed? The Times described how in Santiago the old former manager
walked by lines of silent workers to take over his
office at the large milk-processing plant, Soprole.
Though under guard he must have been a brave man
and a Chilean and in Allende's words "impudent."
ln any case those union leaders have been fired,
whether they were social activists or rnerely the
Centrist Trade Union officials of C.U.T.
On our visit every street corner in Santiago had
its sidewalk reading gallery and opeh Arbsk. These
have all been shut down "at the request of the store
reta¡lers, who have complained to the military about
the competition," When the Frei regime was defeated in the elections in 1970 it wrote into law
"Constitutional guarantees of a Free Press';-insuring
that the majority of news media (owned by the
Right)would be in operation. Now there are only
two newspapers-El Mercurìo and Tribuna,
WtN

ib

This tactic was countered by a government group
MOPARE-organized to restore parts and repair
trucks. ln addition the government diverted whatever trucks it owned to keeping the poblociones fed
and the raw materials coming in to the state industries.
And here I cannot help thinking of German, head
of the Forestry Department in Talca. How proud he
was of those half dozen shiny new Hungarian tractors, and hís Ford pick-up! They musthave been
used, in some strategic way, in the last days.
The ironies of a sudden twist of power relations
in history. Now M.l.R. is on the wanted list=with '
most of õhile. Our¡ng the days of the U.P. it"stood.
for ultra-puritanism and against corruption and red'
tape in governrhent. ln the week.after I was to
leave Talca the Forestry Department was to be
visited on a tour of inspection by M.l.R. for some
comradely criticism, and German had been somewhat
apprehensive.

and by the Fascist youth of Potrio y Libertod' in
the last weeks with their spiked clubs and milli-

A

key. The fleet-owners kept their vehicles guarded in

and red, yellow, blue and green flags and Constitution Square packed, facing the Moneda. This building
was strafed on September 1Oth and Allende lost his
Downtown Santiago-the streets ctf El Centro-had
been pretty much taken over by the Rightist students

I

tomand

.\ '-:.
We spoke of the Chilean workers' gift of
a few wires,
how the cars and trucks were miraculously kept going.

brecito -making things run with

,l

.at

MINOR PERSONNAGES

I

I am thinking

detained fo'r screening in the outdoor sports stadium
and then in city prisons.
Another of our friends was Roberto, in Vigna del'
Mar, Elena's sister's husband. l-le is something of a¡
inventor, a pere.nnial small businessman (he had a ¿
plastics business in his house). But he was a strong
government supporter. He writes in August: "l havea new idea for a line to expand my business but it
will have to wait awhile. Things are terrible here.
Tell me, is there anywhere in the'U.S. where you can
get for me some moterio pfima (raw material)? Hís
wife was always complaining that he couldn't make
money.

Fínally, Parra-the poet who wrote about the
pigeons in Plozo de Ar¡nas, He was no socialist'
sympathizer-in spite of his nieces and nephews and
his famous sister, the folksinger Violetta Parra. lf
anything he was anti-llarxist and when he was in New
York read the Christian-democratic magazine Ercttla faithfully each week. As yet Nicano Parra has
not returned to his teachirtg job at Columbia. He
has been detained-probably because of his book of
translations which he began in Moscow 20 years ago.
Poemos Russos.,

And so for these people-in these large and small
ways-fascism has been brought to Chile.

Bob Nìchols lives in Vermont, He has visited Chile and

written extensively about it.

llÏ
o

zJ

Allende had less than a maiority of the popular vote
when he became president, most recent elections in
Chile have seen the President elected with only a
plurality of the votês, not a maiority-due to the,
multi-party situation). Allende confounded his
critics'when, in the first elections after he çame, to
power, he increased his percentage of the voqe from
36% to 44%-despite inflation 4nd economic dislocations.' ln fact, if anything triggered the coup, i/ wss the realization by the Chiteoin militory 0nd by ''.-.,
the L/,5. that Allende was democrgticolly and non- ;
violently consolÌdating his power ond would not be
overtuined irì o free election. (Much the same thing
happened in Greece-when it becafne clear to all
that the Left, led by Papandreou, was about tq sweep
to power with a heavy majority, the Greek Colonels
seized power and blocked the election.)
.. On the surface, Chile seems to have been paralyzed solely by internal problems. lt was,plagued
by inflation, food shortages, and general economic
díslocation. Unlike most of Latin America, Chile
.'hajþ' lafCq middle class and it was this class.-pariiJulartíifró truckers-who went on stri(e toward the
end, with strong support from shopf,eepers, professionals, etc."fiowever, behind ä[l of this was'the
United States and rarely has our intervention been so
well documented. One does not çven have to fall
back on placing generalized blamÞ on the CIA-the
record of ITT is Þublic enough' ln the election iust
before Allende took power ITT funds were inslru-

i

I

t

4

t

,

mentaI in ãs'suríng victory'for the:€hristian Democrats. And, in the election where Allende did take

tTÍ made special contact with the ClA,
proiects
þte¿g¡ñg massive corporate aid for any covert
óá*ãt,

rrt

"

..", i

|rhl"

rrri"tl"¿ events in Chile are parï of a general'
-oattern eståblished long ago by the U.S. in Latin

Amer¡ca. The Monroe Doctrine was fìot set forth to
Drotect Latin Amerìca from Europe,6ut to make-it

ié*i"

fJt American exploitation. Receni events in
clude the overthrow of the elected left wing government of Arbenz in Guatemala in the early 50's; the
abortive Bay of Pigs adventure in 1961; the invasion
of the Dominican Republic to crush a const¡tution'

it¡ti rpiit¡ng against ihe military junta

(at'the cost '

of an åstima-t.d on" thousand Dominicans); thê oúerthrow of the Goulart government in Brazfl'¿nd the
installation of a military junta. With the.sole exc'ep'
tion of Cuba, the U.S. has won these various èncoun-

ters with Latin American nationalism'anif fias blocked
efforts to achieve a social revolution peacefully and
democraticallY.
The greateit test came in Chile, for. Allende had
filled th-e requirements of American'lfberalism: he
had been elected democratically; he had pledged to
maintain full civil liberties and constitutiopal govern'
ment. (lt should be noted in passing that üh.ile.

chile

the CIA might undertake to prevent Allende's winning the election or, if he won, blocking him from
assuming

,

Power.

The fuil dimensions cf the events in Chile a re
slowly becoming appare¡rt' Military coups in Latin -'

,

America have usuaily had an air of musical'chairs.- .- - '
with políticians resigning and fly.ing to Spain to .
live on their Swiss bank accounts. Violence has been
,limited-the cards got shuffle'd, not torn up, and the
deck was never chaìged. This time, operating with
American training, the militàry moved with brutal
force to liquidate not only the Allende experiment,
''. but Alþnde himself and all those closely assocíated
With him. Allende was apparently murdered in the
Presidentialfalace, which was largely destroyed by
\
direct milidry attaak,. All schools. were closed. All
Marxist political"parties disbanded, Thoqsands of
qrs have sou gh t sanctuary,
Marx isti' we cg*iipd -oth
*¡r"ii" ir'- i.
n
.in foreien embaììfes."

.Ïj 'Ñ;ii;;iläü;i;

said Arrende made his

basic ,

riistake when he failed to move first. "See,"we are
told, "yciu can't achieve socialism peacefully-Allende
trieâ ii, he followed the rules, allowed free speèch,
let the ieactionaries organize, and now look-Allende
is dead and the revolution is de;id with him. He

s

o

by Drvid McReynolds
wtN

9

t
shouid have shot firlt." lt is an.appealing picture-a
little violence at the right time would have saved the
revolution.
This view overlooks reality and fails to take
account of history. For example, in 1917 Lenin
seized power from Kerensky's faltering government
(virtually without violence). ln a shorl lime Lenin
had total political power. All opposition to the
Bolsheviks was outlawed and, within the Bolshevik
Party, factions abolished. The secret police were

were,split from the.beginning, as the truckers, miners,
shopkeepers, etc., demonstrated.
ln,the end the U.S. managed to create the kind of
crisis which made the mìliraiy ¡unta possibie-. ìoi"ign

credit was cut off, creatingnew economic dislocatio-ns

added to thosealready created by a social revolution.
Waves of strikes paralyzed t!.e..eç9¡on1v. ooening the
way for the junta to "save Chile" Uv deitiäiiñs

efficient. The

cells were fìlled with counter-revolu.ti onaries and, in.ti me, al I opposition " I iq u.idated".
The Russian Revolution won-but at a terrible cost.
Our fìrst observation then, if that in at least one
case where the Revoiution defended itself by violence
and succeeded in destroying the counter-revolution,

the revolution itself became tainted with internal
defeat.

Turning to the argument dlat Allende should have
armed the workers, one has to ask first if he coutd
have armed them. From the beginning the peacefut
revolutionists were faced with two hard facts. First,
they lacked a majority of the people and while
Allende increased his vote to 44o/o in the last election,

polarization ofthe country had deepened. Second,
the army was neutral so long os Allende faced no reql
crisis, but it continued'to receive arms directly from
the U.S. after qll other U.S. aid was cut off-and
Allende did not dare stem that flow of arms. Had
Allende tried to arm the workers, or had heshut off
the military shipments from the U.S., it is virtually
certain the military would simply have moved sooner.
lndeed, shortly before the junta took power the
military had begun to raid the few left wing arms
caches that existed as further justifìcation for the
military takeover. Given this delicate balance between
Allende's minority government, and the po."'/er of the
military, it doesn't take a pacifist to see that Allende's
only real hope was the historic force ühe Constitution
might carry: the fact that Chile was proud of the
strong record of democratic and constitutional government. lt was a long shot and in final weeks became
increasingly risky, but there was never a realistic
chance the "masses" could.be armed-the ,,masses,'

its freedom.
The important thing for us to see is that a debate
about what Allende might or might not have done is
academic if .the real problem is here, in this country,
and the real discussion should be about what we
might do or ought to have done. There is no doubt
in our minds that if the United States had not exerted
the enormous covert pressures it did, and if it had
not sent arms into Chile, Allende would still be ative
today and the peaceful revolution continuing. Bloody
as the events in Santíago were, the problem does not
lie in Allende's tactics but in our own.
We must see that American policy has traditioirally
been weighted against support of democratic regimes'
and toward military governments. Where the U.S. haU
to choose between reactionary and moderate forççs,
it has always chosen the reociionary forces, This has
been a consistent policy since the end of World War ll.
Thgre are no exceptions. Washington did not flinch
when the lndonesian military killed a half million

Communists and their supporters several years ago.
Nor did it protest the military.iunta in Chile in recent
days. However the very limited criticism the social
democratic government of Sweden made against
U.S. policy ín lndochina was so offensive tó Washington that we have not had an ambassador in Stockholm
for over ayear! So long as the political and economic
structure of America remains unchanged, the chance.
for peaceful and democratic revolutions elsewhere
will be small. Rather than the movement heie wasting
rhetoric over how violent the Allende government
should have been, let us organize for basic clungC in
our government here so that nonviolent change elsewhere is possible.

'Contact
See the O.g9þgr 1S, 1973 issue of WIN for sugges.
tions on WHAT YOU CAN DO ABOUT CHILË:

hvid

McReynolds is on the stoff of the Wor Resisters
Leogue, This ønalysis is drown from a stoff memo
which is availoble in its complete form from the WRL,
339 Lafoyette St,, New York, NY 10012.

FrankTerruÉÉi,

Victím oi
the Jtrnta
rrrrr¡¡¡æl¡err¡¡¡¡r
The headline in the Saturday paper

less energy

_LNS

jurhpedout-

Allende Supportq." Not fully
reading the name beyond Frank. . .,23 years:. .and I
thoughl "Oh, that poor man got caûgbt up iri the
coup and couldn't get out of the country in time. He
must have been some kind of activist to be down
there. W¡sh I coulügo to Cuba. I'm glad it's not
somebody I know. I wonder how it is to be one of
the family and learn of his obvious execution so far
away." LaJer in the day Joanie called out,.."'Hey, did
you know Frank Terruggi is dead? Yeah, look at the
paper." Then it hit me and the headline flashed in
lny mind again. "Those Bastards, God dJmned filthy fascists. . ." qnd all of the rest of the hate rhptoric of the left, bút this time t felt itl I left the house,
wandering down the blôck-"lf I just had a machine
gun, the power to destroy them, to murder them
just as they had Frank . . ."' butrit was too late- My
fist broke open, curled again, then faded into my
pocket. He was gone forever. Never will I run into
... . him again, reminisce about old.Jímps, talk politics. . .
only an e_r¡.p¡y void there. Death is so strange to'me;
like whe¡ someone moves to the Eagt Coast to
' it's
never be seen again. I guess that's why I like peacenik conferences so much-to touch and hold old
friends.again, and catch up on their lâtest doings.
I first met Frank during a series of pot luck dinners
that the Resistance held in the Vine Street Friends
Meeting House about three years back. They were'
held mainly to bring together people who opposed
conscription into the military, assorted pacifists, and
their friends. Even at first I noticed this short stu- '
dent type who seemed outgoing enough to circulate
with most of the people in the small rpom¡'ln fact,
usually there were small groups of people around..
him wherever he drifted. lt was so unlike ¡ne'that
at first I remained a bit stand-offish with'hlm until
I found him to be sincere and intelligent-no, not
witty, but a thoughtful type of intelligence.
As the People's Park demonstrations-most of
which I stayed away from because of the lack of a
nonviolent attitude-were going on then, we had a
lot to think about. Frank usually felt stro4gly that
pacifists should be out there on the street exgrcjzing
a moderating influence, often getting caught in be'
tween the two warring f¿ctions of police and bottle
throwers, and I felt móre strongly to nonõoöperate
with anything that didn't have a nonviolent'discipline.
Since then I have changed my opinion, and have be'
come less formal and will play a-demo by ear. His
talk was also translated into action. He had bound'

"Slain Brother

Was

for meetings and political activities.

He

was forever up on the Cal campus, and later, during

the mititary occupatíon of Berkeley, helped with the
.r
training of nonviolent monitors for the mass demon- |
strations which continued.
After a while,.Frank changed his mind about the
personal direct action approach for electoral, politics. ,
and worked at the campus and in the oommunity in i:
the Dellums campaign. We spent hours trying to con. vince each other about the poJitiqal effectiveness of
our own positions, but in the end he would go out.to
canvass a'gain. soón his enthusiasm wanne¿'foi påt[
fism wheri his radical sympathies grew. lt seemed he
lost interest. in the house also, and as the people left
he failed to recruit new people to fill the vacancies.
He talked of traveling outside of'the country, when t
last I saw him before the house drifted apart.,
The next I heard of him was last week in the news'
paper, slain by the rnilítary he was so opposed to.
.. But my anger didn't last long. .Shooting some.other
mother's son would not eradicate that news hêadline., lt would only bring sorrow to some other
family. What would I have done in that situation,. F¡anli? Sniping from the rooîtops-pr$qbly at
:
some other man who didn't want to be in the Army,
except out of fear of the firing sguad or a jail term.
"
, Or maybe he'rlüas out there out öf.economic þressure,
or because he was raised in an environment whicli
taughf that the military was an hpnorable and manly
occupation. I know what it mèans. I was raised a
"navy brattr myself. No, sniping didn't even make
'military sense. The Army can shell (and did) the
'
whole buitdi.nú'kil i ng the'people'who live there,
hiding under the furniture, and demolishing the whof e
structure.
Well, how about the traditional socialist approach,
Frank-defend the factories where I work? An estimated 500 did at the Sumar Textile factory in
- Sântiago. The Air Force bombed it, leaving only 4
shell, as they did the Moneda Palace. lt may be good
for symbqlism, but how effective was it? Even mili-, .. .: '
..-." .--. , ':
tarily, it isn't wise.
That leaves a guerrilla type resistance, Frank-with : .
the interminable internecine warfare, with the disrupof the total social fabric'and the horrors of
.tion
'political
assasination for.everybody. I doubt you
could ever, despite your sympathy with the oppreised,
be into any armed resiitance.
.. My ¡nger subsided. Who am I kidding?' Danxnit.
' Euring"the last two electorial campaigns I had plans
to bug out to Canada in casg the politic4l climate
'shifted to ff,scism unä'er LBJ or Nlxon.
to.
.

,

I

fight another da
their jails,

Bul lshit. To

"Live
hide. lim rired of

and their

obal oppression
st governmeñt?
Pérhaps¡Frank, a civil disobedience of the curfew
like you possibly did, except organized, a public
sitdown in the main square, or related Czechoslovakian civilian resistance, wóuld be what the honest,
humble, man can'do. I don't know. lt's better than
What can a

offing my opponent because of tny political opinion,

and God only knows how temporal and imperfect
.. that can be..
whatever your final political positibn
' Yes, Frank,
was, I loved you. The rest who didn't know you'
lost something too. A humanitarian. A dynamic
personality. . .a friend.
-rOHN-I-THtN STEPHENS

John-l-Thin Stephens has been active in the peace
movement, on both coasts, for many yeqrs,

IO WIN

WIN I1

i\::

E

Þ

and China which was blamed for nearly every orimè
since Cain slew Abel. Among the th¡ngs thaå the
Chinese do, according to Brezhnev, are: refuse to

I

WbRld

Pe ACE CoNqREss
OR

Mnnis Goes To Moscow
,

[t
on.

nrrt it

was hard to fiq-ure out what was going
A peace conference wíth no one singingi Giùe
Peace a Chance'.'7 A peace conference räiéiuin!

courtesy from the government?

"u.ry

' lt was the World Congress of peace Forces. conVened in Moscow duringbctober 25 ot31. lí repre_
sented an important broadening out of the World
Peace Congress gatherings that have been taking place
-for at least two decades. ln the past the policv had
b-e9n 1o

invite, with very few exceptions, only'indi-

viduals and groups in general agreement with'the
foreign (and domestic) policy õf the Sovièt Union.
This time, however, a variety of forces were drawn
in: The Worfd Councilof Churches, World Federalists, Amnesty lnternational and the lnternutional

United Nations Associarion (Kurt Waldheim himself

had expressed support of the Congress).
. ,The reason for this broadening-out can be traced

right back to the policy cjf deten[e that the Soviet
Union and the United States are pursuing with such

vigor currently. The Soviet Union is detðrmined to
play the role of just another ,,social system" and one

that can get along with everyone else just fine. At
the sarne titne the inclusion of these óther forces lent
credibility to those-positions that the Congress took,
lhe gnes that are of paramount importancã to the

Soviet Union and therefore were b'ound té be accepted
by.the Congress: narñely the condemnation of lsråel,
China and the coup in Chile as well as the support of
India, various liberation struggles (particularív in
Africa) and the general pol¡cl"of ,iäténtã.
Despite the ecumenical âspect certain precautions
were taken to make sure that things didn;t get too

by Mnnis Cnknns
12 WtN

i

il

broad. The various national preparatory committees
approached their task from a certain oríentation and
made certain that the point of view that is sympathetic
to the Soviet Union would be well represeht'ed.' ln
certain cases as with the U.S. SANE delegation, a
representative of the War Resisters lnterñationál froin
England and some Belgians^(and quite possibly otfrã*)

by the USSR.
Still, the composítion-of delegates to this Congress

visas were denied

represented a great step forward that should be
welcomed widely.
With this background over 3,000 delegates from
.
-144
countries assembled in the palace of"Consresses
within the watts of the Kremlin. rul of tfre óiËnaiy.t
sessions met there and in general the addresies were
rhetorical and pro forma. The exceptions werd a
moving address by Mme. Allende in'which she de_
scribed the extent of the fascism that has been
visited upon Chite and the deniai ;i rh¿;;;;r"damental civil and politie{l rights in thar ,óuntry
under the junta and Leonid Biezhnev's two and â
half hour speech on Soviet foreign policy.
. Although Brezhnev,s speech was so ¿Llt that even
the Russians were falling àsleep, it was important ,
because of the completeñess oi its review ðf Soviet
policy..Fverythìng was touched on from an analysis
of the Mideast situation to an attack on the Jackion
amendment because "What if we should recíprocate?
What if we should demand modification of b'ourgeois
laws and usages that go against our ideas of
fustiðe
and democracy as a condition for normal inter_
state relatio_ns?" Singled out for special attention
were lndia (an "example of a consistent policy of
peace and democratic solutions of internal problems't)

halt attempts to poison the international climate,
make territoriál claims on the USSR, repeat an[icommunist ¡iropaganda, attempt to interfere in the
internal affairs of ihe USSR, block disarmam-ent,
continüe to pollute the atmosphere with núêfear tests,
merely pretend to support the Arab cause and,
finally, "shake the hand of a represeritative of,the
fascist'J unta of Chilean reactionaries." That last
charge was possibly the most serious tlpt could'be
levied in the context of the highly emotional support
for Chile at the Congress.
Thq speech was originally scheduled to be6iven on
Thursday but it had to be postponed fof a day because the section on how peace had been achieved in '
the Middle East had to be revised.
The real business of the Congress 6ok place in thé
Commissions-something like workshops in th''is coun'
try. There were 1 4 of them ranging from "Peaceful '
Coexistence and lnternational Security" to "Cooper.
ation Between lntergovernmental and Nongovernmental Organizatioñs". Possibly the most contro'
versial ones were "Middle East", "Peace and Security

in Asia" and "Social Problems and Human R¡ghfs".
The latter is the one that Paul Mayer, Grace Paley and
r
I participated in, and therefore the one that I know
the most about,
ln that Commissíon some 700 delegates met and
about 150 spoke. For the most part the speeches-sub-r.:ì ", I
ject to a five minute time limit-were,prddictabld but i'
there were exceptions such as.thè Polish trade t¡nionist
who pointed out that in many sectors,¡here is a wi{e
gap bepween what socialism standí'for and what ac,....
ttrally lakes place. Belgian, Swiss ánd English dele: ".,
gates made excellent stâtements in regard to politicäl
prisoners in all countries, particularly the Soviet
Union, and condemned i¡nRerialism even when it
takes the form of one socialist coùntry invading
'r
another, as in Czechoslcvakia,
It is hard to report on the details of particular
speeches because, although a daily summary of the
'previous day's el€nts was published, one could.hardly
rely on that summary. Far example, Paul Mayer read
a lengthy statement that was quite critical. of the
l
politics of some of the Soviet dissidents while strong,'ly.,süpporting their, right even to be wrong. ,The statement was reported in the following day's BulletÌn as
"Paul Mayer (Uå^) strove to give g¡ounds for hi.s right

^

t

I
Leonld
P€ace,

Cómmunlst Party, addressing the World Congress

r,.

to defend so-calied Soviet dissidents.,, period.
The statement that Paul read raised quite a fuss.
Signed by Noam Chómsky, Dave Dellinger, Dan

Berrigan, Paul Mayer, David McReynold-s, Sidney
Peck and Grace Paley, the statement received a great
deal of attention in the Western press (it was tnõ lead
St-ory in Voice of Americaas well as being the subjeci
of one of William Buckley,s columns).
Ttre reaction to the statement was swift as paul
was gaveled out of order at the moment his five
minutes.were through {previous speeches had gone on ,
to 10 minutes or more). A whole series of speãkers
from the USSR, the USA, Mongolia and elsewhere
rose to respond by pointing out that there is no
such thing as political prisoners in the Soviet Union
and even if there were, to bring the matter up con_
stitutes interference in the intelnal affairs of the Soviet
Union. Nevertheless ihe statement was quite a hit
in that we \ryere mobbed with demands fòr copies.
But the main idea was to make an impact on our
Soviet hosts and the other members of the 160 peison
Am.erican delegation. Apparently it made more of
an tmpact on our own delegation. The Russians
took

the whole thing relatively cãlmly wnile ttrõ-üS ¿ele_
gation's steering committee met till four in the morning discussing this developmenr and ir finally ¿ecìãã¿
to call a meet¡ng of the whole delegation at ïhich ¡t
would recommend that the delegatlon disaVow the

statement and censure Paul for presentine it.
. The following day rhe dilegarion voreã 67 b 31
to support the steering committee recommendation.
Paul had alread.y resigned his co-chairmanshíp of
the delegation but apparentty that gesture in the
d¡rection of unity and detente was not enough to
satisfy the forces of those who.believe in huñlan
rights only for "progressive,, political views. A
similar seguence of events took place in the Belgian
delegation.
.

Tþe next day, our last in the Soviet Union, a certa_in_sentiment developed to withdraw the censure part
of the motion. lt was too late to get a iróeting together so there's no telling what wo.uld have cõme of
the motion but I wouldn't be surprised if it hadn,t
been inspired by delegations frorn other countries-

posibly.even the Russians-commenting that our ,
folks had overreacted.
This type of devidtíon from the official line was
rare but it kept cropp¡ng up everywhere. ln the
Commission on the Middle East it took quite a while
for it to surface but finally a number of defegatesAmericans in particular-brought out the ideá that unconditional.support of the Arab nations may not
necessarily be the best way to peace in thatiegion
ln the Commission on Peace and Security in Asia the
Vietnamese, Cambodíans, Laotians, Koreans (North),
New Zealandeis and Australians pui up a stroìig fighí
to moderate the position to be taken vis a vls Chinã.

The result of all of this political infighting was a
series of documents which are, on the whole, qu¡te
good. The report of the human rights commisiion,
for exarnple, advocated abolition of capital punishment, recognízed the right of conscientious objection
Ìunder certain circumstances and called for the freeing

sf 'Íp¡isoners detained for their þrogressive political
úiews." Veteran World Peace Congress participants
reported that in their opinion these were very substantial gains.

14 WIN

. To everyone's surprise the concluding session oi
the Congress, at which the final declaratTons were to
be announced and adopled, was held up for nearly i
four hours as a resulr gf last minutepoiitical qi;- '
*
agreements. lt reminded me of the Oemãciatrc
national convention at which McGovern wound up
giving his acceptaflce speech at three in the morning.
The speeches and resolutions represent imoortañt
aspects of the Congress but possibly the most sig_
nificant result for many part¡cipanis was the faci to
face contact with delegates from remarkable places
like. Vietnam, Africa, Palestine and Cañbodia. Tt¡e

understanding that came from such encounters is
something that moves people to action in a.way that
no resolution ever can.
. For me personally the most moving part came
when I went down to GUM, the Soviet Union,s
largest and busiest department store, to distribute

leaflets-in Russian-calling for the release of some
of the 10,00 or so political prisoners in the USSR.
Lacking the courage to pass the damn thinss out one'
at a time I was putting piles of them out hõre and
there.. Apparently I was observed because as I was
leav.ing th-e building they nabbed me and dragged me
to the police precinct across thestreet-Moscõw,s
1

71

st precinct.

Onäe there I started to feel very much at home
because the place was so much like police stations
in this country-w¡th a lot of miserable-looling people trying to relate to a bunch of officials who,didn,t
seem particularly concerned.

Of course in my case they were very concerned and
before very long some folks from ,,uptown"arrived
to deal with the problem of me and my.leaflets_while
a huge crowd gathered in the hallway io try to get a
peek at the leafletter. I had no idea what woulð
happen-whether I would get 30 days or six months
or six years or what-so I was very surprised whe¡
they.let 4e go after a mere threç ând a half hours, a:,
very brief time indeed to spend âs a political prisôheÊ
Needless to say,ìf I hadn't been an honored äelegate
!9 th9 çgngfe¡s I would have- fared quite differenily. ,
.Had
this incident occured a few yeais earlier l,m sure
that the reaction would also havé been dífferent.
I've done up to fivè days for comparable crimes in

country.
'
We left Moscow the following morning with our
.
defegation.in
this

i

disarray and feelings of hosiility running
at a fairly high level. But in the process we fôw who had spoken out for human rightieverywhere had
found new friends and allies èven witñin our own
delegation and, more importantly, we were secure in
our belief that our actions had indeed had some
effect in terms of opening up dialogue in the Soviet
Union and the Communiit movemãnt in general. The
Soviet Union is a strong country that has-made real
and important contributions to human progress and
if it is to take its rightful place in the mainsiream
of history it's just going to have to learn to operate
tn an open and noncoercive manner. Let us hope
it learns'soon

ON SOVIET DISSIDENTS
i'ì.',
Letusbeginby,identifyingourselve5aboutspokencriticsof theforeignpolicy.of theUnited.States. Wehave .-:
ifrat fiòticy rnriåhi"i iftooll thqpvert, cruel, and monstrous iorin ãiiftt attacks on lndochina, or'whether i"

, õpþór"¿

'it'was,th"moirbou"rtbutnolesseffeöti.vgintervention'wehavejustwitnessedinChile.'l
Nor have we separated the issue of fordign policy from ifrat of domestic policy within Íhe i¡nite¿ States. We
oi tf'" iií¡f ii¡"rti.r of ãll citizens un¿ in årt oþposition tii.èvefy effort to irii';
have been vigorous ¡"
timiaate, hãäss, and silence ihose _who dissent. We have sought social justice for those, who by re4son of r?ce 'i
or religión or,national origin, founä themselves at economic disadvantage.

;;; ;;f;;r;

-lt

is not a secret that our'actions have been viewed in a hostile way by the government of the United States
and that some 6f us 6.nd many of our fridnds have at various times been brought to trial or imprisoned for our

Wementionthesemattersnotto'be

actions,orhavebeenforcediromjobsbecauseofourdìssentingviews.

self-serúing, but to make it clear we have'þarned the right to speak on the question of Soviet dissenters. We are
not Cold üàrriors. We welcome all steps,toward genuine detente with both the'Sovièt Union and the Peoples
nãpuUfii of China, and all tteps lowará.an end ofthe nuc'leaiarms race which threatens thé entire planet;dissenters
¡n tne cóuntries unãer the political control of the'Soviet Union-as liberals or radicals

Itiswiththiôbackgroundthatwespeak. Wer¡otethatmuchoftheWes_ternpresshasidentifiedall
*it'f.rin

tf.rãiôvi;tu;i;"-;;¿

when,infact,r¡anyarenot. Amongthedissentersarewrile¡ls,suchasSolzhenitsyn,.whoggpbjngs"a¡naiorliterary,

talerrd with aiônseivative viewpoinf or leading intellectuals such as Sakharov, Galich, and Maxim/ov, who can appeal
for the personal safety of the late Pablo Neruda while otherwise avoiding comment on events.in, Çhile because
they aré "too distantú. We sai,. first, to these, our Russian friends with wllom we may have d'sagreement9; that it
is only'the curtain of silence maintained,by your government and by our own which prevents you from knowing
that t'here have, for years, been voices raised againit Soviet actions in supp¡:essing disseqf . A¡d we say to yQu

that there are at this¡oui men and wbmen in þrison in Saigon and Santiago-and in the U.nited States-whose
situation is at lçast as desperate-as your\own, and who need the strength ofyour voices raised in protest on their
behalf, as you fìave asked them to plead yourlcause.r
But your actionò cannot determine our own; your views cannot óéiiriit us'to be sitenî ¡n fhe case of some

'

Sovieiáissentersand'piotestonbehalfofotheis. ltisintoleráble-absolutelyintolerable-foranyonetosetthe
ltisa
i¡r¡ttofireespeechór'bfthefreedomtowriteandopenlydistributeanddiscusswhathasbeenwritten.

factthatall goïernmentsarefearful ofsuchfreedoms. Theentire.seriesofeventsknownas"Watergate"sy.mthe powers of the United States t-o curtail such freedoms as we still enjoy. There are a thoubolize an effärt by'hittory.whèn.
men and women havè fought for their rights and won them-but there is not a
runã mãr"nts in

single example of a government freely granting such rigþts.
We therefore join in condemning'the Soviet government for its carypaign to.silence.not gnly ygur intóllectuals,
bqt ani Soviet cítizens who seek to exercise their righ ts-rights already defined by and.contaì ned in th.e SofLe! - -. . :

Cónstiíution. Wepointoutthatflnereisanunhappyparallel betweentheeventsinChileinl9T3andinCzecho-

slovakiain1968. inbothcaseseffortstocreateái"Marxismwithahumanface'lwereilestroyedbymilitaryintervention. ln 1968, with a minimal loss of life but widh 500,900 invading troops from the'Warsaw Pact; in 1973,

with a hideous loís of life and an army equipped by the Uríited States.
All will applaud as the Great Powers move away from that Cold War which so often in.the past generation
had threatened to become an open military encounter. But there is more than one war which must-be..ended'
Not only do we oppose the lhreatenilig gestures,great pow-ers'm.akç at oire another, brandishing nuclear weapons;
we also'oppor" th'e'hostile and repressÑðacts'made by thosé powers against their own people or their weaker
neighbors.' This,.too, is a kind of ,rvarwhich must end and -which can-bo'ended only whe-n-the conscience of
nrñunity finds ã cleár voice, one that doès not permit itself to justify the sùþþlession of freedom in one country
but not ánother. We support the Soviet dissidents in,their demand for the right to free speech and assembly; '
We call to the attention'óf th. SoViet'Government its own Consti.tution-iìÈd.fo'thçåq;hurnan"rights which no :

statehastherightorauthoritytoinfringe. . -,,.
lniriated by:

NoamChomsky tt
Rev.

Dan Berrigan

:.i.

.], ;, r .. "

David McReynold S

'n

'

r..

Dave Delling€r
Rev. Paul

-

Maris Caþars has been octive in the peace movement
for obout I 0 yearc but has never before found himself in a situation like this.

,

Sidney

Mayer

hck

Crace Paley

This is the text of the statement that wos reod by Poul Moyer in the Commission on Social Progress and Humon
Right's at the Moscow Congress of lilorld Peoce,
WIN 15

Ti;¡oI' 0:r¡¡o lSui ldor Go.fs rln'nrd
On Friday night, October 26, the ex-studentrs association of the University of Texas held anralumni
ceremony at the LBJ library mausoleum. And, coincidentally, Direct Action also held an awards ceremony at the same place and at-the same time and for
the same person. The person being so honored and
unhonored that evening was George Rufus Brown,
who is head of Brown 4nd Root, lnc. Brown and
Root is a major part of the monstrous construction
combine Raymond, Morrison, Knudson,Brown, Root
and Jones (RMK-BRJ), which built rhe infamous
Tiger Cages on Con Son lsland, South Vietnam.
The evening began around 5:30 with some early .
leafletters reaching the dinner guests and George
Brown himself. A well-publicized rally began two
blocks away at 6:00 with about 50 people gathered
around. At 6:30 the crowd along with our tiger cage
walked up the hill and by the time we reached the
library our small ,number had grown to over 200. lt
was amazing!

The demonstration was by now in full progress
with chanting and leafletting the very well-dressed
guests. The tiger cage v/as set up right by the entrance
with five people chained irrside. We were even "honored" with a big Texas grin from J ohn Connally.
One person got arrested for trying to go inside. He
had to take a piss. fit 7: 1 5 we moved down to a
glass door right outside of the auditorium. Our
presence was noticed by everybody. "Brown Builds
Tiger Cages!" and "The Rich Live High While the
Vietnamese Die!" were our favorite chants. The
police line, which was between us and the door was
stone-facedly doing their duty.
Pretty soon a yellow nylon rope was passed down
their line and all Hell broke loose. The tiger cage
was smashed by the police, with people still inside of
it and the front row of demonstrators was being
turned topsy turvy, but they held their place. After
30 long seconds it was over and all that was left was
a broken guitar, a smashed tiger cage, some bad Karma and some very determined demonstrators. Nobody was abbut to leave now! !! We sat down,
we sang, we shouted, we joined hands, we told
jokes, and we sang some more. This went on for
two and a half hours and it was the most beautiful scene the Austin peace ,movement has seen

in a long time.

Meanwhile, five of us got tickets for the event,
dressed up, and entered as part of the guests. The
first demonstrator in the audience, Susan Fox, iose
when George Brown was officially being introduced
by MC John Connally. She spoke out against his
receiving the award and was quickly ushered out.
Outs¡de she signaled the crowd and chanting was

picked up. All during the ceremony, chants of the
400 or so demonstrators could be heard, whenever

the dbors were opened. Guests were commentiñg
to one another about the demonstration-by the
end of the evening, all knew about George Brown,
tiger'cages, and the Vietnamese.
After Brown was officially given the Distinguished Alumni Award, the next two "well-dressed"
demonstrators, Christi Bourgeois and Hal Womack,
presented him with a framed photograph of a tiger

their attempts to "alienate" him from'
his white comrades by talking about

the Black Panthers and Martin Luther
King's assassination. "l donrt hate the
North Vietna.mese people," Parker:.:

cage, a framed reproductiolt_ of the contract to
build them, and letters from the Student Senate

said. "They deserve pity. ,¡ was a i
prisoner for five years. They're prisoners for tjre rest of their lives,"
When he gót back to the Uri,iÍed

a¡d Studentiody President protesting his receiving
the award. They tried to make a statément. but
were drowned out by The Walter Cronkite íilm and

States, Parker was amazed by l'the abundance of.blacks in respectab'le iobs."
The medical care that he received in
Army hospitals was "superb," especially in coìnparison with the inad-t
equate and negligent treatment he received in bombed-out North Vietnam.
(Other Vietnam veterans may wish to .
take excéption to Parker's views on
the Army's medical services.)
And what was the cgnclusion to all
this? "l plan to remain in the military,"
?arker says. " Right-how we need a
totally dedicated armed force made
up of volunteers.. We mul! establlsh
a'hard, wel l-trained-core ðf profes'
sionals. I hope to be one of those pro- ,
fessionalsr'i ì
-Eric. Prokosch

þy John Connally mumbling somethins over the
PAsystem. Police and plainclothesmen"came quickly down two aisles and escorted them out_unai.rested.

Now there were just two of us left,,Pamela Owens
and Ed Hedemann. A[ the end of the ceremony
'
everyone stood and sang "The Eyes of Texas.',
to
the
exit
turned
and were confronted by an eight
foot sheet banner which we unfurled in the bacÈof '
the auditorium reading "George Brown: Build'Un- .
derstanding, Not Cages" and in smaller print ,,200,000
people
US

still held in South Vietnamese prisons with
We were there for about a half a minute

aid."

seen by pérhaps a couple of hundred people, when a
young woman guest ran up to grab the banner from
us yelling 'rGet the Hell out of here! We didn't
invite you!" etc. We remained silent; the cops.
rushed in and we tried to sit down with the banner,
but wgre dragged out into the hallway whçre demonstrators outside saw us and cheered. Ed was pushed
up against a wall and handcuffed (not Smith &
Wesson, though). Ed asked why this was necessary:
"lt's just for your own protection! We tried talking with the police (two plainclothes University
police) to exþlain why we were demonstrating and
they had no reason to fear that we might run or
attack them or anyone else. Fortunately, they
were quite friendly and they got along well with
us as they chauffered us to the police station wherq
they kept us-for about 30 minutes. The prosecttotå
then refused to press the charges (disruptive bqhavior)
apparently feeling he couldn't win. We were then
chauffeuried back to the "scene of the crime" and
joined the demonstration still in progress.
Yes, we were still going strong and Frank Erwin,
one of the regents at UT was getting pretty uptight. Finally, he came marching out and passed the
order to "Move 'em out!" This was about 10:30
pm and there were about 50 demonstrators still
present. Belore long the yellow rope was out'and
before we knew it two of our brothers had been
arrested for resisting the police line; one being
Direct Action member Bruce Maxwell. After this
incident, the vibes were really bad and the tension
was high, so, Direct Action folks felt the best
thing to do was sing a song, give ourselves a hand,
and go bail Bruce and William out. Which we did.
The night was wonderful and everyone was on.a
really movement high. This was one of the best
demonstrations Austin has participated in and the
nonviolent feeling was very prevalent. So, we did
good and we think George Brown will think twice
before he signs that next Defense contract.
maybe.
-Ed Hedemann & Mary Robinson

Ed
and Mary Robinson are octive with
Direct ActÌon, the WRL group in Austin.

mpeach Ñixon demonstrat¡on at White House, October

27, Photo by Roger KranzlLNS

t
I

Ch AN
'

BANNER YEAR AT NEW
coMti,r'uNrTrËs

..-.. -'

This is the year everyone has been
working towards at New Communities, lnc. iri Georgia, the fìrst maior
land trust in the United States. As
the rich harvest comes off the fields

ES
'

.

'

soybeans, peanuts, sweet
potatoés, etc,-all those involved are. . '

-corn,

Saigon regime: hero worship-as¡sub'

How lT F'EELS To BE A HERO $itute for the truth. After the Korean rejoicing to know that the tplal.farm '
Remember last February, when the re; war, Vietnam war expert Maxwell Tay-., income this year (around $500,000)
:'
will more than compensate for the
turning POWs were bei¡g used _to churn lor ônce wrote, the American mood
up patriotism and the antiwar POWs
faced prosecution? lt looked as ifthe
Administration had something up its
sleeve-a new intervention in-lndo''

was one of

fruitration and this

last four"years of struggle to keep the
land and realize some of the dreams
which have kgpt us going.

was

partly responsible for the lack of atientiån to timite¿ wars in the years
'that
higher-ups who

:l
a
'' ' -'
handle
Market'to

Plans for the future include

followed. The

Little Farmer's
planned the return of ihe Viejnam
China, a new wave of repression at
produce from the NCI farm and'other
home. . .And then came the Watergate ÞOWs musi have beeh deterniined
small farms in the area. Neighbordisclosures, and President Nixon was that this should not happen again.,
farmers will be provided , :
-häod,small
''
Parker
in trouble.
Like other returned POWs,
Now we have one POW's story of .
wai'shoçered with gifts. Relûctant - wìth technical assistance and encourwhat it was all about. ln the SeptemPer alf¡rst, he soon u""ãpttd them gla{!5ì'- aged to produce for this retail nràrket.
'
i
1973 issue of the Army magazlne Jo/- "Most of the oeoole are sd sincere and' PlanJifÞr a,mq[e diversified farm
pigs,
winte.r
operatiol
cattle,
expense),
include
at
(printed
it
diers
feel they ¡ust aren't doTn' enouglb
Sovernment
wheat and early peas.
Sergeànt Fiist Class ?gryt¿ ,...R11d- woutd beã crime, aimost]'not to ac:
The Education Committee of NCI ".'perler,laptured by the. NLF and held
His
cept their offers," he said.
has
inaugurated a tutorial'program
prisoner five years, has.explatned: ception may have been accurate. What
people
for
the
entire county, designed to
giving
American
the
gap
a
there
between
Nixon's
"middle
is
"We're
raise the edt¡cational level of disad'
what they want and badly negd.;--_ Americans,'j who felt they weren't
vantaged students from 6 to 1 7 years
heroes. I feel it's our responslblllty,. "doing enough," and the thousands of
ofage. One hundred fifteen students
our duty to help them where posslble ant¡war protesters ov€r the years who
are attending every week. Thê fact
shed the idea this war was a.waste, use;, Jelt they weren't do_iirgenoúgh to stop
that this largely black group is attend'
less, as unpopular as it may ha.ve.oeen.'' the war!
ing a school on the NCI cooperative
Playing with the "post-war" AmerThe works of Lenin and Marx that
farm, run by their own people, has
ican psyche, telling us we were rlgnt, he was given to read in North Vietnam
educational signifÌcance far beyond
getting us ready for another-inter- only mãde him a "stronger anti'Comthe immediate objective of the provention and providinga iustit¡catlon munist," Parker said. He resented the
gram itself.
for the continued bombing of Cam- "trash"'they told him about minorityconditionsin the United States and
Uodia an¿ the costly support of the
-l nternational I ndependence I nstitute

-

,

16 WIN

wtN

17

1

ANT¡.WAR STUDENT WINS
AND APOLOGY FROM
Frlt
$lOOO

ln an unusual

case, Ronald Eachus,

former University of Oregon student,
won an out-of-court settlèrnent to his
$11,000 damage su¡t, when the FBI
agreed to pay him $1,000 and to
issue a public-apology.
Eachus charged that an FBI agent'
in Eugene, Thomas Ackerman, hãd
leaked the content of his file to the
news director of Station KPNW in
1 971 , who then passed it on to The
Daily Emerold, the uníversity newspaper, for the purpoæ of discrediting
him because of his anti-war record. ln the public apology, Sidney
Lezak, U.S. attorney for Öregon expressed "regrets concerning the recent
unfortunate incident" and stated that
"appropriate disciplinary action was
t¿ken in this matter in that Mc. Ackerman was reprimanded by the FBI and

.

suspended for one month."
Regarding the 91,000, Eachusls

attorney, Charles Porter-who, incidentally is a WRLer-announced
that one third of the money would go
for legal fees and the rest to Medicai*f im peck
Aid for

lndochina.

".TÏ.q POST-WAR-WAR:,, A
NEw sLtDE sHoW sV NnR[atC

lisr in WtN 11181731.. . .Rior and
,on ir,ur;"r;;;;ii;irJì'sNcc

ACTIONS FOR CHILE
CONTINIUE...

ar_

Ag:.T::r li:liLiç åi",ï:îîi¿:",,îL?,if.:iüi.

rhe signing of rhe paris
changed the character, buinot
goals of the war in Vietnam:

*1t',,ï,:í",fiyr9,oa13:ltlg
duced by NA RM rc

the
in l.gglnt
"rhe

ilrl"lgøl have been dropped for,,lack
äi åu¡¿"nr..,, And the prosecuting

ü,orn"v

(|.,:Ïåi:iii,åi

was fined sjsõ.fät" pubticty

the

Xdlnitli.ng

;'Ë"'s.;;;'"bäsr1s"

.'

ü'ì'i¡ìr¡'i,.vr"åffi'ii"' 3;â;i"i;'ii-'å';ll"'''3åi*."'i,11ì:'
åiilåîllrl;

ifl,lËËiffföiil,iilr'r T''ff:"

å-jilit'i'iila¿irur,.,
.

vice Committee. documente! ilre.
development olthe ele.ctronic
new show,

äh for,,armed robberi.,,. . . .ln the
battle- äLg,
Conspiracy trial, the original

tl''r
üö
citaíions i',,*a uv
ïr'i*î:Xi;f,;,'J
-éilhi;i"i'ili1il,1*
"o,'r"'pi
veropmenrs i"
trating how rhe u's'
piop.yp läffi JJJ ï:;i::lH,rï:ilåÏ;
ll,"Jí

acrs
öËit"so, Tom smi! one of ;#äd;¿"r,
!o
the Thieu governmenr_i1;o,1tg-Vieinurn.
was underground for four
Like irs predecessor,
yJurc unA was oustîJËuiin! tn, wnl
War War" coutd becomea

,,-Tl:l-"jo ïii¡o
cenrrat ô;i*;;9.i; äitf;ffiihÍ,
resource in rhe ca.mpa.ign

educarionat
to oppose the conrinued war in
nam.
rh e s h ow wh ic h co n ra i
d
T -1 9 g : ji
and accompanying script, cosrs

irãä wlñ-g7äi

Vier-

ìoUer

*
g50.

summer,
on oc-

nil;;;;^;iast

¡l i.;;räËi;hñ;;ånstitu_

üllî:}"ji.

¡iTiä"il" li t$t-i å,îbiï
ãrìul'î"uiing,Ll?á',.äï¿eä Edwin Rob_
It comes. with a pamphter.rhar.docu- ;;; wi¡
bf'oàcàmúéiiîiìo a.m.. . . .
ments all the material in the slides and
ôi'ñov"mUer
1, Karlton Armsrrong
.script. A 25-minute version of the
ius'r"nt"n"u d to
23 years (out of a
"i,:'-,v-:'i:

available.

)'
-::i::::';'"ì He pleadedguiltv
to
f|jirut.zs)'
south 6th si;;ü, Þï ¡iii."ñ'n:,;"'' i?fr
i,ili :#jì"::,il:l;l"i å:îi:i
"19102.
Pennsylvania
Orders must
;:'i¿ I'
:
u" p'"'pá¡ ¿.
ù ruiti'"''äi s""*
ll,::],i, f ,f,? ii?,ff !'$:: ifl ïJäi
"
::; ¿'#l;,ï: ii?"i,îf"3 i åi?,
show is also

write ro NARMrc, clo AFSC¡1'r2

Sunday, November 4, the Chile
' .:

Solidarity Committee held marches ,

TO HALT A.TESTS
IN AIR_BUT NOT BEFORE'76
"France, apparently yielding somewhat
to world opinion, has begun work on
plans to hold future nuclear tests underground at two uninhabited atolls in
the Pacific, the area commander for
the tests disclosed today." So stated a
UPI dispatch November 3 reporting an
interview with Admiral Christian

both English and Spanish, and all
were eloquent. They included Edward
Boorstein, an econorf¡ist who has work.
ed in Cuba and with the Unidad popu-

Claverie, commander of France's
Pacific fleet.
The dispatch mentioned the "ruling

.by

-

the lnternational Court of J ustice
to stop testing in the atmosphere,"
but did not mention the unprecedented

protest actions this year which included
Australia's complete boycott of French
goods and services, England's one-week

boycott and New Zeafand's dispatching a Navy protest vessel into the test
area, augmenting the group

of pr¡vate

protest vessels.
Admiral Claverie "said it was impossible to determine when the underground tests might begin to replace
the atmospheric tests," the dispatch
continued. "Government sources said
that France might conduct open-air
nuclear tests in 'l974and 1 975 before
the underground installations were
completed sometime in 1976."
-f im Peck

l8 wtN

As anticipared (wr N "t 1,t 1 t7
Teamsters reneged on their

the
agree3),

PR tsoN
NOTES

ïliff-J:flËìí,fxË,Hll"å:ilåll;",

;;;;.;;;;;

.

g;i;il,

*¡ri,ïoiä tn"

"sweetnow
boycoft.
of Safew-ay Stores. has been

Picketing
stepped up in Californil

ìb, a-small Uut
erit'husiastic crowd
*" turned out for the

in Detano, [i.ïl-'off
1nd

fü:ff:?i'r''?%:åÏrrij.iç;iltu
mission has voted tò str
grapes and iceberg'lettu

versitv of Pittsburgh ul::-ic.t::9

1.

i,l

"n

ilr..piãriJ"nt,,

;*nfmltru**::l'n,,
uürilìtionr, the united Narions adopred

?lil h1fiffiioìi"*.* t#l*il","""åt;t;ti;fï+#1iJ"""
li'f:iilï
York Farmworker picketing
caused iËorf li. in
has

D'Agostino supermarketsl:

scab lett{ce and grapes

:T,:u"
ll:l^tþil

west Africa is still fighting

iãiìi,Ilãdà'¡ir;íii;#î#rg"r" rrr..

i-nel

å,åf

nat¡ons who vored ro uphotd

''l'i'J:;;,?;J,ïi,:i1"'iä'i.ï"'ffi
*ï'.:'r'#e'i:Ë:nLli*:*¡ü,",
White River Farms Wine,and all
Lrrw u
ñãúiit"¿
Kiñgáom and if,ó-U.S. of n.
..
Gallo wines. (See complete boycott

_Marty lezer

lar (UP) in Chile; Joe Cottins (pictured
above) from the lnstiruteof policy
Studies; Che Velasquez, Puert'o Rican
Socialist Party, imprísoned for draft

behind the speakers st¿nd. This
will come true if the people at the
rally, in the slums and ghettoes of
this country, and in çountries throughout the world, remembsr that the
differe.nçes.which divide them are
nothing compared to fheir shared
dream ofjustice, freedom and peace.

-Photo and.Story byìtrad Lyttle

t

A group of inmates at Lorton, Vir- folitidal iepreision continues as a
gìnia Reformatory call themselves policy of an administration riddled
Jailhouse Lawyers, lnc. and consider with corruption and illegal actions on
themselves "people's servants in !he- - . the part.of its own offìcials. The
avenues of pÌogressive priton reforrn. . . Wosh¡ngton Post reports that the case para-legal counsels, as we have know- against the Detroit 15, indicted for
ledge of.civil and criminal law." These conspiracy to bomb varíous buildings,
was dropped by the government rather
men are in need of legal material,
legal reference works, books on prison than expose the way its evidence was
reform, as well as postage'stamps. They obtained. fét Guy Goodwin, the
government's special attorney for
can receivê all matdrial. They are
prosecuting political cases, maintained.
Nathaniel Wright I I l, Tyrone' Hunt,
' '
that the case against the weatherBenorarais T. Webster and Larry C.
people for theCh¡cago "Dayi'rif Rãþê'i
Clemons. You can write them at the
,'1
l
.',
t\
Lorton Reformatory, Lorton, Virginia in October, 1969 would still be
brought to,trial as would "¡everal úher
Lorton inmates are a'lso concerned conspiracy cases still pendlng around
',|
,1
that word be circulated about the non- the country and that some of them
violent work stoppage which sûarted involve two or three defendants."
in the ind ustrial division la undry
Any such tríal is serious business and
pdrtment and withiñ a'few .day3 spreád those charged should'be supported by
to thé Ktchen. lt later spread to other movement people. These court ac., sh(Bi involving more than ttree hud :.,..tigñ¡ tie up legal talent, place a ter- i
dred *nen." The obiect of the action
riblê psychologièal burden on the pee
was tö get b etter þay and
involved, and drain valuab le re-

,

:.

,

Hklh;;'ü#;',',"åiiililillî,1,1'l.0
1,ulìt *ã,

opponents.

"Chile will Win", said the banner

22079.

".,"J",,,,,,.
fied about the war in Armstrong's

ment with the United Farmwo.rkers
feJerat ¿ñilg eì"" ;iui"pl'ðn. ,r.
and the AFL-ClO and have.indicated ,;to'prot"rt
continued U.S. involvement
that they will honor illegal
inïetnam.,' Telðpñoneiai refusal
heart" contracts with California. grape ø, *iA"rpr"ad
during th.
'. h"l;h;ü
srowers. The future of rhe UFW
ii,ã"nti_*är;;;ñftf
..in rur*
rests with the consumer
Vã* CitV, ¡fou"rnU"i

i:

1

a

fr

Ao^ul!^D-!lt.-..-

{'

The spepkers stressed the ¡mportance of co¡tinuing protests against
the coup, and continuing demarids
that executions and tortuie beàs{'and
that all political prisoners be freed. The
Ugarte government must nerier believe that the world will sleep while it
persecutes its
,

cold gusty, northwest wind seemed
to have swept the sky clean of pollution, and the wind turned the Hudson dark. But the cold didn't discourage the 3-400 demonstrators who
stuck through the three hour rally,
stamping their feet, swinging their ¿
arms and huddling together for warmtñ
Several of the speakers spokê in

to present testimony about the war;

oF RECENT NEws

guitarmusic.

and demonstrations in support of
democracy and Socialism'in Chile.
Other recent Chile râilies have taken
place in Berkeley, Chicago, Toronto
and London where 20,000 marched.
It was a'clear day in Néw York. A

1

.FRANCE

resistance; Maigie Albert, District 65
Union; Ree! Wolcott from Bella Abzug's office; and Alan Howard for the
Chile Solídarity Committee, Memþe¡s
of El Grupo provided spirited. songs and,

People in prison who resist the tyranny they confront daily need and deserve support. Some recent calls for

help include:
Three women who are on strike in
the lntensive Program Unit at the
California lnst¡tute for Women against
a program of forced behavior modifìcation. Their report, published in the
September-October issue of The Out- ,
Low, says: "The structure of this program emplbys the use of transactional
analysis, without the benefit of trained
staff or professional medical persons.
We are under constant pressure, with
6 hours of attack grouping and two
hours more of structured evening
activity. This along with being locked
and segregated from the main population 24 hours a day, without basic freedom or rights that are accorded other
inmates of the institution."

de-

cóilïitÍons. At latest

At last word a group of inmates of the
Ohfg Prison at Lucasville were still'
undef 24-hour lock-up for their ac.tion in support of organizing an Ohio
Prisoners Union. Oneóf them re.
ported, "Ever since we held a 'peaceful' work stoppage May 24, there has
been a 24-hour lock-up, beafings,
macings and simply barbaric tactics
taken against Ohio Prisoners Labor
Union Members."

for the

ç.

movement. Leglal

defense of the Gainesville Eight came to $150,000, while
the Ellsberg-Russo defense cost nearly
$1 million. Tom Wicker noted these
financial facts in his New York Times
coluinn and suggested that federal
judges should have the discretion to
assign part or all of thé defense cost
costs

to the government when prosecütion
is blatantly unnecessary. Since the
financial drain is a part of the planned
repression, the chance of the government's accepting Wicker's proposal is

about as likely as the awarding of the
Nobel Peace Príze to a pacifist.

'

-["arrY C'aá
wtN 19

A Fllvr

o

A

O

¡

¡

o

D

THE PEOPLE'S

LAWYERS

I' ; I¡
]

Marlise James

qu"rtionr. wiíhout

368 pages. $8.95
The cultural revolution has brought mdny changes in the
daily lives of most Americans since the early 1960's. Most
of these changes are the subject of intense inve.çtigation and
heated debatãby social historians, philosophers, theologians,
politicians, journalists and iust about every other citizen.
'Even

:5

A BEAUTIFUL FILM
An issue of WIN featuring Chile would be incomplete without a review of the really great film, eue Hacer (What,s to
be Done), which opened ai New Yoikrs Bleeckei Street
Theater a few days after the tragic, military takeover. I
hope it will be made available to moviegoers in other cities.
It can be rented from lmpact Films, 144 Bleecker St.,
New York, NY 10012.
Photographed in color, with an excellent cast of unknowns, it gives the feel of Chile in that period of hope
leading up to the election of Salvador Allende in 1970.
You see the rugged Andes mountains, which characterize
Chile, the flimsy hovels sparked at the time with revolutionary hopes, the billboards advertising American products-constant reminder of U.S. economic domination.
You meet the people on the scene at the time, ranging
from a group of totally insensitive Americans carousing at
Santiago's Sheraton Hotel to a revolutionary priest who
is assassinated in an outlying village. You dig the prevailing political dissent in the contrast between a Stalinist
legislator living in luxury and the son, who expresses his

revolt by joining the militant, ultraleft.
Linking the opposite poles, on centerstage is a CIA
agent posing as an engineer who.dates an idealístic Peace
Corps worker sympathetic with Allende. He offers to drive
20 WIN

her back from Santiago to the village where she is working
(and where, subsequently, the revolutionary priest is killeã).
'
During that ride, these two persons are physically close
together but mentally far,apart. As the car speeds along the
road, he is daydreaming about fucking her'while she isdaydreaming about how the Lj,.S. is "fucking,' the Chilean
people-which is deftly brought out by flashback technique.
All the various characters in this sensitive blend of fiçtion and documeñtary are real human beings with their'
respective weaknesses and indecisions. No6ody is10ú/o
certain of being RIGHT. ,lt is a sensitive fïlm done with
such artistry that one is ¡eminded of the great Costa-Gavras
\lm,ltate of Siege, which was photographed in Chile,
though the action takes place in Uraguay, except that eue
Hacer seems more for-real, possibly because of its nonprofessional cast. Credit for Que Hacer must go to its directors
Saul Landau (who did an earlier, well-receñed documentary.
on Fidel Castro), Nina Serrano and Raul Ruiz.
The artistic quality of the f¡lm was reemphasized to me
a week later when I saw another film on Chile, lUhen The
People Avwke. Produced by MlR, one of the militant
ultraleft groups critical of Allende's united front policy,
this film is one of those propaganda jobs which keep hammering you over the head till it hurts. All that can be said

in its favor is that is is pro-left, rather than pro-right.

-f

the cultural revolution itself has u¡dergone several
transformatiòns in the last few years' lúost of these changes
have occurred so rapidly, and have bèen of suchra fundamental nature, that even many activists in the revolution have
been unable to keep uP with them.
' lt seems like more{han five years since I attended the first Nixon counter-iriâuguration in January, 1969. But
one memory is vivid. During the rally which preceded the
march, several speakers ran down their thing, an'd at the
very end of all these speakers, three women töok the platform. They identified themselves as membqrs of the Women's
lnternationãl Terrorist Conspiracy from Hêll (W.l.T.C.Fl.)
and then began to speák to the crowd about the sitqation
of wemen in society and in the revolution. ThÇ reaction t
of the crowd varied from snickers and giggles to outrage and
vehement attempts to shout them down. And now, nearly
five years later, everyone in Ameriea is hotly debafing
Women's Liberation.
And so it goes with many othêr areas within the cul..!Ural revolution. One area whiçhsèems to exist in a special
vacuuin is thq 'lPeople's Law Movement," an outgrowth of ¡
the.legal defenSe work by lawyers on behalf of thousands
of Movement,people since the early 1960's., Yet, for all
the work these attorneys have done, for all the people
they've represented and defended, manji of us have very
little knowledge of who these attorneys are, or how wide'
spread across the country and within the Movement they are.
Marlise James has written The People's Lawyers in an
attempt to clear up the ignorance and confusion that surrounds the "Peoþle's Law Movement." The need is real,
and Marlise has tried mightily to fill that neéd; But look at' :
the scope of her task! There are hundreds of attorneys
working through all kinds of law,firms; çolleotives and
communes, and they are everywhere in this'cou:ntrç How
does one go about presenting the incredible 4mount of in- ,
formation that now exists and needs to be conveyed? Well,
Marlise has tried two methods, and, while they both involved a tremendous effort on her part, somehow they '' ',
don't always work-in some ways they tend.to cloud the
issue rather than shed light on it.
First. she tried to organize her book either around a
particulâr attorney and the type of Movement law he/she
iepresents, around a law organization and sonie of the
people who made that organization work; or ai'oünd a
ielection of the country and some of theqttorneys and
legal organizations working

in,that.sectiol.."Ifu result

im Peck

is

ttrat I often found myself confused as to Marlise's intent
in each chaoter. Did she want to concentrate on the attorneys or the organizations, and what kinds of law do

these people praciice (most of the firms handle a wide

variety of

cases)

?

lqf.gl :
also transcribing the questions. Búq the

ilÑ;tãú;yiii.t¿ tt'. transcribed.their

Holt, Rinehart & Winston, N.Y., 1973

When þublic transportat¡on people ¡n Santlago de ch¡le went.on strlke for 24 hours, w_orkers found other ways to got to work.
Here students and worke6 on a truck with ttactor ¡n tow and a non-strikins ¡uitieão tõi vóiünriiü iaËãi ¡üiõri¡llã¡!. Þnäió"'
from La Nac¡on/LNS.

The secorid method Marlise used to develop the book upb
to leave herself out of it as muöh'as possible, and to allow "
the attorneys to speak for themselves. She had interviewed

''

responses

Uook too'often got sidetracked into long passages of attorneys' opinion-s and speculations without sticking to. the
point., whìch was to develop a perspective on.the law being
þractióed by these "People's Lawyers." Another problem 'r
ârising from th¡s method was that she didn't rearrange the
transc-riptions, so that I found myself, at each new para'
graph, isking lhe question which pattern had shown was
neit ón Mañise's list. The repetition was somewþat weari-

some after awhile. ln some cases, the transcriptions be'
came confusing in an amusing way. ln one section of the
book, Marlise ñad interviewe{ r¡embers of the f.eople's Law
Offide, a.ccimmune in Chicago. Anyway', !n a spirit of pre'
serving the collective thinking sf the commune, Marlise

attributed none of the quoted material.to anyone in particular. At one poi'nt, I had gone two paragraphs fttto a tran: '

,

scription where the speakers had changed before I realjzed i
thai not only were the spea'kg-rs two different people, but
they were tw-o different Sexes3s well.
Finally, there are two otheT problems I had with the
book. Marlise has 3 frustrati¡g habit of'mentioning cases
and peoplè-iiiari off¡anA wây'withóut filling in any of the
pertinent details about them. For instance, she tells
àbout John Butenko, an America4 engineer charged with
espionage. Leonard Weinglass (of Chicago Eight and Ellsberg-Russo fame) defended Butenko and the trial became
the.longest espionage trial in U.S. history. But what was
'the
outãome? ln añother instance, Marlise mentions that
Leonard Boudin of the Nattonal Emergency Civil Liberties . '
:.
Committee {NECLC) defended J udith Coplon in an es-.
pionage case, and Rockwell Kent in a freedom of travel
.,:i
case. There is no other mention of these names and l'm
. .,
still not certain who they are,,though I think I've heard of
Judith Coplon.
"i
There is one other nitpicky gripe I have. 'G'iven the
:

targe numUer

of names,-iaw iìimi'an¿ collectives¡

cases

and' -. "

otñer data, I thinkthe book demands an index. .lf you were.. :' ;
' '!
ever to use this book to locate source materiä|, you'd' be
l'oít without an index. Perhaps future editions will include

one. I hope so.

:-

But for the feW shórtcomings, The People's L4wyers is a
fascinatine book: .,Marlise introduces us to some articulate,
hard,worÈi ng,'in¡erpstilr g peop l e- -They ofte n d isagree wi th
eaçh'-ôther's meth ods, li fêõtyfes; àñô op i n i ons ab ou t the

l'viability of cburts as instruments of social reform. Some''

times, dtre¡r disagreements border on contempt for each . r rother. But they are all dedicated'to making the law work
for the people. The pictures of certain attorneys, like
Jerome-Cohen of UFWOC, are exceptionally vivid and'
expertly
-'-'Nrií¡r.drawn.
tites has put a lot of effort into making this
book. I think if it had appeared as a series of articlçs in a
,'ñrajor daily newspaper, she'd probably win a Pulitzer Prize.
Ân¿ you learn all sorts of nifty little things in this book.
Did vou know that when Clarence Darrow represented John
T. Sóopes at the famous "Monkey Trial" in Tennessee in
1925. Darrow was working undei the ausp¡ces of the ACLU?

n¡ñtthat

sump'n'?

Mike Abell
wtN 2l

¡

:

t.
qOSTCARDS, I'm sllk-screen¡ng postcards
frgm mlr paper cutt¡ngs, npproi, 5"x&,,,
pr¡nted in white on lovely papers. Will sei.ld
you 9 for $1, ppd. Mark Morrls, Box 38,
Poe,

WV 26683.

EDITI NG, REVl5lON, REWBITING_,. from
g.g.r'lìgbgqy

who le_afned the HARD wáy-at

of carpentry, cabinetmak¡nq, masonry, adobe cónstrutlion. roofing, plastering, dam build¡n9, ditch d¡dging,
horse tra¡n¡ng, etc. Super-rèasonable rates;
our neeqdare small, but presslng. Wlll conslder any íob that doesn't reouiie teavinq the
Southwest, & ¡f necesslty dictates and cóndltlons are salubrious, even some that do.
Wr¡te to¡ Johnson, Somewhere ín New Mexico. c/o WlN.
WIN_. Also any k¡nd

Free if no g lnvolved but timlted
words. Otherw¡se gl €very
IO words-

!o- 20

LABOR-a speciat l70 page
iss.ue. of RADICAL AMER tCA inctüdín9
articles on WoEen and Unlons by Selmã
James and Shelia Rowbotham, Womèn and
the Fanlly by Lisa Voeget, anä reports on
Women's Llberat¡on and- Låbor Union
5 UpStruggles ll Britain, 92.O0 from RA,-B¡land Rq., Cambrldge, Mass., 02t4O.
monthly subs $5,0O a yêar,
WOMENTS

HANG IN THERE, an album bY HOLLY

NEAR. The songs, born of exper¡ences
travellinq wlth the FTA Show and wlth the

lndochina Peace campalgn, spêak of war,
women, and change. ($3,5o) Redwood
Records, 565 Doolln Canyon, Uki¡¡h, Ca,
95482. Airmail wlth your holiday card
enclosed ($4.50),

AMNESTY BRACELETS! with names oi
war fesistefs and deserters. copper s3,
Nickel $5. cash or Money orders only.
Write¡ Midwest World Relations Federatlon lnc., Attn.: J.R,G,. P.O. Box 5964,

All-healthy "soc¡al (?!) Sackurlty"
brothef ANXlous to EXlr Muqgers' snakeplt to.physícal, . .usefulness on farm, small
town, anywhere! Mr. Mathias Bernhaldt,
1238 Morrls Ave., Bronx, NY 10456.

N.J, sAÑE, 324-w Bloomfield Avenue,
Montclair, N.J, 07042.

L

held
1

WRL so,
req ulted

cove

ng si

4 p.m. on
8.

sessrons, Calt (2121

âb

on of $25 is

one of the

Prlsoners collectln g Stamps-Donations of
Stamps, Albums, Books. Anythlng
Philatel¡c Needed, Torry L. Flower.
P.O,B. 2304 Stat¡on B, L¡ncotn, N€braska,
685 02

THE SOCIALIST TRIBUNE is for build¡ng
a non-sectarian sociallst movement. The
only regu¡remeht for joining us is b€l¡ef ¡n
democracy, Sênd for a free sample copy.
1012 Nofth 3rd street; suite 317; M¡twàuk€e, Wiscons¡n 53203,

JOIN THE STRúcGLE foriusilce for
farm workers. Full-time and part-t¡me
help needed. UFW, 134 Elmwood
Number 3, Evanston, lllinois 60202,

.

XMAS comlng, Children's wards need
toys, games or any ¡tem that might
brlghten up a huge, dank c¡ty hospital.
All contr¡butlons gratefully acc€pted,
Ms. Llnda M. Shepherd. 569 A L¡nden
Blvd., Brooklyn. N.Y. 11203
Handrhade Christmas hol¡clay glft tags,
25 to â pkgsOd per i¡ngle påc-kase. á packfor $1.O0, m¡n¡mum order 91,O0.' Tags
madê f rom usqd Christmas cards-an ecological pfus, All praceeds go to the peðce
group of the purchaser's cho¡ce. Checks
can be mâde out d¡rectly to the peace
group, with an enclosed correcfly addressed
and stamped envelope to the peace qroup
enclosed in the order. Order f rom: Murlet
C. Hyman, 1O Tamaques Way, Westfleld,
NJ 07090.

"lnto this world, this demented

lnn, in which there is absolutely no room for Him

at all, Christ comes uninvited." The cards are 10

for $2,100 for $15 or 500 for $60. Add 1O%for

postage and handling arid send payrñent wíth order.
A brochure of õther cards (as well as books and

other gifts) is sent on request. Write:
THE FELLOWSH¡P OF RECONCILIATION
Box271, NYack, N.Y. 10960

Write for informotion

:1

Bhedonto, Fosdolsgcc¡d, 946fJ Brovsl, Denmqrk

(

*

cZS Lons%g

onnounces its opening semesùr Februory 2,1974.

a page for every week in the Year

a.lisiing of peace organizations and periodicals, American and foreign

TIpn¡nerEIyII Tlovf

blank pages for no\es and advance appointments in 1925 '
láA paèe, 51/2" x|t/z",wire-bound and flat-opening; th'e'
calendar pages'can be removed when the year is over, .

leaving a bóund volume

AFRICA'197 4 LIBERATION CALEN DAR

THE 1974 WAR RESISTERS LEAGUE PEACE

Satutes the courageous peoples of Southern Africa and Guine.

This political and educational calendar highlights significant dates from contemporar.y anti-imperialist revolutions as it honors the liberation movements.
Thirteen original drawings plus quotations and poetry selections from middle
cadre and movement leaders capture the bold spir¡t of the heroic peasants, wdrkers, men, women and youth who carry forward the revolutionary struggles in
Africa.

ovER 2,000 CALENDARS REQUESTED BY,THE LTBERATTON MOVEMENTS!
Frelimo will use 500 inside liberated territory of Mozambique, "for distribution to our var¡ous camps, bases, education centers, etc."

;kffiü[

oßDER YOUR '.1974 Ll',,rERATtON CALENDAR NOW
And help send the requested cop¡es to MPLA, FRELIMO, PAIGC,
swAPo, ANC,'ZAPU!

ages

22 WIN

Thomas Merton:

NOR,DENFJORD WORTD UNIVERSITY
dedicoted to experimentol higher educotion in
the context of o spirituol poth

for i nfo,

Commun¡ties: consultation, free literature
l¡st; Community Service, lnc. Box 243a,
Yellow Spr¡ngs, Ohio 45387.
NO AMNESTY FOR.NIXON stIckefs
18"X3" 5/$1. rO0/$r0. 100o/$so.
N.A.F.N., Box 804, Adelphi, Md.
Two Ch¡lean university students are in
need of jobs here ¡n New York. lf any
Wl N readers can offer them employment
or refer them to someone who can; please
contact Jonathan Lee, 7068 Carmán Hall,
Columb¡a Unlvers¡ty, N.Y,C. 1OO27.

INTEREST FREE LOANS to organizations
Pa. Money from refused war taxes. WTR ''
Life Fund, Box 573, Bêthlehem, Pa. 18016.
End explo¡tâi¡on, oppresslon
-d6månd war:
Build a'f rièndly,'clasileas,
ocratÌc
Party-USA.,
world. Jo¡n the Socialist
1012 N. 3rd St., M¡lwaukee, W¡s. 53203.
¡n need, w¡thin 2O0 ml. rad¡us of Bethlehem.

q college of

will
w¡ll

T

For several decades, the Fellówship of Reconciliation has raised money
toward its peace work by sellins its own cards for use during the sea-,
sorlg of Christmas and Cñanúta-n (though a number pf the cards can be
used at any time durins the vear). The two new card.s for 1973 center
on familv life in settinss of ereatsimplicity. One is a traditional wood'
iut, Ur¡ehtly colored, tiãr V¡ãi"ãr-u ,t"n" illustrating all the stages of
the rice harvest (on the back of the card there is a commentary on the
art form by Vo'Dinh). The other card-printed in a mustard gold-is the
traditional nativity gathering, a wood engraving emphasizing the dawn
doqp by Eric Gill, the English pacifist and communitarian who died in
t S41. fhe inside of the Viehamese card is blank; inside the Gill card

(Dallas), (2L41 254-A463, -9102.

bhedãnta

35d. lnou¡reabout bulk rates, checksto
n Thl€s DIG¡a

Simplicity of Life....

âre several lines from a Christmas meditation by

cleveland, ohlo 44101,
.SAY GOODBYE DICKI Bumperstickers-

Noted craftswoman
condu ct three work
techn¡ques
of

P.M. BOOKSTOFE.,728 Vallejo 5t., San
Francisco, CA 94133. Spec¡alizing in Books
on: The Movement * Third World * Politlcal Economye* Anthropology * Philosophy *
Soclology * Psychology * Educat¡on * H¡story, etc. Also Fict¡on, Poetry, Drâma &
Art books. Books þought, sold & traded.
ThE CATONSVILLE ROADRUNNER ¡S A
monthly magaz¡ne for spirltual and political
rovolut¡on, Origlnally ¡nsplred by the actlons
of the Berrigan Brothers and other Christian
râdlcals lt now regularly reports on many
aspects of the radical scene here in Britain
and abroqd-nonviolence, antl-mllitary,
commun¡ty act¡on, sett¡rig up alternaflûes
etc. E¡ngle coples 30C seamail/sod airmail
or suþscr!ption, $3.50 seamailT 95.5O alrma¡l for 12 ¡ssues from 28 Bfundretts Road,
Manchester 21, England,
SHARE common ¡deas. I nêed a companion
and/or roommate ln thls wllderness. Glenn
Oswald, 711 W. Ploneer, lrvlng Tx 7506I

ÇOST: Calendars @ $3.00, 10-100 @ $2.00,100-500 @ $1 .Q0.
Send certified check or money order to:

LSM INFORMATION CENTER

BOX 94339, RtCHMOND, iJ.C., CANADA

CALENDAR AND APPO¡NTIT4ENT BooK
Selected by Dolores McAuliffe, and with a óp'ecíal introduction by Dick Gregory, the 1974 Peace CâIë'¡dar contains
insights into the lives, visions and anguish of the lndians
,
'of
North America.

Only slowly are we becoming aware of

"t̡e

our common land.
fhe'1974 Peace Calendar contains not only quotes from
lndian'writing and statements, but drawings, þhtographs

library.

,.

I
.

'

through.

$2. 7s
I

enclo_9e

copies

of:the 1974 hà-ôeeahnd¡r;{$2,J5-e¡ch, $5 for 2)
(Please

Please

fY

add 1Ol" 1o¡ foreign postage)

send

.

'i'.,¡:r':i

$5 for two

t

copies to me:

-

name

my address

natives of

end illustratiõns.

permanent

'
The Peace Calendar is a unique and inàxpensive gift that I ;
year
whole
the
will be in use each day and remembered
,li

wisdom of

the first Americans, living as they did with respect for.th.e
land, counting the clouds and rivers as aspecis of a total
reality. Pressed now by pollution and smog, we are willing
to look back and learn from those whosè land we ioo[
by violence and deceit.
No chapter in American history is morershameful than
the treatment meted out to the first inhabitants of this land.
There is no.way we can compensate the lndians for the
betràyal imposed on them. But we can:'lcarn from them,
and in the process of learning, we can hopefuiþ find once
more the_natural path followed so long ãgo by these, the

for your

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339 Lafayette Street New York, N.Y. 10012
WIN 23

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a

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toWlN,themagazinethatbringsnews-ofpeaceweekafterweek. lt'sagiftthatprovidesvaluable.informationand
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Because we bei¡ev" that it's a good thlng that people lik'e
a free copy of David McReynolds important book WE

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yourself help WIN to get around we have decid.ed to
HAVE BEEN.INVADE D BY THE.2l st CENTU RY

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